Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Monday, May 9, 1864

About 10 a. m., the train having come back, we got on for Lynchburg. I had a flat car next to the engine, exposed to the sun, smoke and cinders. The passage was very disagreeable. The only place of account on the way is Amherst Court House. Arriving at Lynchburg, 3 p. m., we marched through the town exposed to the wondering gaze of all classes. A motley crowd gathered at every corner, blacks and whites indiscriminately mixed, some the dirtiest objects generally found in the filthiest portions of cities. Had I seen So many black and white heads together in New York or New England my conservative inclinations would have upbraided my abolishion sentiments about amalgamation, about reducing white folks to the level of the niggers. The town is dirty, dilapidated; streets cluttered with business, it being a depot for military supplies and a rendezvous for troops, situated on the right bank of the James River and on the Kanawah Canal and the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad; population about 13,000. They marched us a mile out of the city, and stopped in a deep hollow by a fine stream. On one side is a high, rocky hill. Here are all prisoners recently captured, except officers, who are locked up in the city. Our guards are mostly citizens, boys and old men, equipped by themselves or with such guns as the provost could pick up. Most of them are impressed and drilled by invalid soldiers. I observed one man about fifty, very corpulent, good naturedly inclined, dressed in common citizen's coat and pants, white vest, white stove pipe hat, with a weed, armed with a shotgun, pacing his beat. He said he would like to converse but dare not. From the brow of the hill several cannon command the camp. I saw several citizens imprisoned in the city on parole who sympathized with the North. One guard inquired as we came out from the city, what we did with deserters from their army. He said they were told they were hanged by our authorities. He is a sergeant, had contemplated deserting; had a brother who deserted last winter. I gave him all information I could and intimated that a few of us would like to strike for the Blue Ridge that night. He said it would be death to attempt escape. We soon became convinced that it was quite impossible. I here learn of some I knew, being killed and wounded; that our division was badly cut up, and the loss of Generals Wadsworth, Rice and Robinson. Nothing to eat. No rations seen today. I spread my coat on the ground at night and lay down to sleep.

The Nation's in a sorry fix,

Tremendous family jar!

'Cause freedom and slavery couldn't mix,

The Johnnies went to war,

And when we meet them in their tricks,

Whine, "What you'ns fight we'uns for?"

We fight you for your cause is bad;

Your leaders honest blood have shed;

In South have human rights forbade

And wrongly have your hearts misled.

You challenge us to fight this war;

Our rights in Southland are effaced.

That's what "we'uns fight you'ns for,"

Or stand before the world disgraced.

The average Johnnie does not know

The baleful nature of his cause.

He's heard Davis, Toombs and Yancey blow,

And joined in brainless, wild hurrahs

To 'lect Buchanan, and so and so,

Pledged to enforce all slavery laws,

Slaveholders asking "Mo', give mo',"

Demands that never brooked a pause.

We've often warned them to go slow,

To curb their cursed maws.

Then they rebellious teeth would show

And gnash their wrathful jaws,

And swear they'd from the Union go

Or dictate all its laws;

For government, from long ago,

They've grasped with greedy paws;

Persistently have lobbied so

For some new pro-slavery clause.

They fell down in their Kansas muss—

They forced a savage fight—

Then started up this bigger fuss,

And we're in it up to sight.

I know not when the fuss 'll end;

It has been hard and hot;

But to the finish we'll contend,

And they'll lose every slave they've got.

The power they so long did wield,

We'll break forevermore,

And bleach its bones upon the field

And Freedom's cause restore.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 42-4

Brigadier-General Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, March 5, 1865

CUMBERLAND, MARYLAND, March 5, 1865.

DEAREST: — General Sheridan has got together all the four-footed beasts of this region and mounted his last trooper. They are gone to try to destroy railroads and stores if possible all the way to Lynchburg. We are thinking of nothing else just now. The only danger is the mud and high waters from the rains and melting snows. He is reported to have had a good little success at Woodstock, taking four guns and four hundred prisoners.

A few weeks will probably produce great changes in the situation. Even a considerable disaster to our arms now will hardly enable the Rebels to hold Richmond much longer.

Judge Johnston was here yesterday morning. He did not take his family to the inauguration. As things now are, I am glad you did not come. The railroad is in a wretched condition and our forces are so weak that we are liable to interruption at any time. General Duval will return, it is supposed, in a few days, when I can be better spared, if I wish to go anywhere.

I do not see any notice of Mitchell's appointment or confirmation. I fear the announcement was premature.

Wager Swayne lost a leg in South Carolina and is promoted to brigadier-general. General Hancock takes General Crook's place. We rather like the new regime. General Carroll takes General Kelley's shoes. We all like him, so far, very much. He takes to Dr. Joe almost as much as Crook did. — Love to all the boys and Grandma.

Affectionately, ever,

R.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 564-5

Diary of Brigadier-General Rutherford B. Hayes: Monday, March 6, 1865

Sheridan last Monday with a large cavalry force went towards Staunton, Charlottesville, and Lynchburg to destroy stores and connections with Richmond. Mud and water his chief enemies.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 565

Lieutenant-Colonel Scott Shipp to Major-General Francis H. Smith, July 4, 1864

HEADQUARTERS-CORPS OF CADETS,            

July 4, 1864.

GENERAL: In obedience to General Orders, No. --, headquarters Virginia Military Institute, June 27. 1864, I have the honor to submit the following report of the operations of the Corps of Cadets under my command in the field from May 11 to June 25, inclusive:

In obedience to orders from Major-General Breckinridge, communicated through you, at 7 a.m. on the morning of May 11 the Corps of Cadets, consisting of a battalion of four companies of infantry and a section of 3-inch rifled guns, took up the line of march for Staunton. The march to Staunton was accomplished in two days. I preceded the column on the second day some hours for the purpose of reporting to General Breckinridge, and was ordered by him to put the Cadets in camp one mile south of Staunton.

On the morning of the 13th I received orders to march at daylight on the road to Harrisonburg, taking position in the column in rear of Echols' brigade. We marched eighteen miles and encamped; moved at daylight on the 14th; marched sixteen miles and encamped.

At 12 o'clock on the night of the 14th received orders to prepare to march immediately, without beat of drum and as noiselessly as possible. We moved from camp at 1.30 o'clock, taking position in the general column in rear of Echols' brigade, being followed by the column of artillery under the command of Major McLaughlin. Having accomplished a distance of six miles and approached the position of the enemy, as indicated by occasional skirmishing with his pickets in front, a halt was called, and we remained on the side of the road two or three hours in the midst of a heavy fall of rain. The general having determined to receive the attack of the enemy, made his dispositions for battle, posting the corps in reserve. He informed me that he did not wish to put the Cadets in if he could avoid it, but that should occasion require it, he would use them very freely. He was also pleased to express his confidence in them, and I  am happy to believe that his expectations were not disappointed, for when the tug of battle came they bore themselves gallantly and well.

The enemy not making the attack as was anticipated, or not advancing as rapidly as was desired, the line was deployed into column and the advance resumed. Here I was informed by one of General Breckinridge's aids that my battalion, together with the battalion of Col. G. M. Edgar, would constitute the reserve, and was instructed to keep the section of artillery with the column, and to take position, after the deployments should have been made, 250 or 300 yards in rear of the front line of battle, and to maintain that distance. Having begun a flank movement to the left, about two miles south of New Market, the nature of the ground was such as to render it impossible that the artillery should continue with the infantry column. I ordered Lieutenant Minge to join the general artillery column in the main road and to report to Major McLaughlin. After that I did not see the section of artillery until near the close of the engagement. Major McLaughlin, under whose command they served, was pleased to speak of the section in such complimentary terms that I was satisfied they had done their duty.

Continuing the advance on the ground to the left of the main road and south of New Market, at 12.30 p.m. we came under the fire of the enemy's batteries. Having advanced a quarter of a mile under the fire we were halted and the column was deployed, the march up to this time having been by flank in column. The ground in front was open, with skirts of woods on the left. Here General Breckinridge sent for me and gave me in person my instructions. The general's plans seem to have undergone some modification. Instead of one line, with a reserve, he formed his infantry in two, artillery in rear and to the right, the cavalry deployed and, guarding the right flank, left flank resting on a stream. Wharton's brigade of infantry constituted the first line; Echols' brigade the second. The battalion of Cadets, brigaded with Echols, was the last battalion but one from the left of the second line, Edgar's battalion being on the left. The lines having been adjusted the order to advance was passed. Wharton's line advanced; Echols' followed at 250 paces in rear. As Wharton's line ascended a knoll it came in full view of the enemy's batteries, which opened a heavy fire, but not having gotten the range, did but little damage. By the time the second gotten line reached the same ground the Yankee gunners had the exact range, and their fire began to tell on our line with fearful accuracy. It was here that Captain Hill and others fell. Great gaps were made through the ranks, but the cadet, true to his discipline, would close in to the center to fill the interval and push steadily forward. The alignment of the battalion under this terrible fire, which strewed the ground with killed and wounded for more than a mile on open ground, would have been creditable even on a field day.

The advance was thus continued until having passed Bushong's house, a mile or more beyond New Market, and still to the left of the main road, the enemy's batteries, at 250 or 300 yards, opened upon us with canister and case-shot, and their long lines of infantry were put into action at the same time. The fire was withering. It seemed impossible that any living creature could escape; and here we sustained our heaviest loss, a great many being wounded and numbers knocked down, stunned, and temporarily disabled. I was here disabled for a time, and the command devolved upon Captain H. A. Wise, Company A. He gallantly pressed onward. We had before this gotten into the front line. Our line took a position behind a line of fence. A brisk fusillade ensued; a shout, a rush, and the day was won. The enemy fled in confusion, leaving killed, wounded, artillery, and prisoners in our hands. Our men pursued in hot haste until it became necessary to halt, draw ammunition, and re-establish the lines for the purpose of driving them from their last position on Rude's Hill, which they held with cavalry and artillery to cover the passage of the river, about a mile in their rear. Our troops charged and took the position without loss. The enemy withdrew, crossed the river, and burnt the bridge.

The engagement closed at 6.30 p.m. The Cadets did their duty, as the long list of casualties will attest. Numerous instances of gallantry might be mentioned, but I have thought it better to refrain from specifying individual cases for fear of making invidious distinctions, or from want of information, withholding praise where it may have been justly merited. It had rained almost incessantly during the battle, and at its termination the Cadets were well-nigh exhausted. Wet, hungry, and many of them shoeless--for they had lost their shoes and socks in the deep mud through which it was necessary to march--they bore their hardships with that uncomplaining resignation which characterizes the true soldier.

The 16th and 17th were devoted to caring for the wounded and the burial of the dead. On the 17th I received an order from General Breckinridge to report to General Imboden, with the request upon the part of General Breckinridge that the corps be relieved from further duty at that time and be ordered back to the Institute. The circumstances of General Imboden's situation were such as to render our detention for a time necessary. We were finally ordered by him to proceed to Staunton without delay, for the purpose of proceeding by rail to Richmond, in obedience to a call of the Secretary of War. Returning, the corps marched into Staunton on the 21st; took the cars on the 22d; reached Richmond on the 23d; were stationed at Camp Lee until the 28th; were then ordered to report to Major-General Ransom: ordered by him to encamp on intermediate line. On the 28th left Camp Lee; took up camp on Carter's farm, on intermediate line, midway between Brook and Meadow Bridge roads; continued in this camp until June 6. On the 6th received orders to return to Lexington; reached Lexington on the 9th; Yankees approached on 10th; drove us out on the 11th; we fell back, taking Lynchburg road: marched to mouth of the North River and went into camp. Next day (Sunday, the 11th) remained in camp until 12 m.; scouts reported enemy advancing; fell back two miles and took a position at a strong pass in the mountains to await the enemy. No enemy came. We were then ordered to Lynchburg; went there; ordered to report to General Vaughn; ordered back to Lexington; reached Lexington on the 25th. Corps furloughed on June 27.*

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

 S. SHIPP,                  

Lieutenant-Colonel and Commandant.

Maj. Gen. F. H. SMITH,

Superintendent.

_________________

* Nominal list of casualties (omitted) shows 8 killed and 44 wounded.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 37, Part 1 (Serial No. 70), p. 89-91

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: September 11, 1863

A dispatch from Raleigh informs us of a mob yesterday in that city. Some soldiers broke into and partially destroyed the office of the Standard, alleged to be a disloyal paper; after that, and when the soldiers had been dispersed by a speech from Governor Vance, the citizens broke into and partially destroyed the Journal, an ultra-secession paper. These were likewise dispersed by a speech from the Governor.

Gen. Whiting writes that the enemy is making demonstrations against Lockwood's Folly, 23 miles from Wilmington. He says if 3000 were to pass it, the forts and harbor would be lost, as he has but one regiment — and it is employed on picket service. He says in ten nights the enemy can come from Charleston — and that Wilmington was never so destitute of troops since the beginning of the war, and yet it was never in such great peril. It is the only port remaining — and to lose it after such repeated warning would be the grossest culpability.

The officers of the signal corps report that Gen. Meade has been ordered to advance, for it is already known in Washington that a large number of troops are marching out of Virginia. Lee, however, it is now believed, will not go to Tennessee. They also report that a Federal army of 6400 — perhaps they mean 64,000 — is to march from Arkansas to the Rio Grande, Texas. If they do, they will be lost.

The engineer corps are to fortify Lynchburg immediately.

The clerks of the Post-office Department have petitioned the Secretary of War to allow them (such as have families) commissary stores at government prices, else they will soon be almost in a state of starvation. Their salaries are utterly inadequate for their support. The clerks in all the departments are in precisely the same predicament. The Postmaster-General approves this measure of relief — as relief must come before Congress meets — and he fears the loss of his subordinates.

It is said by western men that the enemy is organizing a force of 25,000 mounted men at Memphis, destined to penetrate Georgia and South Carolina, as far as Charleston! If this be so — and it may be so — they will probably fall in with Longstreet's corps of 20,000 now passing through this city.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 41-2

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Sunday, April 9, 1865

Revelie this morning on the drums which is the first time while we have been before Spanish fort. Soon as breakfast is over many of the men go out to see the forts. The report on their return the roads & all arond the forts in the very grond we walked over was planted with hundreds of torpedos & it was a wonder that hundreds of men had not been killed, the reason is the caps over the tops put there to protect them had not been removed the Pioneer Corps are taking up dead loads of them, the cannon 30 in no were spiked with wraught iron which is taken out of most of them all ready, directly after breakfast the general blows, it begins to rain, is 12 before we move up on the hill by Div Hd Qtrs when 4 days rations is issued to the men, is 1. P. M. when we start out for Blakely when, we had gone about a mile Lt Rice rides up & tells us the news at the landing is that Petersburg & Richmond is evacuated & Lee fallen back to Lynchburgh, 2 mile out & just outside of Smiths rear the 13th Ind cav is out on review Latter part of the roads very bad & were until 9. P. M. getting to camp, in the evening we are on a forced march for some purpose, as we near Blakely meet some soldiers who say. you need not run yourselves to death for Blakely is ours. on inquiry learned that it had surrendered about ½ hour before having been carried by assault. Our men losst heavily many of them torn to pieces by the explosion of torpedos captured about 2400 prisoners & 25 pieces of artillery, some 100 Ibers we meet 9. ambulance loads of wounded, hear that 2 rams run in & surrendered after the fort had surrendered. The negros in the charge are said to have taken few prisoners on account of one of their men having been shot who was captured, (this is all rumor) a slight sprinkle of rain this evening.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 587-8

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: September 22, 1864

This morning prisoners began to show up. They were guarded from here to Harper's Ferry by a portion of our regiment, who relieved the cavalry escort, or guard. Our boys joking with them. Some of them we had been up against at Lynchburg, during Hunter's raid. The wagon trains have left here, going on to Harper's Ferry. Nothing for us to do here. Reported late tonight we leave here in the morning.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 127

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: November 13, 1864

The “military situation” seems very much the same. Some cheering intimations from Georgia. Hood has made movements on Sherman's flank, and Forrest upon his rear, which it is thought promise most valuable results, but nothing final has been yet accomplished, and we may be too sanguine.

General Price is still successful in Missouri. In the Valley of Virginia an immense amount of private property has been destroyed. Sheridan, glorying in his shame, boasts of, and probably magnifies, what has been done in that way. He telegraphs to Grant that he has burned 2,000 barns. The Lord shorten his dreadful work, and have mercy upon the sufferers!

Nothing new about Richmond. A few days ago the enemy made several attempts to advance upon the Darbytown road, and were handsomely repulsed. The firing of cannon is so common a sound that it is rather remarkable when we do not hear it.

Mr. ––– has been telling us of some other interesting cases in his hospital; among them, that of Captain Brown, of North Carolina, has awakened our sympathies. He came into the hospital bright and cheerful, with every appearance of speedy recovery. He talked a great deal of his wife and six children at home, one of whom he had never seen. Knowing that his wife would be sick, he had obtained a furlough, and made arrangements to go home, but the recent battles coming on, he would not leave his post. Through many a hard-fought action God had kept him unharmed; he had never been touched by a solitary weapon, until he began to feel that there was not the slightest danger to him, amid the harvest of death. He wrote that he should be at home as soon as this fight was over; but it was not to be so, and he soon came into the hospital severely wounded. As he lay upon his bed of suffering, the image of his dear wife in her sickness and sorrow, and then with her new-born infant, seemed constantly before him. “I intended to be there,” he would say dreamily; “I made all my arrangements to be there ; I know she wants me; she wrote to me to come to her; oh, I wish I was there, but now I can't go, but I hope I did right; I hope it is all right.” A letter from her, speaking of herself and infant as doing well relieved his anxiety, and he tried to bear the disappointment with patience, still hoping soon to be at home. God, however, had ordered it otherwise. The word had gone forth, “He shall not return to his house, neither shall his place know him any more.” Gangrene appeared, and it was melancholy to see his strength giving way, his hopes fading, and death coming steadily on. He was a professor of religion, and Mr. ––– says he was always ready to hear the word of God, and, though anxious to live, yet he put himself into the Lord's hand, with humble faith and hope, such as may give his friends assurance that death was gain to him.

The war news seems encouraging. Many persons are very despondent, but I do not feel so — perhaps I do not understand the military signs. Our men below Richmond have certainly had many successes of late. Sheridan, instead of capturing Lynchburg, as he promised, is retreating down the Valley. In the South, the army of Tennessee is in Sherman's rear, and Forrest still carries every thing before him. General Price seems to be doing well in Missouri; Arkansas and Texas seem to be all right. Kentucky, too, (poor Kentucky !) seems more hopeful. Then why should we despond? Maryland, alas for Maryland! the tyrant's heel appears too heavy for her, and we grievously fear that the prospect of her union with the South is rapidly passing away. If we must give her up, it will not be without sorrow and mortification. We shall mournfully bewail her dishonour and shame. If her noble sons who have come to the South must return, they will take with them our gratitude and admiration for their gallant bearing in many a hard-fought battle. Readily will we receive those who choose to remain among us; and in holy ground take care of her honoured dead, who so freely gave their lives for Southern rights. The Potomac may seem to some the natural boundary between North and South; but it is hard to make up one's mind yet to the entire surrender of our sister State; and if we could, gladly would we hope for Maryland, even as we hope for the Southern Confederacy herself.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 314-6

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: May 19, 1862

We await the issue before Richmond. It is still believed by many that it is the intention of the government and the generals to evacuate the city. If the enemy were to appear in force on the south side, and another force were to march on us from Fredericksburg, we should be inevitably taken, in the event of the loss of a battle — an event I don't anticipate. Army, government, and all, might, it is true, be involved in a common ruin. Wrote as strong a letter as I could to the President, stating what I have every reason to believe would be the consequences of the abandonment of Richmond. There would be demoralization and even insubordination in the army. Better die here! With the exception of the business portion of the city, the enemy could not destroy a great many houses by bombardment. But if defeated and driven back, our troops would make a heroic defense in the streets, in the walled grave-yards, and from the windows. Better electrify the world by such scenes of heroism, than surrender the capital and endanger the cause. I besought him by every consideration, not to abandon Richmond to the enemy short of the last extremity.

The legislature has also passed resolutions calling upon the C. S. Government to defend Richmond at all hazards, relieving the Confederate authorities, in advance, of all responsibility for any damage sustained.

This will have its effect. It would be pusillanimous to retire now.

But every preparation had been made to abandon it. The archives had been sent to Columbia, S. C., and to Lynchburg. The tracks over the bridges had been covered with plank, to facilitate the passage of artillery. Mr. Randolph had told his page, and cousin, “you must go with my wife into the country, for tomorrow the enemy will be here.” Trunks were packed in readiness — for what? Not one would have been taken on the cars! The Secretary of the Treasury had a special locomotive and cars, constantly with steam up, in readiness to fly with the treasure.

Nevertheless, many of the old secessionists have resolved not to leave their homes, for there were no other homes for them to fly to. They say they will never take the oath of allegiance to the despised government of the North, but suffer whatever penalties may be imposed on them. There is a sullen, but generally a calm expression of inflexible determination on the countenances of the people, men, women, and children. But there is no consternation; we have learned to contemplate death with composure. It would be at least an effectual escape from dishonor; and Northern domination is dishonor.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 126-7

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: August 20, 1862

Lynchburg. — Mr. —— and myself arrived here last night, after a most fatiguing trip, by Clarksville, Buffalo Springs, then to Wolfs Trap Station on the Danville road, and on to the Southside Railroad. The cars were filled with soldiers on furlough. It was pleasant to see how cheerful they were. Poor fellows! it is wonderful when we consider what the next battle may bring forth. They were occupied discussing the late battle at Cedar Run, between General Jackson and a portion of Pope's army, commanded by Banks. It was a very fierce fight, and many casualties on both sides; but we won the day — the Lord be praised! Lynchburg is full of hospitals, to which the ladies are very attentive; and they are said to be very well kept. I have been to a very large one to-day, in which our old home friends, Mrs. Rowland and Miss Emily Mason, are matrons. Every thing looked beautifully neat and comfortable. As a stranger, and having so much to do for my patient at home, I find I can do nothing for the soldiers, but knit for them all the time, and give them a kind word in passing. I never see one without feeling disposed to extend my hand, and say, “God bless you.”

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 131-2

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, April 7, 1865

Headquarters Army or The Potomac, April 7,1865.

Though late at night, I seize the time to send you a few lines. I don't know when I last heard or wrote to you, for besides the battles and marches of the last ten days, I have been nearly all the time quite under the weather with a severe bilious catarrh, taking an intermittent form. Thanks to my powerful constitution, and the good care of my attending physician, together with the excitement of the scenes I have passed through, I have managed not to give up, but to be on hand each day. It is impossible for me to give you a detailed account of all our operations; suffice it to say, they have been brilliantly successful, beyond the most reasonable expectations. Richmond is ours, and Lee's army flying before us, shattered and demoralized. Yesterday we took over ten thousand prisoners and five generals, among them Lieutenant General Ewell, and Custis Lee, Charley Turnbull's friend. I hear these officers virtually admit the contest over, and say they believe Lee is prepared to surrender, or at least to disband his army.

We are now at Farmville, on the Appomattox, Lee having started for Danville; but we cut him off and forced him back towards Lynchburg. I am happy to tell you that I have reliable intelligence from Confederate officers that neither Mr. Wise¹ nor his sons are dead.

George is quite well, and has, with Lyman and Dr. McParlin, taken good care of me. Major Smyth joined us just as we were moving, and has had a grand opportunity to see everything.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 269-70

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, April 3, 1865

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, April 3, 1865.

The telegraph will have conveyed to you, long before this reaches you, the joyful intelligence that Petersburg and Richmond have fallen, and that Lee, broken and dispirited, has retreated towards Lynchburg and Danville. We have had three glorious days, the fighting not so severe as much we have done before, but in the results. We are now moving after Lee, and if we are successful in striking him another blow before he can rally his troops, I think the Confederacy will be at an end.

George¹ is quite well, having left his uncle at City Point, where it was deemed advisable he should stop for awhile. Willie² was doing very well, and is not considered in any danger.

Markoe Bache arrived this morning just in time to march into Petersburg with us.

The strong demonstration we made on Lee's right caused him so to attenuate his lines that, notwithstanding their strength, we broke through his left, and poured in such a force that he had to fly to save himself. He was fortunate in keeping us out of the town till dark, which enabled him to get over the Appomattox what remained of his army. The last estimate of our prisoners amounted to fifteen thousand, and deserters and stragglers are being picked up by the thousands. Let us hope the war will soon be over.

_______________

¹ Son of General Meade.

² Brother of Mrs. Meade.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 269

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: June 17, 1864

A cornfield was a rough place to sleep for a night, and try to rest. Up early this morning. After a hasty feed, again on the march, along the main pike to Lynchburg. Our advance is slow most of the time, as we drive the enemy along. At times it is hot work. General Hunter, for reasons best known to himself, has ordered the burning up of many fine old Virginia mansions with all the contents. Many fine appearing ladies weep while their homes are burning. All they can do is to look on. One cannot help but feel sorry for them. That is cruel war. When told it was done by order of the General, I heard one woman say, “I would like to pull the General's nose.” There were some great fires along that Lynchburg Pike. One report was that our men had been fired on from the houses that were burned. They were not all burned, along the pike. It is fight as we advance, at times, making a forced march. Late this P. M. we go into battle near Lynchburg. A hot one. The enemy routed, retire to their main earthworks, near town. We capture two field pieces and a number of prisoners. Darkness put an end to the fight. The battle is known to us as Quaker Church, four miles from Lynchburg. A line of battle having been formed, our guns were stacked, with orders to keep close in line. Getting a little feed, we dropped down on the ground to try and get a little sleep and rest. In front of Lynchburg, Virginia.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 78-9