Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop, Saturday, August 20, 1864

For nine days I have been prevented from making usual notes. Little passed I care to recall; I force myself to write today. I know no one who takes a general note of things; it is with hesitancy as well as difficulty, that I do. I cannot say that mine is more than meager penciling. They are samples of the best and some of the worst things that I note. Two of the sick mentioned the 11th, died the 13th; the others on the 15th. One had turned gray since I first saw him. He had money but could not save himself. His was the common complaint. He died within four feet of me suddenly falling; was from Pennsylvania. Another old prisoner died today of squalor within a few feet of us. The mortality, notwithstanding the removal of so many of the worst cases, has increased. The average is over 100 per day this month. On the 15th, 140; the 17th, 128 died. I am told by a man who is on duty at the hospital. The sick again admited to the gate for prescription; but three taken to the hospital out of several hundred applicants. It is the most disagreeable task one ever had to do, to cary a sick man before the doctor and then it amounts to nothing.

H. D. Merritt of our company was taken out in an awful condition on the 14th. He is from Sodus, Wayne county, N. Y. Fourteen of Company F have died; eleven more are in bad condition. (This does not include myself.) Madison hurt his foot a few days ago; his blood is so weak that it does not heal. Gangrene set in; it has eaten to the bone. The limbs of others are so affected as to be unable to walk. Most of them were strong heavy men, but we have to carry them to sick call. Gangrene is one of the frightful phases of these diseases. W. M. Townsend of the 111th N. Y. received a slight scratch on his thigh which has spread to a large and painful sore. It is by great precaution it is kept from being maggoty. The 12th I accidentally found Hanson, a young German of our company whom I had not seen for a long time, he belonged to another detachment. He was helpless but could talk; had fallen in the swamp, was completely daubed. His gums are rotted with scurvy; the backs of his hands and feet raw from sunburn; maggots actually crawling in his flesh. I got Sergeant Burton and went to the gate begging aid. At last got the answer, "You Yanks do something for your own selves." We returned to Hanson, lifted and gave him water, cleansed his wounds, found his detachment sergeant, borrowed a ragged blanket to cover him; could do no more. He died August 16th.

Tunnel was discovered not long since this way: It had been completed to the point where they wished to come out. The head man was pulling down the dirt when suddenly it broke away covering him, and down came a gray jacket with a Rebel in it, gun and all. The relief guards were just being mounted and one of them stepped upon the exact spot where they were to escape.

A Rebel paper I saw today spoke of Major Currill, Commissioner of Exchange, visiting our fleet in Mobile Bay, having reference to sending packages. Fighting at Richmond and other places, and close work at Atlanta. They abound in speculations on the Presidential campaign, and in extracts from the New York World, Herald, News and Albeny Argus and from their view argue the South's success. The World has an article on "The Failure of Grant," denouncing his whole course; and claims that "Grant is played out," though he has punched Lee back into his Richmond ditches and is still operating. Southern Rebels do not claim Grant is a failure. They keep up a bold front which they consider a political as well as a military necessity; but their own admissions, in general tones, are evidences of their strait. To me it seems they have ceased to hope for that degree of success from their armies that can save the little prestige they have abroad, much less secure their recognition, so turning to political bickerings, presenting their armies in the feigned attitude of triumph and strength but base their hope on the election. They believe that a party that could expiate their crimes in the past, would do even more in the future, if raised to power to look down on a forest of Rebel bayonets instead of threatening, sophistical politicians to whom they had succumbed. But they are a mere shell full of dead and rotting strength that has passed its zenith. The Southern heart is burning to ashes; they would negotiate for a respite to replenish the flame, not for Union. Oh, let the North be true in this crisis! Rebels would despair of success before January.

They do not give wood enough to ten men for one. Men go to extremes to obtain it, stealing dead men from their friends to carry out with the hope of getting it. Four men are permitted to go and can bring in quite a jag. Then some will trade half of their scanty rations for a stick to cook the other half. A few will trade a day's rations for a ten cent bit of tobacco. A few so far lose their reason as to throw clothing away, becoming disgusted with lice; add themselves to disgusting sights by going naked. All capable of being degraded so as to lose self respect, become so. God only knows the wickedness and woe of such a state!

I wandered to a locality new to me, a few days ago. I came to a quartet of Tennesseeans who told their war experiences; of persecutions their people suffered for being Unionists; how they fled from home to escape Rebels who were savage against all who refused to support secession. Their madness knew neither law nor friendship; their frenzy neither justice nor mercy. They, with a hundred others, armed themselves and one day cut their way through an armed mob claimed to have been sent by Governor Isham Harris, who designed to massacre or capture them. They marched many miles to join Buell's army, and had several fights with gorillas. They were captured in Rosecrans' operations near Chattanooga, in 1863; wintered at Danville, Va.; came here in March, seven stopping together. Three have died. Prison hardships affect them severely. The character of these sturdy mountain people, their honest, intelligent patriotism in connection with this crisis, also their general history, inspire these lines:

THE MEN OF TENNESSEE.

 

God save from woes of Anderson

  The men who bravely stayed

By Lincoln's flag, for country one,

  Where slavery's power had swayed;

Eschewed the leaders of the South,

  Of low and high degree,

And deemed the flag ensign of truth,

  Brave men of Tennessee.

 

They lived upon their native soil;

  They loved it well and true;

They lived by faithful, honest toil;

  They loved the peace they knew.

But they were those who weighed events

 As they should pondered be;

They saw conflicting sentiments

  Distracting Tennessee.

 

And when the Union of the States

 Was threatened by its foes,

With the Union they allied their fates

  Secession to oppose.

When driven from their homes away,

  By the powers of slavery,

They joined the Union's armed array,

Grand men of Tennessee.

 

They spurned the rule that would disrupt

  The Nation's life they loved;

They spurned the rule, wrong and corrupt,

 As patriots true behooved,

And leaving homes they loved behind,

Engulfed in war's red sea,

They showed great strength of heart and mind,

  These men of Tenneessee,

 

They nobly tendered strength and life,

   If human blood must shed,

Against secession's valorous strife

  By Southrons madly led,

And side by side with Northern men

  They fought most valiantly-

Here brook the ills of prison pen

  Brave men of Tennessee.

 

Behold them suffer here and die

  Within dark Sumter's walls!

The earth their bed, the roof the sky,

  Where woes their hearts appal!

And yet all offers they resent

  That promise them to free;

By loyalty invite torment-

  True men of Tennessee.

 

O, hail the men who know the right

 And for it stand and fall;

Who will not swerve at Treason's might

  Though death may claim them all;

And here in prison pine and rot,

  Though today they could be free!

No truer men have ever fought,

  Than men of Tennessee.

 

The valor of some Spartan band

  From ancient time men laud;

But the acts of these, of Jackson's land,

 Who will their deeds applaud?

I see them dying day by day

   'Mid scenes of misery;

No voice to praise, where death has sway,

  These men of Tennessee.

HOSPITALS, THEIR HISTORY.

Noting the indisposition or inability of doctors to clear the stockade of sick—victims conspicuous for their wretchedness—I have applied my mind to learn facts regarding so-called hospitals. It is no mystery that men sicken in the stockade. Coarse, unpalatable food, a mixture of meal containing cob and bran doctors call it meal and husk—often musty and bitter, stirred in filthy water in large batches, often souring before baking or while baking with green wood, no salt, no yeast, no soda, often partially raw, often over-roasted with a crust hard and tasteless. If changed to rice, that is colored with the dirty water and often uncooked. Exposed to all weather and until some wells were dug, all drank and washed in the same small stream, always roiled and more and more, night and day, being poisoned by drainage from without and within. Thirst becomes feverish, unbearable; to drink is to pollute our bodies with the offal, intermixed, made more stenchful and rotten by heat and rain. Nothing could be more unsanitary, more conducive to disease. What are the hospital facilities to cope with rapidly developing conditions absolutely adverse to health in strongest men? I find these facts, attested by appearances and results. No Confederate doctor or officer pretends to dispute.

This is the history of so-called hospitals here to date and they must continually grow worse. When the prison was built most of its early prisoners were from prisons farther north, Danville and about Richmond, where they were under roofs. Coming here in February and March they readily chilled through. Some refuse of the timber from which the stockade was built was appropriated by prisoners for fuel and shelter, and before hot weather and an increase of prisoners, both air and water might have been an improvement on their former abode. But old prisoners broke down and the first hospital was erected inside of poles and brush. This was the best hospital the place has ever had. The poles or logs were left several inches apart, and as sickly men were put in them the place became as odious and no more commodious than a backwoods hog-pen. A portion had a lose floor, no beds, no bunks, no blankets, no straw. The storm and wind beat through the space between the logs and rendered patients that retained sensitiveness or desire to live, uncomfortable. A few prisoners had threadbare blankets, or remnants, with the U. S. brand, but no other was provided whether prisoners had a U. S. rag or not.

This was the original provision and remained the only hospital until the middle of May, or a few days later, when prisoners began to come from the spring campaigns and were so packed about this hospital pen that the air was infected and it was removed to its present locality to make room. We arrived here from the Wilderness fields in Virginia just two days after this change; but even then the place where it had been, was covered with men fresh from our armies little heeding that the very earth which they had been forced to accept as their abode, was soaked with the filth of the lately removed wards of death, for, then as now, there was no means of disposal of excreta of men who were slowly wasting and unable to seek the swamp or stream, except in illy provided open excavations within the 'hospital" or death-pen. The hospitals now simply consist of old canvas appropriated from other use, ragged or patched, open at the sides, without floors, beds, bunks, stoves or straw. Men lay on the earth in ghastly rows. The ground where they lay is saturated with offal of wasting bodies. The sickening exhalation is constant. Patients have no clothing except that worn during their imprisonment and in active service, never but a single suit, in many cases not much of that, no blankets, except where prisoners happened to retain them on coming to prison. Patients are sickly visages of squalor, decaying bodies, while yet their minds retain dreary existences. There are fleshless skeletons with skin drawn over them; on some bones have broken or worn through the skin. Limbs of others whose flesh has not vanished, are swollen with dropsy and scurvy, discolored, yellow and brown. In many cases ulcers appear—sores from wounds that never heal, and gangrene is having an unchecked if not undisputed reign. Myriads of lice and flies swarm over helpless men; maggots infest gangrenous sores that may have originated from a scratch, a sunburn or from ulcerous eruption caused by corrupted blood.

These matters, seemingly, have reached an uncontrollable stage. There is scarcity of medicine, scarcity of physicians. Nurses are dumbfounded; if they have any sense of the situation they are in despair; can do little to comfort and it seems that those detailed have no adaptation for the work. Except now and then one, would they be retained and for just that reason, in a hospital well ordered for work. From first to last there is nothing provided, nothing arranged, nothing expected but death, and the quicker the better. If doctors had ordinary skill, and nurses had any idea of sanitation, some police regulations would be visible. If this were so and the Richmond government had meant to do anything but murder, better facilities would be provided. I have met a doctor or two apparently of skill, good sense, and humane intent; but they seemed to have despaired of doing justice to their profession or to patients, lacking means and having to contend against conditions which no skill and no medical supplies can meet until conditions change. They have no hope of that. There are some bunglers in charge with a slight knowledge of surgery ready to improve their quack skill by revolting practice. Amputation has been performed where no hope was possible or expected, and in cases where there was a lingering hope, yet the bodily condition of patients did not justify amputation. In no case as I can hear, has gangrene been cured by amputation. Slight wounds are not healable owing to weak blood. Some of these fellows are perfectly brutal, and enlisted in this capacity rather than be conscripted and carry a musket. These conditions are known at Richmond. The prison has been inspected by military and civil officials of high rank. Reports of surgeons, Drs. Reeves, Pelot and Thomburg in preceding months expressly stated not only general conditions but that there were men that were living masses of putrifaction; hospitals without bunks, beds or straw; as above stated, speaking of corn bread raw and sour and the effects of such diet on sick and well that they could not practice successfully, that sickness could not be prevented nor patients cured until made comfortable; appealing for "beds if any in Dixie." All was unanswered. Confidentially these facts are told me by a doctor.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, pp. 107-13

Diary of Private Jenkin Lloyd Jones, Saturday, December 13, 1862

Near Oxford. All quiet. Foraging party started out at 6 A. M. Gone all day. They report a poor country, with much more loyalty apparently than could be expected. Citizens refuse to take Confederate scrip as heretofore, many exhibiting a white flag on their dwellings upon which was inscribed "Union". Received letters from John from Jefferson, Wis.

SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, pp. 18-9

Diary of Musician David Lane, October 3, 1863

Our trap is sprung at last. For three long, weary days and sleepless nights we patiently awaited the coming of that "flanking column" which we were to capture or annihilate. First they were reported crossing at Tennessee Ford, twenty miles below, thirty thousand strong, to sweep the "Northern vandals" from this fair valley and open up a way for supplies to reach Richmond. Next their advance had reached Marysville, fourteen miles from this place. Citizens came flocking in all day Thursday, telling sickening tales of outrage perpetrated by their "advance" on unoffending "Union people." Some reported them four hundred strong, others fifteen or twenty thousand.

Yesterday it was reported ten thousand of our cavalry had gone out to reconnoitre. They visited the Ford no "raid" had been there—Rocksville; no cavalry had been there to Loudon; no guerillas had been there. A council of war was held, and they decided to return by the way of Marysville. There the enemy had been seen. Cautiously they advanced to beleaguer the devoted town. A short distance from the town a halt was called and scouts sent out to reconnoitre. They found the city "occupied" by a force of eight bushwackers. These were captured "without the loss of a man on our side."

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 101-2

Diary of Musician David Lane, October 14, 1863

Our part in this expedition is done, and we are on our way back to Knoxville. Wilcox's "baby brigade," as our boys call them, and the Twenty-third Corps, together with cavalry and mounted infantry, are following up the retreating Rebels. I have not learned the result of the fight, and probably will not for some days to come. Over a hundred of their dead are buried at Blue Springs, where our forces first overtook them, and as far as I went which was fifteen miles—every house was filled with their wounded.

I saw some were from Lee's army. One Lieutenant said he remembered seeing our regiment at Fredericksburg. He had stood picket opposite our boys several times. There was a brigade from the Rappahannock. Their force, he said, was about eight thousand, all mounted. The facts in the case were about as follows: Burnside had cleared his department of armed Rebels and had advanced into Virginia as far as Salt Town, where the Rebels had extensive salt works, strongly fortified. Before he could concentrate sufficient force to destroy these works, word came that Rosa was in danger—that Burnside was to hold himself in readiness to reinforce him at a minute's notice. In order to do this he must withdraw all his forces from the northeast and concentrate them near Knoxville.

The Rebels followed up as he fell back, and occupied the positions he had driven them from.

Before Burnside reached Morristown, word came from Rosa that he was safe inside his fortifications and was being rapidly reinforced by Grant. This left Burnside free to do over again what had been undone, but through no fault of his.

It was a touching sight to witness the joy of these much-abused people at our return. Men who had fled to the bush as the Rebels advanced, and dare not, for their lives, appear, came flocking in and were welcomed with tears and shouts of joy by wives and children. Their gratitude was unbounded.

As I witnessed the delight of these people and listened to their tales of suffering, I felt more than ever that I was engaged in a just and holy cause, and my heart was strengthened to do and dare for human liberty.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 105-6

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, April 29, 1863

Left camp at Smith's Fork, DeKalb Co., Tenn., and marched five miles from this camp to Orbenstown, bringing with us many of the Union families of this county, whose whitened locks and old age, wealth and respectable appearance would make a heart, although it was as hard as stone, melt to look upon them, as they were compelled to leave their birth-place, and all that was near and dear to them, and flee from them to our protection and safety, to escape the jaws and clutches of those traitors of so desperate a character, in their old age, and robbed of their sweet homes and everything, in all probability for ever and ever, by those notorious scoundrel secesh or rebel traitors, as you or any other one may see proper to term them — for no hand can write, or artist paint, or tongue tell, the sufferings of the Union families in the Southern States, that fall into the jaws of those hellish fiends. You will please excuse me for setting forth these hard spelled words, for I can not help it, when thinking of the sufferings of our poor Union soldiers and many Union families. So our march was continued this same day to Milton battle-ground, a march of 16 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, pp. 29-30

Diary of Musician David Lane, September 25, 1863

The Fair Ground, on which we are encamped, is simply a clearing in the wood, without buildings, fence or shade. But it is a pleasant place, near a spring of good water, and bordering on the Holston River. I have just returned from the city, where I have spent most of the day. These are glorious days for the people of Knoxville. They tell me the day of their deliverance has come at last. The story of their sufferings has been but feebly told. Even a Brownlow cannot do it justice. Hundreds of citizens followed us to their homes, from which they had been driven a year or more ago. They are flocking in by fifties and by hundreds and are organizing for their own defense. We have given them the oportunity, and they are eager to embrace it. One lady told me it was with difficulty she could repress a shout of joy as she saw our blue coats filing down the streets. Loyalty here is pure and unalloyed, as proven by the sacrifices they have made.

We are objects of much curiosity. An old gentle man, a preacher, walked six miles to see us. We were the first Northern men he ever saw. He said he could not express his gratitude to us for their timely deliverance.

Parson Brownlow is expected here soon. I saw his son today. He is a noble-looking fellow, about 21 years of age; is Lieutenant Colonel of a regiment that has been raised since Burnside came here. Burnside is the hero of the hour in East Tennessee.

It is twenty days since I received my last mail. During all that time I have not seen a newspaper, therefore am totally ignorant of what is taking place in other parts of the world.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 95-6

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Thursday, May 19, 1864

Awakened by the guard at 4 a. m.; at daylight go on the street receiving a small day's ration, the fourth issue since our capture. Rain is over; we are delighted to get out-door. I shall not soon forget the morning. We are starting on a long, tedious journey southward dependent on the mercies of enemies whom we had justly counted barbarous in respect to the motives of the war they precipitated and are needlessly waring. The fates of many seem desperate. How many of this long line of Unionists will return to their Northern homes! How many and who of us will sleep the last sleep in the far South!

We pass two large buildings used as hospitals which appear filled. It was an hour and a half before we reach the cars, a long train of flat and box. I take a seat on the bottom of a flat. At 10 a. m. we start on a new road from Danville, Va., to Greenboro, N. C., 48 miles. A guard near me, a man about 55 years old, ventured to say that he believed the South missed it in going to war; it was not true that they were forced to it. He believed President Lincoln just such a man as Henry Clay in his principles, and he was a Clay man all his life.

"That is so, the South can settle with Abraham Lincoln as easily as with any living man," I replied. He said:

"I believe it."

"Then why do we find you with your gun in the Rebel service?"

"Because I had to be somewhere; I enlisted in the militia, rather be here than fighting. Had I not gone in they'd 'scripted me and sent me to the front; but being pretty old and willing, they have me to do such duty as this."

"How do you expect to come out with this war and how long will it last?"

"There's no telling, not right away; there will be some right smart fights before you get Richmond."

"Will they give up then?"

"Well, no; I reckon— it's the hardest place we've got; I reckon it can't be taken."

"Clinging to Richmond will only continue the war until we completely besiege it; the shortest way to end it, unless the whole South lay down their arms."

"You are divided in the North; we think you will get sick of fighting. Heaps o' people believe you to be a hard race; they want to get rid of you. This is what we people are told."

"If the South wants to settle as it is claimed they do, why don't they lay down their arms and ask for terms?"

"That's it; they no more want peace than they did when they commenced."

Looking about him, he said: "Plenty of men have been put in prison and hung for saying what they believed, they'd send me to the front sure for what I have said."

"We must have Union and liberty as the ultimate result of this war, or there is no salvation for North or South. The triumph of the South would be the greatest calamity that could befall; our triumph the blessing of both."

"You're right."

"Then as a Union man whose election do you prefer this fall?” "I think Lincoln is a good man."

This was an interesting conversation; I am really in the Confederacy in conversation with a Union man but a Rebel soldier. After going 25 miles we were ordered off the train, there being a piece of road six miles not completed. We moved off across the plantation till we came to a road. Long trains loaded with army supplies driven by the raggedest negroes I ever saw, began to meet us as we went on the road. It was amusing to hear their answers as to the distance to the railroad, which the men were frequently asking. It was very hot several men died on this short march. We reached the road about 4 p. m. and waited for the train. I was here introduced to James B. Hawks of the 7th Michigan, by Thompson, which was the beginning of a new friendship. Hawks had the advantage of a collegiate education, and pleased us with several declamations still fresh in his memory although he had endured the hardships of the peninsular campaign. A pile of supplies lay beside the road. A group of ladies and men came to look at us though there was few houses in sight. Just dark the train backed up with several hundred soldiers for Lee's army. Here as at Charlotteville a few contemplated escape if possible, should we remain after dark. But by dark we were all driven on board. The order was "Shoot every man that tries to get out," so Boodger and I were again flanked. It was midnight before we started. As to the mode of our lodging we were like the Dutchman's hen that stood up and set.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 49-50

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Monday, May 9, 1864

About 10 a. m., the train having come back, we got on for Lynchburg. I had a flat car next to the engine, exposed to the sun, smoke and cinders. The passage was very disagreeable. The only place of account on the way is Amherst Court House. Arriving at Lynchburg, 3 p. m., we marched through the town exposed to the wondering gaze of all classes. A motley crowd gathered at every corner, blacks and whites indiscriminately mixed, some the dirtiest objects generally found in the filthiest portions of cities. Had I seen So many black and white heads together in New York or New England my conservative inclinations would have upbraided my abolishion sentiments about amalgamation, about reducing white folks to the level of the niggers. The town is dirty, dilapidated; streets cluttered with business, it being a depot for military supplies and a rendezvous for troops, situated on the right bank of the James River and on the Kanawah Canal and the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad; population about 13,000. They marched us a mile out of the city, and stopped in a deep hollow by a fine stream. On one side is a high, rocky hill. Here are all prisoners recently captured, except officers, who are locked up in the city. Our guards are mostly citizens, boys and old men, equipped by themselves or with such guns as the provost could pick up. Most of them are impressed and drilled by invalid soldiers. I observed one man about fifty, very corpulent, good naturedly inclined, dressed in common citizen's coat and pants, white vest, white stove pipe hat, with a weed, armed with a shotgun, pacing his beat. He said he would like to converse but dare not. From the brow of the hill several cannon command the camp. I saw several citizens imprisoned in the city on parole who sympathized with the North. One guard inquired as we came out from the city, what we did with deserters from their army. He said they were told they were hanged by our authorities. He is a sergeant, had contemplated deserting; had a brother who deserted last winter. I gave him all information I could and intimated that a few of us would like to strike for the Blue Ridge that night. He said it would be death to attempt escape. We soon became convinced that it was quite impossible. I here learn of some I knew, being killed and wounded; that our division was badly cut up, and the loss of Generals Wadsworth, Rice and Robinson. Nothing to eat. No rations seen today. I spread my coat on the ground at night and lay down to sleep.

The Nation's in a sorry fix,

Tremendous family jar!

'Cause freedom and slavery couldn't mix,

The Johnnies went to war,

And when we meet them in their tricks,

Whine, "What you'ns fight we'uns for?"

We fight you for your cause is bad;

Your leaders honest blood have shed;

In South have human rights forbade

And wrongly have your hearts misled.

You challenge us to fight this war;

Our rights in Southland are effaced.

That's what "we'uns fight you'ns for,"

Or stand before the world disgraced.

The average Johnnie does not know

The baleful nature of his cause.

He's heard Davis, Toombs and Yancey blow,

And joined in brainless, wild hurrahs

To 'lect Buchanan, and so and so,

Pledged to enforce all slavery laws,

Slaveholders asking "Mo', give mo',"

Demands that never brooked a pause.

We've often warned them to go slow,

To curb their cursed maws.

Then they rebellious teeth would show

And gnash their wrathful jaws,

And swear they'd from the Union go

Or dictate all its laws;

For government, from long ago,

They've grasped with greedy paws;

Persistently have lobbied so

For some new pro-slavery clause.

They fell down in their Kansas muss—

They forced a savage fight—

Then started up this bigger fuss,

And we're in it up to sight.

I know not when the fuss 'll end;

It has been hard and hot;

But to the finish we'll contend,

And they'll lose every slave they've got.

The power they so long did wield,

We'll break forevermore,

And bleach its bones upon the field

And Freedom's cause restore.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 42-4

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Tuesday, May 10, 1864

My throat and lungs sore this morning, caused by heat and smoke of yesterday and drenching dew and chill of last night. Get rations today for the first time since taken; I was very hungry and could have eaten all at one time. We understand the bread was baked by citizens; it was very good. A number of citizens come to see us, appear courteous and friendly. There was one group of ladies and one man enthusiastic for the Union and said more than was safe to say, even spoke when the guard remonstrated. One said: "We would be glad to see you out of here; we are sorry that men have to be so treated for this worthless government." The man said the Rebellion had ruined him. He took some Confederate money and tore it up saying it is "worth just that." He looked upon us in tears. The guard threatened to shoot him when he tossed a roll of money among us, and was about to leave when he was arrested, roughly treated and taken to the city. After this no one was allowed to speak to us or we to anyone, not even the sentry. More prisoners arrive from the battlefield and crowd our quarters.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 44-5

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel John Beatty: June 24, 1861

Colonel Marrow and I dined with Colonel Smith, member of the Virginia Legislature. He professes to be a Union man, but his sympathies are evidently with the South. He feels that the South is wrong, but does not relish the idea of Ohio troops coming upon Virginia soil to fight Virginians. The Union sentiment here is said to be strengthening daily.

SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, p. 9-10

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Monday, May 16, 1864

This morning Colonel Rowett moves with the command towards Florence, leaving Company H, Captain Ring, near Cedar and Cox's Islands to guard the crossings. This morning Company H buries the Ninth Ohio Cavalry's fallen soldier, who was killed yesterday evening. We lay him in a lonely place beneath the drooping branches of a large tree on the bank of the Tennessee. Though he is an Ohio soldier, we care for him with the same interest as we would were he one of our own company, and why should we not, since he has been a brave warrior, fighting in the same common cause beneath the same starry banner. A dispatch from Rowett this evening informs us that Roddy crossed the Tennessee last night at twelve o'clock; that he would not fight Rowett on an equal footing. This evening Colonel Rowett arrested Buckee and Judge Foster as hostages for the delivery of Dr. McVay, now held by the rebels because of his devotion to the old Union.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 241

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Wednesday, December 16, 1863

A cold north wind is blowing all day. This evening the regiment comes in from its expedition—cold and hungry, but we see success beaming from every face, and soon we are told that the regiment met and routed the famous guerrilla Moorland and his band. Killed ten and left them on the field, wounded about thirty, and captured forty prisoners, and strange to say without the loss of a man from the regiment. This can be accounted for from the fact of the superiority of our guns over those of the guerrillas at a long 'range. The boys are all in a glee over their scout, relating many incidents worthy of record. But we will only record one. Close by where our regiment encountered Moorland, two rebels entered a house to obtain their dinners, and in this house dwelt a young lady whose love for the old Union no one ever questioned. Though against her will, their dinners were prepared, and while eating, the young lady walks to the door and down the road she beholds the old Union's flag come flying. She immediately turns, seizes both guns and with one kills one of the rebels and with the other gun takes the other rebel prisoner, turning him over to our men when they advanced. Tell me not that woman is not performing her part in this war. Reader, will you believe me when I tell you that the world in all its knightly history, never produced brighter examples of heroism than have been produced in this southland during these years of terrible strife. The daughters of the south who love the bonny stars and stripes, deal with weapons of death ; stemming war's wild current, braving what men have ever dared to brave, lending a helping hand to those who would perpetuate this union and save liberty from its final grave. We see her walking the battle field at the midnight hour where the messengers from the cannon's mouth have done their fearful work; we see her at the hospital where the angel of death lingers at the threshold waiting for life's brittle thread to break, when it could upon its wings bear the hero-spirits home to an approving God. We see her at the warrior's tomb, see her tears sparkle and her flowers fall on their silent mission of love and peace. Flowers of many hues from many hands, and tears from many heart fountains may fall there, but no brighter treasure, no holier tribute will ever be offered, than noble woman has already offered on the fallen soldier's hallowed tomb.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 215-6

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 14, 1863—Evening

March 14, Evening.

A curious incident occurred this morning which gave me a full hundred (from both regiments) sick and wounded to examine and prescribe for and fill out my prescriptions. The John Adams started for a secret raid up the river at daylight, without notifying Dr. Minor, the steward and hospital nurse, who were all sleeping on the boat. It was a good enough joke, but for me not so practical as to make me crave a repetition. Tonight our sick and wounded are in the hospital. Colonel Montgomery thought the Lord had grown these handsome shade trees especially for barricades, and I have never a doubt that the Washington Hotel, with its sixteen chambers, and a fire-place in each, was especially intended for a military hospital. Possibly it is because it seems too good to last that I deem it hazardous to bring our sick ashore, but the two Colonels assure me it is perfectly safe to do so.

Our belligerent Chaplain¹ is armed with a revolver on each side and a Ballard rifle on his back. He keeps so persistently on the advanced picket line that I could scarcely persuade him to conduct the funeral service of a poor fellow who was shot the other day. Today he got on the track of some cavalry and infantry, and was certain of surrounding and capturing them, if he could only get permission from the Colonel. His hatred of slavery is so intense that his prayers are of a nature to keep his powder dry.

We have burned a good many houses within a mile of town, to get rid of screens for the enemy between us and the woods, where rather formidable trees are being felled to complete our water barricade. The houses are often occupied by women and children whose husbands and fathers are in the Confederate service. The Chaplain, being a man of fire, has much to do with this matter. Today, I questioned him as to his usual mode of proceeding. I found he gave them the choice of the two governments, but with the explicit statement that their friends in arms were to be killed soon unless they came in and surrendered. His division of the effects of these families seems rather scriptural. "What seems to belong to the woman, I yield to her, but what seems to belong to the man, I have brought into camp."

Some of these cases are very pitiful and call out my deepest commiseration. Today I visited a poor widow who has a son in the rebel service. Her house was burned and she, with her children, was brought into town. She has not been able to walk a step during the last five months. On examination I found that her prostration was due entirely to privations and hardships resulting from war. For more than a year her food has been "dry hominy" with now and then a little fish. She was born in Alabama of "poor white" parents. As I talked to her it seemed to me it must be difficult for her to understand the justice of our coming here to invade the homes of those who had always earned their bread by the sweat of their brows.

Yesterday I conversed with a lady who lives in a pleasant cottage, with her beautiful little children and her aged mother. Her husband is a captain outside our barricades and when the Colonel granted her permission to go wherever she chose, she said so many had gone from the river and coast towns to the interior that one could scarcely find a barn to stay in or food to subsist on. She remains here for the present. Her husband was a music teacher and was taken into the army by conscription. From what I can learn of him through Union men, I have no doubt he would gladly return to loyalty. What are we to do with such families? "Things are a little mixed" here in the South, but we must all suffer the results of our great national sin, some one way, some another.

I have given out word that the Surgeon of our regiment will cheerfully and gladly attend to the medical needs of all civilians here. To be the means of relieving suffering is sufficient compensation, but in this case there is the additional good of being able to make anti-slavery statements in a satisfactory way.

I never supposed I could be so much gratified by comparatively level scenery. The river is very beautiful, – quite clear and of a deep amber color. I cannot tell you how much I enjoy my evening bath. Dr. Minor usually goes with me. Once, while in the water, the companies were hurriedly ordered to "fall in," but it seemed so unnatural that one's bathing should be interfered with that we were not startled by the alarm.

We find the rebel women here exceedingly desirous to prove that our soldiers are guilty of all the outrages they might expect from a long-injured people now in power. Many of our soldiers are natives of this place and meet their old mistresses here. On the day of our landing I was over and over implored, by those who knew their deserts, to protect them from the "niggers." It was an awful turning of the tables. I quite enjoyed saying "These are United States troops and they will not dishonor the flag."

Several charges have been preferred against the soldiers, but thus far, when sifted down, have proved quite as much against those who complained as against our men. The Adjutant told me of a lady of easy manners, who had been very much insulted by a soldier. Close investigation proved that he actually sat on her front door-step.

That our soldiers do some outrageous things, I have little doubt. When women taunt them with language most unbecoming, as they sometimes do, I should be very sorry if they did not return a silencer. Thus far they have behaved better than any white regiment has done under such temptations. They "confiscate" pigs and chickens because their captains connive at it and the Provost Marshal cannot do everything alone.

Today the John Adams and the Burnside are off on some speculation up the river. I was too busy to go with them this morning, or should have asked the privilege. Colonel Montgomery has gone with his men. They declare he is a "perfect devil to fight, he don't care nuttin 'bout de revels." His bravery is apparently rashness but in reality far from it. He evidently thinks the true mode of self-defense is to attack the enemy on his own ground.

_______________

¹ Rev. James H. Fowler, of Cambridge, Mass.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 373-5

Brigadier-General William H. Carroll to Judah P. Benjamin, November 26, 1861

HEADQUARTERS, Knoxville, November 26, 1861.

Hon. J.P. BENJAMIN,
        Secretary of War:

SIR: I have the honor to report that I arrived here on Saturday last, by order of General Zollicoffer, and assumed command of this post on Sunday. I found stationed here Colonel Wood's battalion and several companies of infantry and cavalry. There seemed to be much uneasiness and apprehension felt in reference to the disaffected portion of the population. I have put the city under military rule and have restored peace and security.

I have detailed and sent to the various districts where I had information there were any gatherings of disaffected citizens and had them dispersed, and in many instances the leaders arrested. As soon as possible, I dispatched companies of mounted men to scour the country, with instructions to arrest and send here all persons who were inciting rebellion or were found with arms, resisting the authorities. In all instances where there was no proof of disloyalty I have discharged the prisoners upon their taking the oath of allegiance.

There are now in custody here about 70 persons, many of whom, it, is believed, were either directly or indirectly connected with the burning of the railroad bridges. Colonel Wood, who was in command here before my arrival, had in contemplation a court-martial for the trial of those upon whom proof of guilt seemed to be strong. I concurred with him, and ordered the meeting on the 28th. The board will be composed of some of the most intelligent officers within this post, and I have no doubt their action will be prudent and discreet.

It is important that steam-power should be secured for the purpose of driving the machinery necessary in the alteration of arms. I therefore took possession of the printing establishment of Brownlow. The steam-engine and building are suitable for our purposes, and it was the only one that could be procured here. Brownlow has left, and no certain information of his whereabouts can be obtained; it is, however, certain that he is aiding and abetting our enemies. I have assured his sons, who profess to have sold the establishment to a Mr. Baxter, that full indemnity for the use of the establishment would be paid by the Government. I have every assurance that the sale to Baxter was a false one, and feel that Baxter is not reliable in his loyalty to our Government.

In obedience to your instructions, Novemeber 22, I have given orders that all contracts for hogs or cattle made with the agents of the Confederate Government shall be complied with, and have dispatched several armed parties to see that it is properly executed.

There are 1,140 sacks of salt here. I have directed 400 sacks should be delivered to D. Morris & Co. and 400 sacks to Wilson & Johnson. This is sufficient to meet their present wants, and the balance will be returned, to meet such other demands as may arise. I will report to you again soon.

With high respect, your obedient servant,

WM. H. CARROLL,        

Brigadier-General, Commanding.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 704-5

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Saturday, November 9, 1861

Our brigade moved back from Anderson County to the vicinity of Jacksborough. McNairy's Battalion camped six miles south of town on the Clinton road.

REVOLT OF THE UNIONISTS IN EAST TENNESSEE.

East Tennessee was now ablaze with excitement on account of the uprising and open rebellion of the Union men. They were flying to arms in squads of from fifty to five hundred. Several bridges along the East Tennessee and Georgia, and Virginia and Tennessee Railroads were burned last night.

It appears that William Blunt Carter,¹ of East Tennessee, was the prime mover and chief instigator of the revolt and bridge burning above named, and the following communication will show the beginning corner of his plans:

HEADQUARTERS CAMP DICK ROBINSON,        

September 30, 1861.

Major-General George B. McClellan, Commanding Department of the Potomac:

GENERAL: I have just had a conversation with Mr. W. B. Carter, of Tennessee, on the subject of the destruction of the Grand Trunk Railroad through that State.

He assures me that he can have it done if the Government will intrust him with a small sum of money to give confidence to the persons to be employed to do it. It would be one of the most important services that could be done for the country, and I most earnestly hope you will use your influence with the authorities in furtherance of his plans, which he will submit to you, together with the reasons for doing the work. I am, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant,

Geo. H. THOMAS,        

Brigadier-General, U. S. Volunteers, Commanding.²

Suffice it to say that he received satisfactory encouragement from the Federal Government, and, setting out on his mission about the middle of October, Carter arrived in the neighborhood of Montgomery, Morgan County, Tennessee, on the 22d, and under that date he wrote to General Thomas thus:

I reached here at 2 P. M. to-day. I am in six miles of company of rebel cavalry.

The rebels continue to arrest and imprison our people.

You will please furnish the bearers with as much lead, rifle powder, and as many caps as they can bring for Scott and Morgan Counties. You need not fear to trust these people. They will open the war for you by routing these small bodies of marauding cavalry.

I find our people have suffered beyond all forbearance. Hasten on to our aid. To-morrow night I hope to be near our railroad.

You shall hear from me again soon.³

On the 27th, near Kingston, Roane County, he wrote again to Thomas as follows:

I am now within a few miles of our railroad, but I have not yet had time to obtain all the information I must have before I decide on the course best for me to adopt. If I can get half a dozen brave men to “take the bull by the horns” we can whip them completely and save the railroad.

If I cannot get such leaders we will make a desperate attempt to destroy all the bridges, and I firmly believe I will be successful.

The Union men of East Tennessee are longing and praying for the hour when they can break their fetters.

Men and women weep for joy when I merely hint to them that the day of our deliverance is at hand. . . .

I beg you to hasten on to our help, as we are about to create a great diversion in General McClellan's favor.

You must bring some small arms with you. I am satisfied that you will have to take the road by Monticello and Jamestown, unless you come by Cumberland Gap.⁴

Having succeeded in maturing his plans, the execution of which resulted in the bridge burning, as previously mentioned. Mr. W. B. Carter set out on his return November with, and arrived at his brother's headquarters at “Camp Calvert," near London, Kentucky, on the 16th, and on the same day his brother, Colonel S. P. Carter (afterward General) sent the following report to General Thomas, whose headquarters had been moved forward from Camp Dick Robinson to Crab Orchard:

My brother William has just arrived from East Tennessee. He reports that on Friday night, 8th instant, of last week, he succeeded in having burned at least six, and perhaps eight bridges on the railroad, viz. : Union bridge, in Sullivan County, near the Virginia line, Lick Creek bridge, in Green County, Strawberry plains, in Jefferson County, fifteen miles east of Knoxville, partially destroyed, Hiawassee bridge seventy miles south-west of Knoxville, and on the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad, two bridges over the Chickamauga, one between Cleveland and Chattanooga, and the other between Chattanooga and Dalton, Georgia. These bridges are certainly destroyed. The Long Island bridge, at Bridgeport, on Tennessee River, and a bridge below Dalton, on the Western and Atlantic road, are probably destroyed.⁵

Only five bridges were burned, as the following dispatch from Colonel W. B. Wood, Sixteenth Alabama, who had been for some time guarding the railroad as best he could with the small force at his command, will show:

KNOXVILLE, November 11, 1861.

Adjutant-General Cooper, Richmond:

Three bridges burned between Bristol and Chattanooga, two on Georgia road. Five hundred Union men now threatening Strawberry Plains. Fifteen hundred assembling in Hamilton County, and a general uprising in all the counties. I have about one thousand men under my command.

W. B. Wood,        

Colonel.⁶

PRIVATE MONROE KNIGHT, Co. E, FIRST BATTALION.

In order to put down this revolt of the Unionists, Stovall's Battallion and a light field battery were sent from Richmond, Virginia, to Bristol, Tennessee (11th), the Seventh Alabama, Col. S. A. M. Wood, from Pensacola to Chattanooga (14th), General W. H. Carroll, with two regiments, though mostly unarmed, from Memphis to Chattanooga (15th), and General Zollicoffer sent the Twenty-ninth Tennessee, Colonel S. Powell, from Jacksborough to Knoxville (ioth). On the nith Col. Danville Leadbetter, of Engineer Corps, was ordered by President Davis to proceed at once from Richmond to East Tennessee, assume command of all the troops to be stationed for the   and Chattanooga, reconstruct bridges, and repair and keep open the line of communication between those points.⁷

Mr. W. B. Carter happened to enter East Tennessee on his special mission just at the right time for it to be an easy matter for him to induce the Union men of that section to do his bidding. For when Zollicoffer fell back out of Kentucky the Unionists fully believed that the Federal army would be in their midst in a few days.

On the 20th Colonel W. B. Wood wrote to the Secretary of war thus:

The rebellion in East Tennessee has been put down in some of the counties, and will be effectually suppressed in less than two weeks in all the counties. Their camps in Sevier and Hamilton Counties have been broken up, and a large number of them made prisoners. Some are confined in jail at this place and others sent to Nashville. . . . . . . . . . . . .

The prisoners we have tell us that they had every assurance that the (Federal) army was already in the State, and would join them in a very few days; that the property of Southern men was to be confiscated and divided among those who would take up arms for Lincoln.⁸

In answer to an inquiry in reference to what he should do with his prisoners, Colonel Wood received the following from the Secretary of War:

All such as can be identified as having been engaged in bridge burning are to be tried summarily by-drum head court-martial, and, if found guilty, executed on the spot by hanging. It would be well to leave their bodies hanging in the vicinity of the burned bridges.

All such as have not been so engaged are to be treated as prisoners of war, and sent with an armed guard to Tuscaloosa, Alabama, and held in jail till the end of the war. Such as come in voluntarily, take the oath of allegiance and surrender their arms are alone to be treated with leniency.⁹

Some, I know not how many, were found guilty by a “drum-head court martial” and hung.

As a general thing these bands of traitors would disband and flee to the mountains on the approach of an armed force of Confederates, therefore it was a difficult matter to do any thing with them.

While W. B. Carter was in East Tennessee arousing a spirit of rebellion there, ex-Governor Andrew Johnson was with the Federal army at London, Kentucky, urging upon and pleading with Generals Schoepf and Thomas to move forward into East Tennessee. In fact, this “forward movement” had been so often urged by Johnson, Maynard, the Carters and others of East Tennessee, that it had become quite annoying to the Federal commanders, as the following correspondence will show.

On November 7th, General Thomas wrote thus to Johnson:

Your favor of the 6th instant is at hand. I have done all in my power to get troops and transportation and means to advance into East Tennessee. I believe General Sherman at (Louisville) has done the same.

Up to this time we have been unsuccessful. If the Tennesseans are not content and must go, then the risk of disaster will remain with them.

In conclusion I will add that I am here ready to obey orders, and earnestly hope that the troops at London will see the necessity of doing the same.¹⁰

At the same time Thomas addressed a letter to Schoepf as follows:

I find it necessary to reply to Governor Johnson's letter in the manner of the foregoing, which I send to you for your information. It is time that discontented persons should be silenced, both in and out of the service.

I hope you will therefore see the necessity of dealing decidedly with such people, and you have my authority and orders for doing

We must learn to abide our time, or we shall never be successful.¹¹

On the 8th, Schoepf replied to the above thus:

Yours of the 7th instant, with copy of letter to Governor Johnson, is before me, and it is with extreme satisfaction that I note the decided manner in which the case is laid down to Governor Johnson.

This outside pressure has become intolerable, and must be met with firmness, or the army may as well be disbanded.

With importunate citizens on one side and meddlesome reporters for papers on the other, I can scarce find time to attend to the appropriate duties of my position. By the way, cannot something be done to rid our camps of this latter class? I have really reached that point so that I am afraid to address my staff officer above a whisper in my own tent.¹²

Though, in place of a forward, the Federals made a retrograde, movement from London soon after the above correspondence.

On the 13th, General Schoepf set out from London to join General Thomas at Crab Orchard, with all the troops camped there, except the First and Second Tennessee and Third Kentucky (Colonel T. T. Garrard), which remained at   (Second Tennessee.)¹³

If you will excuse me, dear reader, for the above digression, I shall now return to Jacksborough and take up the movements of Zollicoffer's Brigade.

_______________

¹ A brother of General S. P. Carter, who commanded the Tennessee Federal Brigade.

² Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., p. 284.

³ Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., p. 317.

⁴ Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., p. 320.

⁵ Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., p. 359.

⁶ Ibid., p. 236.

⁷ See Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., pp. 234, 235, 538.

⁸ Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., p. 250.

⁹ Rebellon Records, Vol. VII., p. 701.

¹⁰ Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., pp. 342 and 343.

¹¹ Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., p. 347.

¹² Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., p. 347.

¹³ See Carter to H. Maynard, Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., p. 468.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 74-80

William Blount Carter to Brigadier-General George H. Thomas, October 22, 1861

MORGAN COUNTY, TENNESSEE, NEAR MONTGOMERY,

October 22, 1861. (Received November 4.)

Brigadier-General THOMAS:

SIR: I reached here at 2 p.m. to-day. I am within 6 miles of a company of rebel cavalry. I find our Union people in this part of the State firm and unwavering in their devotion to our Government and anxious to have an opportunity to assist in saving it. The rebels continue to arrest and imprison our people.

You will please furnish the bearers with as much lead, rifle powder, and as many caps as they can bring for Scott and Morgan Counties. You need not fear to trust these people. They will open the war for you by routing these small bodies of marauding cavalry.

It is said here that Buckner has 9,000 men at Bowling Green, and that Zollicoffer has 12,000. I do not give this as reliable. I find our people have suffered beyond all forbearance, Hasten on to our aid.

To-morrow night I hope to be near our railroad. I have not been able as yet to gain any information as to my prospects of success.

I am obliged to send this note unsealed.

In haste, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

WM. BLOUNT CARTER.

Since writing the within I learn there were 300 troops with 140 wagons. Report says they are going to Bowling Green, and that 20,000 more are to follow. You shall hear from me again soon.

W. B. CARTER.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 4 (Serial No. 4), p. 317

William Blount Carter to Brigadier-General George H. Thomas, October 27, 1861

NEAR KINGSTON, ROANE COUNTY, TENNESSEE,        

October 27, 1861. (Received November 4.)

General THOMAS:

SIR: I am now within a few miles of our railroad, but I have not yet had time to obtain all the information I must have before I decide on the course best for me to adopt. If I can get half a dozen brave men to “take the bull by the horns,” we can whip them completely and save the railroad. If I cannot get such leaders, we will make a desperate attempt to destroy all the bridges, and I firmly believe I will be successful.

There are 1,400 rebel troops at Knoxville, some poorly armed, some not armed, and many of them sick. There are 160 at the Loudon Bridge. I know of no other troops in East Tennessee except the 300 about whom I wrote to you from Montgomery. They have gone to Wolf River.

Zollicoffer has 6,000 men all told; 1,000 of these are sick; 600 or 800 are not armed; 1,600 of the 6,000 are at Cumberland Gap; the balance beyond the gap.

Our enemies here are very uneasy for the safety of Zollicoffer, and have been calling on Davis for help; but, as I am informed, Davis says he is so pressed on the Potomac that he can spare none of the Virginia troops.

I can gain no reliable information from Kentucky by way of Nashville. I hear of no troops passing over our railroad.

We hear, by way of Knoxville, that Garrard has driven Zollicoffer back 6 miles. I suppose it is true, as secessionists tell it.

This whole country is in a wretched condition; a perfect despotism reigns here. The Union men of East Tennessee are longing and praying for the hour when they can break their fetters. The loyalty of our people increases with the oppressions they have to bear. Men and women weep for joy when I merely hint to them that the day of our deliverance is at hand. I have not seen a secession flag since I entered the State. I beg you to hasten on to our help, as we are about to create a great diversion in General McClellan's favor. It seems to me, if you would ask it, he would spare you at once 5,000 or 10,000 well-drilled troops. Will you not ask for more help?

I know you will excuse a civilian for making suggestions to a military man, when you remember that I am risking my life and that I am about to ask my people to do the same. I find more deficiency in arms in this part of East Tennessee than I expected. You must bring some small-arms with you. I am satisfied that you will have to take the road by Monticello and Jamestown, unless you come by Cumberland Gap.

I can assure you that whoever is the leader of a successful expedition into East Tennessee will receive from these people a crown of glory of which any one might well be proud, and I know of no one on whom I would more cheerfully bestow that crown than on yourself.

I regret that I can give you no more information, but I will communicate with you as circumstances may require. Perhaps it would be well for you to let General McClellan know that I have reached East Tennesee, as I know he is very anxious for my success.

I write in great haste, but believe you may rely on all I have written.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

WM. BLOUNT CARTER.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 4 (Serial No. 4), p. 320

Colonel William B. Wood to Judah Benjamin, November 20, 1861

HEADQUARTERS,        

Knoxville, November 20, 1861.

SIR: The rebellion in East Tennessee has been put down in some of the counties, and will be effectually suppressed in less than two weeks in all the counties. Their camps in Sevier and Hamilton Counties have been broken up, and a large number of them made prisoners. Some are confined in jail at this place and others sent to Nashville.

In a former communication I inquired of the Department what I should do with them. It is a mere farce to arrest them and turn them over to the courts. Instead of having the effect to intimidate it really gives encouragement and emboldens them in their traitorous conduct. We have now in custody some of their leaders—Judge Patterson, the son-in law of Andrew Johnson; Colonel Pickens, the senator in the legislature from Sevier and other counties, and several members of the legislature, besides others of influence and some distinction in their counties. These men have encouraged this rebellion, but have so managed as not to be found in arms. Nevertheless, all their actions and words have been unfriendly to the Government of the Confederate States. The influence of their wealth, position, and connections has been exerted in favor of the Lincoln Government, and they are the parties most to blame for the troubles in East Tennessee. They really deserve the gallows, and if consistent with the laws ought speedily to receive their deserts; but there is such a gentle spirit of conciliation in the South, and especially here, that I have no idea that one of them will receive such a sentence at the hands of any jury impaneled to try them.

I have been here at this station for three months, half the time in command of the post, and I have had a good opportunity of learning the feeling pervading this country. It is hostile to the Confederate Government. They will take the oath of allegiance with no intention to observe it. They are the followers and slaves of Johnson and Maynard, and never intend to be otherwise. When arrested they suddenly become very submissive, and declare they are for peace and not supporters of the Lincoln Government, but yet they claim to be Union men. At one time, whilst our forces were at Knoxville, they gave it out that great changes were taking place in East Tennessee, and the people were becoming reconciled and loyal. At the withdrawal of the army from here to the Gap, and the first intimation that the Lincoln army was like to penetrate the State, they were in arms, and scarcely a man, with only a few honorable exceptions, but what was ready to join them and make war upon us.

The prisoners we have tell us that they had every assurance that the army was already in the State, and would join them in a very few days; that the property of Southern men was to be confiscated and divided amongst those who would take up arms for Lincoln.

I have to request, at least, that the prisoners I have taken be held, if not as traitors, as prisoners of war. To release them is ruinous; to convict them before a court at this time next to an impossibility; but if they are kept in prison for six months it will have a good effect. The bridge burners and spies ought to be tried at once, and I respectfully request that instructions be forwarded at as early a day as practicable, as it needs prompt action to dispose of these cases.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

W. B. WOOD,        

Colonel, Commanding Post.

Hon. J.P. BENJAMIN,
        Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 4 (Serial No. 4), p. 250-1