William C. Preston to Senator Henry Clay, November 28, 1847

COLUMBIA, November 28, 1847.

MY DEAR SIR,—Your speech* is not only equal to your reputation, but in my judgment even passes what you have heretofore done. The eloquence with which you have expressed yourself gave me delight, while the dignity, wisdom and lofty spirit of patriotism throughout it inspire me with a sort of awe, and fill me with solemn emotions. It is a very noble State paper. It gave me the more profound satisfaction as it had been preceded by rumors of a different character. I can not but believe that it will be of great value to the country, and arrest the fatal policy which is hurrying us to the most disastrous consequences.

_______________

* On the Mexican War, at Lexington.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 550

Major General Zachary Taylor to Senator Henry Clay, December 28, 1847

BATON ROUGE, La., December 28, 1847.

MY DEAR SIR,—Your kind and acceptable letter of the 13th instant, congratulating me on my safe return to the United States, and for the complimentary and flattering terms you have been pleased to notice my services, I beg leave to tender you my sincere thanks.

The warm and hearty reception I have met with from so many of my fellow-citizens, where I have mingled among them since my return, in addition to their manifestations of their high appreciation and approval of my conduct while in Mexico, has been truly gratifying, and has ten-fold more than compensated me for the dangers and toils I have encountered in the public service, as well as for the privations in being so long separated from my family and friends; yet there are circumstances connected with my operations in that country which I can never forget, and which I must always think of with feelings of the deepest sorrow and regret.

I left Mexico after it was determined the column under my orders was to act on the defensive, and after the capital of the enemy had fallen into our hands, and their army dispersed, on a short leave of absence, to visit my family, and to attend to some important private affairs, which could not well be arranged without my being present, and which had been too long neglected. After reaching New Orleans, I informed the Secretary of War that should my presence in Mexico be deemed necessary at any time, I was ready to return, and that a communication on that or any other subject connected with my public duties would reach me if addressed to this place. I therefore feel bound to remain here, or in the vicinity, until the propor authorities at Washington determine what disposition is to be made of or with me. Under this state of things I do not expect to have it in my power to visit Kentucky, although it would afford me much real pleasure to mix once more with my numerous relatives and friends in that patriotic State, to whom I am devotedly attached; as well as again to visit, if not the place of my nativity, where I was reared from infancy to early manhood. And let me assure you I duly appreciate your kind invitation to visit you at your own hospitable home, and should any thing occur which will enable me to avail myself of it, I will embrace the opportunity with much real pleasure.

I regret to say, I found my family, or rather Mrs. Taylor, on my return, in feeble health, as well as my affairs in any other than a prosperous condition; the latter was, however, to be expected, and I must devote what time I can spare, or can be be [sic] spared from my public duties, in putting them in order as far as I can do so.

Should circumstances so turn out as will induce you to visit Washington the present winter, I trust you will take every precaution to protect yourself while traveling from the effects of the severe cold weather you must necessarily encounter in crossing the mountains, particularly so after having passed several of the last winters in the South.

The letter which you did me the honor to address me, referred to, reached me on the eve of my leaving Monterey to return to the United States, and was at once replied to, which reply I flatter myself reached you shortly after writing your last communication; in which I stated, although I had received some letters from individuals in Kentucky calculated, or perhaps intended, to produce unkind feelings on my part toward you, even admitting such was the case, their object has not been accomplished in the slightest degree, and I hope it will never be the case.

Please present me most kindly to your excellent lady, and wishing you and yours continued health and prosperity, I remain, with respect and esteem, etc.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 550-2

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Saturday, April 18, 1863

Very little done through the day. Colonel, chaplain, adjutant and Lieuts. Randolph and Emmons in my room talking over Mexican war. Misty all day. Staff practicing with Colt's guns.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 16

1st Lieutenant William T. Sherman to Mary Elizabeth Sherman Reese, November 10, 1846

UNITED STATES SHIP LEXINGTON AT SEA,        

Νον. 10, 1846.

My Dear Sister: The wind is now so strong and fair that we have hopes of reaching Valparaiso in about ten days, and, as our stay there will be too short to gratify curiosity and write letters too, I must prepare them beforehand. We sailed from Rio on the evening of the 21st of September, and ran down the coast of South America with nothing to disturb the usual monotony of a sea life till, on the twenty-first day out, we made Statenland, an island to the north and east of Cape Horn. It had become cold, and the bleak mountains, covered with snow, looked desolate enough. Soon they were sunken beneath the horizon, and our vessel felt the majestic swell of the Pacific. We were then in the sea so much dreaded by sailors, but a bright sun made us for the day think the dangers like most others, more imaginary than real. We were soon undeceived, for the southwest wind arose, driving us to the eastward amidst a conflict of waves such as I had never seen before. For twelve days we struggled with the storm, snow, ice, and cold, and when the wind lulled, we found that no progress had been made. A favoring breeze then enabled us to reach Cape Horn, with its snow-capped rocks, and we passed quite near it, with a clear sky and bright sun overhead. We began to flatter ourselves that it was done with us, but we were again mistaken; for a northwester began and served us more rudely than its predecessor. For another twelve days it was one continued struggle for mastery, and really it seemed more than once as though the ship must be swamped. All hands were completely exhausted; our Captain Baily of the navy has made the passage some ten or twelve times, and the purser still oftener, and each say they never encountered so heavy a sea or such persevering head gales. Often our decks were covered with ice and snow, the rigging dangling with icicles, whilst the wind moaned and whistled as in our western woods. I will not attempt to give you an idea of the height or force of the waves, — words are inadequate to convey a true idea, and one must expеrience them to feel their full force. I trust, however, you may never have to seek such experience. Yesterday, however, the observation of the sun placed us in 54° 40' or north of Cape Horn, whose latitude is 55° 59', or we had been twenty-six days south of the Cape passing through a distance we might return in less than two. Our course on the chart is jagged and crooked enough; the farthest south latitude we made was 59°. Here it is now spring and the days very long. I have seen the sun rise before four in the morning and set after eight, with twilight extending nearly the whole night. Were we to remain here a month longer, we might see the sun throughout twenty hours out of twenty-four. Travellers always allude to the strangeness of seeing the sun to the north, new constellations in the sky, etc., but education explains causes, removes mystery, and strips travelling of nearly all its ancient zest. The constellation of the Southern Cross is composed of four stars that are not very conspicuous. You may look up any night and see the same in any latitude. The Magellan clouds are three small patches of nebulæ like the Milky Way. They are near the South Pole, and cannot, of course, be seen in the northern hemisphere. In no other respect does this part of the world differ from any other, for the sea, monotonous sea, is the same everywhere, differing only according to the freshness of the breeze. The little world, bounded by the walls of our ship, continues the same limited monarchy, with its grades and distinctions. The captain in his cabin, the officers in the wardrooms, and sailors and soldiers forward. Of the three, ours, being the middle rank, is doubtless the most pleasant, for it embraces eleven in number, with books, cards, and music. We are thrown into the most intimate contact, and thus far have not suffered from a feeling of jealousy that is very apt to arise among officers of different services. Strange, too, for it is an imperium in imperio. We are passengers, having our soldiers under one species of command—the naval officers are on duty with the sailors. We are bound to do nothing, but still do make one-fourth of our men stay on deck all the time to assist in working the ship, for the crew is very short. Such a mixture of duties seldom prospers, but here, by a good understanding on the part of the officers, we have had no trouble at all, all feeling our mutual dependence. Since we have been off the Cape it has been so cold that we have been compelled to wrap up and keep more to ourselves in our staterooms, sleeping or reading, the former having the preference — the better the sleeper, the happier the man. Never was time more perfectly sacrificed, for we have been afloat near four months, and now, for the first time, we head towards our destination, after having sailed about nine thousand or ten thousand miles. If you hear about a subscription opening to dig a canal across the Isthmus of Panama, you may put me down any amount, for really I do not fancy a voyage of twenty-four thousand miles to accomplish a distance of less than two thousand. However, I do not permit myself to dream of a return to the United States for five or six years, when I hope to pass through Mexico. We are all most anxious to hear the state of the war. How many fights have been had, how the volunteers act, how General Kearny progresses, for we expect him to be in California this winter; yea, and a thousand other things that will be old before they reach our ears, for our own slow progress teaches us how slow and uncertain is communication by sea, to which we shall have mainly to rely for news and letters. The long, tedious time on board ship has given us ample time to reflect upon the past and make me feel a little astonished at my rapid movement from Pittsburgh. There I was well off, but, impelled by a feeling of shame at leading so quiet a life when my comrades were at war, I wrote to the Adjutant-General, requesting him to order me upon any expedition, — the more hazardous, the more it would be to my liking. This letter was before him when Captain Tompkins, without my knowledge, made application for me. The coincidence produced the result, and I was ordered. My order reached Pittsburgh when I was absent of my own accord, so that when I reached Pittsburgh I found that the expedition would sail immediately; I started without regard to private risk or interest lest I should be too late and lose a reputation for prompt and willing obedience of dangerous orders. I wish now I had been more slow and made better preparations for so long an absence, but it is now too late and I must trust to fortune. I repeat these things that they may be known in case of accident to me. I cannot imagine now how I was so hasty at Pittsburgh, except that then I had an idea that we were to land in California to act offensively with a battery instead of being planted to grow rusty and old in one place till Government be good enough to recall us. The only objects of life and curiosity in this region of earth are the whales and birds; the former do not show themselves often, but are known by the peculiar misty spout of water made as they rise to the surface for breath; but the birds are seen in a clearer element; they crowd in flocks all around the ship, following it for days and weeks, pouncing upon every piece of pork or bread that is thrown overboard. This greediness makes them an easy prey, for, with a baited hook and line, they are easily caught, and I don't know when I have had a more hearty laugh than at the simple idea of fishing for birds; but the idea is now a fact, having myself caught of all kinds. The most peculiar of them is the Cape pigeon, a beautiful, innocent bird exactly like a tame pigeon, except that it sits the water like a duck, and has webbed feet; but the albatross, the huge bird of the Cape, is more to my liking, and seems so perfectly indignant at being caught by stratagem. There are of these several varieties, the gray, the quaker (color) and white; the latter is the largest, measuring as much as twelve feet from wing to wing; their bodies are white and as large as a swan, and the spread of their wings great indeed. They soar about, scarcely moving a feather, just above the surface of the water, and, let the sea be as agitated as possible, they rise and fall with the huge waves, moving along them like a spirit upon the face of the waters. To the soldier officers catching these birds, the sailors, ever superstitious, attribute our hard luck in passing the Cape.

We expected to have reached port ere this, but the sea is very uncertain, giving us a foul wind instead of fair; but now a strong south wind is carrying us straight towards Valparaiso. Already are they shortening sails, ready to lay to for morning, as soon as the lighthouse is made. It is Sunday, and the day has been remarkably beautiful; sailors, soldiers, and officers have crowded the spar deck to enjoy the warm sun and watch the varying shades of the distant Andes. They are distinctly visible, their sides and caps shining in their wintry garb, whilst the dark line of green at their base adds beauty to their cold, sterile magnificence. These mountains are from seventeen to twenty-two thousand feet in height, and may be seen at the distance of one hundred and fifty miles; but so accustomed have I been to read accounts of them and to see and dream pictures of snow-clad mountains, that these seem more like a representation than reality. I hope, however, to stroll as high up as possible, so as to realize all their magnitude and enjoy the splendid scenery grouped around them. Sixty-four days have now elapsed since we sailed from Rio, and you can easily conceive our anxiety to reach port. is a large fleet of English in harbor, but it seems that they have taken no steps to oppose our taking California. A lieutenant called upon our captain from the usual mark of politeness. I am officer of the day, and cannot go on shore, but will have the next three days to myself; then again I'll be officer of day, and will write to mother. Good-by.

Your affectionate brother,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, pp. 31-6

Diary of Edward Bates, July 15, 1859

To day I paid Dr. [           ] Billingslea $5. for his medical attendance upon Lear (my mother's freed woman). He presented a bill stating Lear as my servant. I refused to pay the bill as a debt due by me, or to make myself, in any way liable for such claims, as there are now near 40 free negro[e]s emancipated by my mother and sister, but handed him $5. in acknowledgment of his kindness to Lear.

The National Intelligencer of July 12, contains various articles worth memory [.]

1. Botts'²² letter about the liability of naturalized citizens to compulsory military service — in condemnation of Sec.[retar]y. Cass' doctrine [.]

2 The "Mexican Question"²³ by Geo[rge] L. Stevens[.]

3. "MOBILRZATION"²⁴ — as applied to the Prussian Army. Explanation of the term — taken from a French Military Journal[.] <The term I think is also used in France, and, in its generic sense, means only — the common meaning of the word — the putting of troops in condition to move or march — E. B.> "In Prussia, says the Journal, the obligation of military service is incumbent on all." . . .

"The military system of Prussia rests upon an organization which divides the forces of that monarchy into two distinct armies: the one the army of the line, or regular troops: the other the army of the reserve, or the militia, who are called the landwehr, and which consists of the same men who, having passed through the army of the line, are subject to landwehr duty, from their 26th. [25th.] to their 32d. year[.]

Besides the landwehr, which is divided into [a] first and [a] second levy, there is also the Landsturm or general levy, which comprises men between the ages of 40 and 50 years."

4th. A curious snake story, which seems well: avouched — A man was bitten by a rattlesnake, spots appeared on him like the spots on the snake, and when he died (which was in a few hours) there was found on his person, an exact likeness of the snake — true as a degeurrotipe [daguerreotype] — extending from the wound, on the hand, up to the shoulder, and down the body, to the groin.²⁵

[Marginal] Note. Nov 20. 1859. A case fully as remarkable [sic][.]

A child of Dr. Nott of S. Carolina was killed by lightning last summer. A tree in the yard was struck at the same time, and upon the body of the child was found a miniature degurretipe [daguerreotype] picture of the tree, beautifully exact.

_______________

²² John M. Botts of Virginia: Whig congressman, 1839-1843, 1847-1849; defeated Know-Nothing candidate for Congress in 1854; opponent of the "gag law" of 1836, of the annexation of Texas and the Mexican War, and of secession. On Virginia's withdrawal from the Union, he withdrew from public life, was imprisoned by the Confederacy but finally paroled, and later became a leading Conservative supporter of Johnsonian restoration policies.

²³ This appeared in the issue of July 11, not in that of July 12.

²⁴ This, too, appeared in the issue of July 11. And Mr. Bates has not quoted from it accurately.

²⁵ This, too, appeared in the issue of July 11, rather than that of July 12.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, pp. 30-2

Henry Clay to Henry T. Duncan, February 15, 1848

WASHINGTON, February 15, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR, — I received your letter of the 9th instant and I was gratified with the proceedings in Bourbon, of which it gave a full account. I presume through other channels you are advised of the state of public affairs here. I see no prospect of peace at present. Upon my arrival here the strongest appeals have been made to me to take no step withdrawing my name from among those from which a selection is to be made of a candidate for the Presidency. I have been assured that, if I did, it would lead to a prostration of the Whig party, especially in the free States. Then they say that General Taylor can not be supported in his present noncommittal position. Some doubt, if he were to assume distinct Whig ground, whether he could obtain the Whig support. I have suspended any definitive action.

Great surprise exists here as to the hot haste of our Taylor friends in Kentucky. Why is it? I am often asked, without being able to give any very satisfactory answer. What will be the issue of the two Conventions in Frankfort next week? Nobody knows here. After the long period of time during which I have had the happiness to enjoy the friendship and confidence of that State, what have I done, it is inquired, to lose it?

Those Conventions, if they would act wisely, I think, would acquiesce in the National Convention and leave their own delegates to act freely, according to all circumstances.

My suit has been argued in the Supreme Court, and I shall leave this place next week for Philadelphia, where some business takes me.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 554-5

Henry Clay to James Clay, February 21, 1848

WASHINGTON, February 21, 1848.

MY DEAR SON, — Mr. Adams was striken to-day in his seat in the House of Representatives with paralysis, and, if not now dead, it is believed that he can not live until night. Both houses immediately adjourned.

The court has not yet decided my cause, but as it has a press of business before it, I do not draw any unfavorable conclusion from the delay. I can not lose it.

I shall leave this city the day after to-morrow for Philadelphia on Mr. Shelby's business, and shall be detained there about a week.

Mr. Trist has certainly concluded a treaty with the Mexican Commissioners, which is now in this city. I understand that it cedes the boundary of the Rio Bravo, all New Mexico, and Upper California; and that we are to pay fifteen millions of dollars, besides assuming the payment of the debt due from Mexico to our citizens. I am told that the treaty will be submitted to the Senate for its advice, etc.

I wrote to your mother that I had received the check which you sent me from New Orleans.

My love to Susan, Lucy, and your other children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 556

General Zachary Taylor to Henry Clay, April 30, 1848

BATON ROUGE, La., April 30, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR, — Your highly esteemed letter of the 4th inst. was duly received, for which you have my best thanks. It was highly gratifying to me to hear from you, and to learn you had returned to Ashland, after so long a travel during the most inclement season of the year, in good health, which, I flatter myself, you will long continue to enjoy. Your views, as regards our respective chances to succeed to the Presidency at the coming election, are entitled to the greatest respect and consideration, as your opportunities of knowing the opinion of the people generally throughout the country, as regards that matter, are much better than mine can possibly be, having recently made a visit to the seat of the General Government, to three or four of our largest cities, and passed through, into, and along the borders of several of the strongest States in the Union; while I have, since my return from Mexico, for the most part remained stationary at an out-of-the-way place, where I see or hear but little of political movements or matters, save through the newspapers and letters, for the most part written and published by politicians, the editors and writers of the same are sometimes mistaken in their views on the subject of President-making, as other people.

I conceive I am, owing to circumstances which I could not well avoid, placed in rather a peculiar situation, as regards my being a candidate for the Presidency. It is well known to those who had my confidence, that I was very much opposed, when the matter was first agitated in several of the public journals, which was soon after the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, to my name being used as a candidate for that office, which I resisted as far as I could well do so, stating to those around me that I had no aspirations for civil office of any kind; that my greatest ambition was to bring the war we were engaged in to a speedy and honorable termination; that by being considered a candidate for that situation, would have the effect to make the President hostile to me even without his being aware of it, and in such a way as to impair my usefulness in the field, if not to destroy it, as regarded the object I had nearest my heart, which has been realized to the full extent of my expectation; for ever since the battle of Monterey, until I left Mexico, the hand of the Executive was laid heavily on me.

My name continued to be constantly referred to through some of the newspapers, from the time previously mentioned, as a candidate for the Presidency, until the battle of Buena Vista, soon after which I began to receive many letters from some of the first political men of the nation, and from several States, in which they stated that it was in contemplation to bring my name before the country as the Whig candidate for the Presidency, in November, 1848. In reply, I frankly stated my objections to their doing so; among others, that I was no politician, and that it might be considered presumption in me to aspire to that high station, when there were such statesmen who might be elevated to it as yourself, Mr. Crittenden, Judge McLean, and John M. Clayton, and hundreds of others unknown to me, who were, I conceived, much better qualified to preside over the destinies of the country than I was; that you were my first choice, nor did I wish to be in the way of any prominent Whig who might be brought out for that office. To which they replied some of whom were your warm political and personal friends that you would not again permit your name to be brought before the country as a candidate, and that they did not believe any other Whig, owing to events which had taken place, was so likely to be elected, in opposition to the party in power, as myself; and that I owed it to the country to permit my name to be used for said object; that I "could not avoid being a candidate if I would, and ought not if I could." Under this state of things I reluctantly yielded to their wishes. About the same time, I informed a distinguished member of Congress, that the arrangements for the next Presidential campaign were to be made during the approaching session of that body, which would shortly meet; and if, after consulting the members of both branches of the same, it was thought advisable to take up some other individual of the party who was more available, he was authorized to withdraw my name from the contest, and if it was you who was fixed on, so much the better. After writing said letter, I received the proceedings of the people called together in primary assemblies in several of the States, nominating me as a candidate for the Presidency at the next election, and in several instances stating it was understood that, in the event of any distinguished Whig being brought out as a candidate, I would at once withdraw my name; but urging me not to do so, but to continue as a candidate under all circumstances, on the grounds I had taken, which was not to be the exclusive candidate of any party, etc.; and on reaching New Orleans many friends called on me to let it be publicly announced that my name as a candidate for the office in question would not be withdrawn, let who would be in the field, which I consented to, and advised my friends in Washington of my change in that respect, without delay. I therefore now consider myself in the hands of the people, a portion of whom have placed my name before the country, for the highest office in their gift, without any agency of mine in the matter, and if they should think proper to drop me and take another, which they ought to do, provided they can fix on a more available candidate, and one better qualified to serve them, and cast their votes for him at the proper time, and should succeed in electing him, it will neither be a source of mortification or disappointment to me. On the contrary, if he is honest, truthful, and patriotic, I will rejoice at the result. And I can say, in all sincerity, that should you receive the nomination of the Whig National Convention, which is to meet in Philadelphia in June, and should be elected in November, but few of your friends will be more gratified than myself. And should you be unsuccessful, and should it be thought your being a candidate had the effect of preventing my election, it will not produce the slightest feeling of unkindness toward you, but I will continue to cherish those kind feelings which I have entertained for you for many years, which I hope are reciprocal.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 557-60

Senator John C. Calhoun to Duff Green, April 17, 1847*

Fort Hill 17th April 1847

MY DEAR SIR, The mistake, which I think you and the most of my friends make in reference to myself is, that you do not fully realize how completely I hold my own advancement subordinate to what I deem my duty to the Country. Even in the ardour of youthful aspiration, when the Presidency was an object of desire, I never could bring my mind to yield to a measure, or course of policy, which I thought wrong, to obtain that high office; much less can I now, when it is no longer to me an object of desire. Had I arrived at the Presidency by any other way, than an upright, and fearless discharge of what I conscienciously believed to be my duty, I would have been much more flexible, and under the influence of friends; but as it is, when I do not agree with any one portion, they have been too apt to suppose, that I had been influenced by those, with whom I happen to agree. You make this mistake as to my course in 1840. It may be, that the motives of those on the occassion, to which you refer, was such as you suppose; but, be that as it may, in making up my opinion, I had no consultation with them, nor had their opinion in relation to the subject to which you refer, the least influence with me. I am always happy to hear the opinion of my friends and often avail myself of their suggestions, in modifying my course; but rarely ever in taking it. I have said thus much, because, I think, you not infrequently fall into error, in attributing, what is the result of my deliberate judgement to the influence of others.

I entirely agree with you, that the Presidential election ought to be held in reserve, with the restriction, that no one of the old hunkers or their nominee by the Baltimore convention, shall get our support. I regard that portion of the party, as incurably corrupt. In their folly and profligacy they made the Mexican war, without seeing, that the successful general will ever be sure to turn the party, in this country, out of power, which makes a war. They began to see it, when it was too late, and hence their desire to have a Lieut General and to strike a blow at Genl Taylor during the last session. And hence, also, the sending of Genl Scott, in the hope of exciting their mutual Jealousy and dividing their political friends on the Presidential question. Indeed, the movements, on the part of both parties, have looked to that exclusively. It is to be hoped, that the very few, who look exclusively to the country, by taking an independent stand, and keeping in reserve their influence, may finally throw it, where something may be done to advance the publick good.

I am glad to learn, that you have closed a satisfactory arrangement, about your mountain property, and I hope that your expectation will be realized, but let me repeat my hope, expressed on a former occasion, that you will not engage in publishing a paper, unless you can see your way clearly. Your first duty is to your family.

My Charleston friends appear disposed to make an effort to raise the necessary funds to establish a paper for the support of the South, on a solid basis, provided the other Southern States will cooperate, or at least a part of them. But, I fear, that their attention is so much absorbed in the events of the Mexican war, and that they are so much entangled by their party connections, that nothing will be done.

_______________

* Original lent by Mr. R. P. Maynard.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 727-8

 

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, May 6, 1847

Fort Hill 6th May 1847

MY DEAR SIR, I am very happy to hear by yours by the Cambria, that you are all well.

The views you take in reference to Ritchie, and the position in which it has placed me in reference to the hunker portion of the party are perfectly correct. They are incurably corrupt; and I am glad to be seperated from them by their own act. It places me on ground perfectly independent of either party; to act according to the dictates of my own judgement. The days of hunkerism is numbered. Mr Polk is the last of the dynasty. It never can rise again to power. The folly and the vice of the party have destroyed it. He sought by the Mexican war to perpetuate the power of the party, but it will prove the means of his and their overthrow. As things now stand, he will make Taylor his successor by making the war. It has made him the available candidate, and that of itself will be sufficient to rally a majority around him. Indeed, it would seem to be an established principle with us, that the party in power, which makes war, will be sure to be turned out of power by it; — if successful, by the successful General; and if not, by the opposition. When that comes to be understood, as it will be, if Taylor should be elected, we never again shall have a war, when it can be averted. Had the administration had sufficient sagacity to see it, Taylor never would have been ordered to the del Norte, and there would have been no war. As much as I am opposed to military chieftains for presidents, I shall, thus thinking, be content to see him elected against Mr Polk, or any one, who contributed to make the war; and, let me add, against the nominee of a convention, either democrat, or Whig. But I go no farther. I shall stand fast on my own doctrines, and act in conformity to them, in any emergency, including the Presidential. It is the only way, by which I can serve the country and preserve my character. . . .

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 728-9

Senator John C. Calhoun to Anna Calhoun Clemson, June 10, 1847

Fort Hill 10th June 1847

MY DEAR ANNA, If I have not written you more frequently, it is because Cornelia and your Mother write you constantly, and that for the last several packets, it has been necessary for me to write to Mr Clemson, in reply to his letters and on business.

It happens, for the first [time] for a considerable period, that there was no subject, which required I should write to him, and that your letter to me, was the only one received from Brussels by the packet before the last. The last steamer which sailed took no letter from us to either of you, as we were absent in Abbeville in attendance on Kate Townes Wedding. I think she has done well; but as Cornelia sends a long letter to you, in company with this, I take it for granted, she will be very full in her narative about the wedding and all that relates to our visit to Abbeville, so I shall pass them over. I am happy to hear, you are all so well, and that the children are making such progress; not in what is called learning only, but what is vastly more important at their age, in good sense and habits. I hear such favourable accounts of them, that I am extremely desirous of seeing them again, as well as yourself and Mr Clemson; and sincerely hope, the time is not distant, when he shall think it for his interest to return to the U. States. If cotton should ever rise to 8 or 9 cents, steadily, as I hope it will, now that the immense stock, which had accumulated will be reduced to nothing by the end of the year. The present crop, thus far, is by no means promising. It is generally very backward, small and not a good stand. Besides, that planted on the Mississippi bottom has been in a great measure ruined by the Fresh. I saw not more than two tolerable crops on my visit to Abbeville, and neither of them much, if any more forward, than mine. With their exception, mine is the best by far I have seen this season. The weather has been unfavourable, and insects have abounded. We have not had since the 1st Week in April a single day that could be called warm, and are yet sleeping under a blanket, and 'till lately under two. We have rains now, but it is still too cool to give any great impulse to the growth of cotton.

I met in Abbeville Hammond at Mr McDuffie's, and spent a night with him there. He gave the same account of the crop, as low down as his residence, and I do not doubt it is much the case over the whole cotton region. He speaks very favourably of his experiment in marling and the use of plaster of Paris; and enthusiastically of his efforts in reclaiming the swamp land on his tract. From what he states, they must be equal to the best lands in the Union, while the expense, is far less than it was supposed it would be at first. Should Mr Clemson return, it would be worth while to look at the lands adjacent to him. The situation has great advantage in climate and position.

I am not at all surprised, that the state of things in Belgium and Europe, generally, should excite the feelings and sentiments you have so strongly expressed; and yet, bad as is the state of things there, it must, with the exception of this year of famine, be vastly superior to what it is in any other part of the old continent. We are for the present far better off; but it may be doubted whether we are not treading the path, that will lead in the end to a similar or worse state. Certain it is, that the preservation of our institutions and liberty oссиру but little of the attention of our Government, Federal, or State, or that of the people. Wealth and power engross the attention of all. We act, as if good institutions and liberty belonged to us of right, and that neither neglect nor folly can deprive us of their blessing. I almost stand alone, in taking a different view, and soon I fear shall be entirely out of fashion.

We have a most uncertain future before us. It began with the Mexican war. It has reached a critical point. I see nothing that can prevent us from taking the city, but what is to be the end of that, no one can tell. The present indication is, that we shall go on and subject, and hold in subjection, if we can the whole country; and who can tell to what that may lead? The only thing that seems probable is, that the Army and Navy are to become the controlling influence in the country, at least for another Generation.

I am looking on calmly, but with deep interest, with the fixed resolve to do my duty, regardless of all consequences. The next session must be one of the most important, that has yet taken place. It will lead to many developements, and give us a glimpse of what is to come. My position is one of entire independence of party, and of great command; but it will require much firmness, prudence and foresight to meet its duties, and responsibilities. I hope I will not prove unequal to the task it may impose.

We are all well, and all join their love to you and Mr Clemson and the children. Kiss them for their grandfather and tell them how glad I am to hear they are so well, and behave so well.

Willie has not yet returned, but we expect him next week.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 729-31

Colonel Jefferson Davis to Governor Albert G. Brown, September 20, 1847

(From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History.)

Govr. A. G. Brown,

Sir,

From the preceding report much was omitted which would have been supplied had it been originally written for one who was not himself an actor in the events described. Some portion of the facts thus omitted I deem it proper here to append.

Having as stated in my report of the transactions of the 21st been marched at the close of that day to our encampment at the Walnut Springs, the regiment was dismissed to its quarters for the night. In the morning of the 22d I was warned that our regiment was required for field service. The Companies were formed and marched to the regimental parade. The severe service of the previous day had reduced the number, but had in no degree impaired the ardor or energy of our men. I announced the duty for which the regiment was drawn out and marched it from the encampment. The report that we were off for another fight brought out all who were able to march, and I have often recurred with pride to the recollection, that when I subsequently counted the files for the issue of ammunition, we had forty seven men more, than when we formed on our Regimental parade.

By directing our march through some fields which concealed us from the view of "the Citadel," we reached the plain above "fort Teneria", the work which we had taken on the previous day, before we came under the enemy's fire. Here his artillery in the fort "el Diablo" opened upon us, and before we reached fort "Teneria," one shot took effect, killing Private Dubois and wounding Private Gregg of Company "H."

In conjunction with the Tennessee Regiment, under the command of Lt. Col. Anderson, we relieved the guard found in "Fort Teneria," and under the assignment of Brigadier Genl. Quitman took post for further orders. This work, "La Teneria", was composed of two field entrenchments and a stone house; the salient, was a circular redoubt, mounting four guns, one at an open embrasure, and three in barbet; the next, was an irregular redan resting on the stone building; on the top of the stone building was a breast work of sand bags, from behind which the defenders had an upper tier of fire against their assailants, and at the last moment a plunging fire into the interior of the works below.

The Tennessee Regt. was placed in the round work, the Mississippi Riflemen with Major Ridgely's battery in the redan and stone building. From the top of this house I made frequent observations during the day upon the positions and movements of the enemy at the east end of the town, without acquiring any other valuable information, than that he had a large force at the north east angle of his defences.

Working parties were detailed throughout the day, and under the direction of Maj. Mansfield and Lieut. Scarrett of the Engineers, threw up a traverse to connect the round work with the redan, and made some additions to the more defective part of the breast work. From the fort "el Diablo" and "the Citadel", the enemy continued throughout the day to throw shot and shells at us; by constant vigilance we avoided injury from them, though the walls of the intrenchment were much too low to defile the interior of the work. At the approach of night Capt. Taylor's company was posted in the north-west part of the stone building, the same in which we had taken the prisoners on the preceding day, with instructions to defend the gates in the event of a night attack, and by sentinels on the roof and at other suitable places to keep vigilant watch upon

the enemy. The other companies were distributed along the breast work of the redan.

We had left camp without preparation, were in light clothing and entirely without food. Our Quarter Master had been directed to bring out the blankets and the day's rations for the companies, he informed me subsequently that he made several ineffectual attempts to do so, and failed from being unable to get an escort for his wagon, across the plain, where it would have been exposed to attack. Thus unprovided, rain and a norther came together upon us. The work which we occupied was rudely constructed and unfinished, earth had been taken from the inside of the parapet, the rain collected in holes and men already shivering with cold had to stand in the water when called to the breast work. We were so near the enemy as to hear his guard calls, and the turning out of his cavalry patrols. His signals indicated that some concerted movement was to be made during the night; as he ought to have attacked us it was therefore to be expected, and we remained at the breast work, though the exposure was extremely severe.

Thus passed the night of the 22d. At dawn of the 23d our sentinels on the house top reported that very few persons were visible in the fort "el Diablo," my own observations connected with the events of the night induced me to believe that the greater part of the garrison had been withdrawn. I communicated these things to Genl. Quitman, Commanding the post, who authorized me to make a sortie with four companies, two of Missi. riflemen and two of Tenn: Infantry. We entered the suburbs of the city, and saw the enemy retreating rapidly before us. Having passed on sufficiently far to secure an approach on the gorge of the fort, and thus to avoid the fire of artillery if that arm had not been removed, the column was headed to the left and marched rapidly upon the fort. We found it's garrison and armament had been withdrawn, the traverse at its gorge had been dug down so as to render it more untenable by us, and the men who had been seen in it claimed to be noncombatants. With a small party of Riflemen commanded by Lieut. Hampton, I then proceeded with the assistance of Lieut. Scarrett of the Engineers to examine the ground and a redoubt upon our right. It had been also evacuated, and the houses in it's vicinity, which had been pierced with loop holes, were generally abandoned. In this reconnoissance we took some fifteen prisoners who informed us that the enemy had retired to the main Plaza. Lieut: Scarret proposed to report these events to Genl. Taylor and to apply for sapping tools to advance into the city. For this purpose he soon after left us, and circumstances prevented his returning, as was desired. With the prisoners taken we returned to the fort "el Diablo."

I next proceeded with a few riflemen commanded by Lieut. Moore to reconnoitre the positions to our left. The first was a tenail connected by a line of abattis with a stone wall, in it's rear, thence the defences were continued along the bluff of the city, by houses, the stone walls of yards, and the barricades constructed at the ends of the streets, to the South-eastern angle of the Town, where an old Hospital, standing out in a salient position to the rest of the line, had been fortified and garnished with guns, to command one of the principal entrances to the Town, that by the Cadareita road. All the works along this line had been abandoned except the last mentioned, and from the obstinacy with which it was maintained, it is probable that the enemy then had in contemplation a retreat by that route, the only one then open to him on which he could have carried artillery.

When returning from this reconnoissance to the fort "el Diablo" I saw Lieut: Greaves with his Company, on the plain below the City, the facts connected with the duty he was performing will be found stated in Lieut. Greaves' report.

After our return to the fort "el Diablo" one of the Missi. Companies "G." was relieved by Company "B." and returned to the "Teneria." Company "D." was then ordered up, and my original command was changed, as noticed in my report to Genl. Quitman of the operations of the 23d. With Companies "B." Capt. Cooper & "D." Lieut. Russell & "H." Lieut. Moore, and one company of the 1st Tenn. Volunteers, I advanced under Genl. Quitman's orders. As the line, upon this side of the enemys defences, was a system of detached field works they were each of course untenable by us as long as the enemy could hold those in their rear, we therefore proceeded, over the ground I had reconnoitred, to the block of the city, where the enemy first contested our progress, and the action commenced, as described in my report of the 23d.

The chief preparations of the enemy had been made against an attack upon the northern and eastern side of the Town. We were expected to approach by the Marin or Cadareita road, and from the enceinte of outworks to the main plaza, nothing had been omitted to increase the resistance upon these approaches. Barricade, succeeded barricade, along the streets; the dwellings were supplied with ammunition, and prepared for its use. Infantry posted on the tops of the houses were securely sheltered by the stone parapet which surrounds their flat, roofs, and though forced from these positions it must be conceded that they firmly resisted. The Mississippi and Texas Riflemen were vastly their superiors at sharp shooting and drove them back but they slowly retired from house to house and from square to square, obstinately defending the crossing of every street. We continued to advance until abreast of the Cathedral of the main plaza, here we seized a two story house, and maintained a contest, under the converging fire of the enemy, which lasted several hours, he was finally driven from every exposed position within the range of our rifles. The command at this position consisted of the advance of Col. Woods Texan Rangers, under Genl. Henderson; and the advance of the Missi. Riflemen.

The prisoners taken in our reconnoissance of the morning, and a Mexican found in our second reconnoissance, to the left, concurred in stating that the Main plaza was a square to the right of the Cathedral, but we now found that the Cathedral was upon one side of the plaza, and that our direction had been too far to the right. On the next square, immediately before us, was an unusually high house, from which it seemed a plunging fire could be thrown into the Plaza.

To this house, after consultation with Genl. Henderson, it was decided to advance, and secure it as a position to be held through the night. The task was more difficult than any we yet had performed. Throughout the day we had been under the fire of the enemy's artillery, generally throwing shells, but now we were close upon his field guns, which covered by a permanently constructed barricade swept the narrow pebble paved street over which we had to pass. The deadly efficiency of artillery in such a situation rendered it necessary to construct a shelter for our men whilst crossing the street. For this purpose we had to rely on such material as the neighboring yards and houses contained, of which we were fortunate in getting enough and in form as convenient as would probably be found among articles not designed for such use.

Whilst engaged in this construction, I dispatched Sergeant Major Harlan to the rear, to inquire of Genl. Quitman what had become of the field piece which he had said would cooperate with us; and to direct Major Bradford, with the portion of the Regiment under him, to join me. Sergt. Maj. Harlan returned and informed me that all the troops in our rear had retired, and that he was told the order to withdraw had been three times sent to me. He also informed Genl. Henderson that a like order had been sent by the commanding Genl. to him.

This intelligence was received with regret by all. As the resistance of the enemy became more obstinate, as the danger and difficulty of advancing increased, the energy and resources of our men rose with the demand, and all their views were onward. To none is this remark more applicable than to those who had encountered the greatest hardship, the men of Company "H." This company after the exposure and fasting of the previous day and night had marched out with me early in the morning, before the supplies had been received from our encampment, and had been actively engaged ever since. I regret that, their gallant leader, Lieut. Moore had not made a report of this day (23d Sept. 1846) when he fell in the Battle of Buena Vista.

As we retired the enemy who had passed to our rear, kept up a constant fire upon us, especially at the crossings of the streets. We found no support in our rear until we reached the suburbs of the city, the first was Capt. Bainbridge with a company of the 3d U. S. Infantry and a piece of light artillery.

About five o.Clock having been actively engaged the whole day, we rejoined the other part of our Regiment, at the Fort we had left in the morning, and the whole were soon afterwards ordered to the encampment at the "Walnut Springs."

Early in the morning of the next day, a flag was sent out by the enemy, asking for a truce, and a conference, from which followed without further hostile operations the "Capitulation of Monterey."

Very Respectfully,

yr. obt. svt.

Jeffn. Davis.

Brierfield
        20th Sept. 1847.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, pp. 109-14

1st Lieutenant William T. Sherman to John Sherman, January 4, 1846

FORT MOULTRIE, S.C., Jan. 4, 1846.

My Dear Brother: I had to go to North Carolina on a wedding tour at Christmas time, and as soon as I got back I went to a plantation, not very far off, to spend the New Year. I am pretty well acquainted with all the rich people round about, and have from them enough invitations for the balance of the winter. It is a great relief occasionally to slip off from our monotonous drill and duty to ramble among the green and noble live oaks—the most magnificent evergreen in our forest. Then again, the planters have plenty to eat and drink, and can, without seeming inconvenience, entertain any number of straggling acquaintances. When we expect any assemblage large enough to dance, we take along four or five musicians from our band, which makes us doubly welcome during the Christmas holidays. The people here were not a little alarmed about war, for it would at once crush their prosperous rice and cotton trade—the only articles of trade here. Moreover, the English, in case of war, would doubtless do all they could to make the slaves rise and would supply them with the necessary arms and ammunition to make them really formidable. I have never seen the least sign of disaffection on the part of the negroes, and have seen them in the cotton field and rice ditches, met them hunting at all hours of day and on the road at night, without anything but "How d'ye, Massa? Please give me some bac." However, it is easy, no doubt, to make them believe they can own the fields and houses they now see, and to excite them to resort to means that would even astonish their provokers; but I have heard but one or two who in conversation would admit even such danger in case of war; but all admit that the price of negroes would so fall as inevitably to destroy such as would be compelled to sell such property, such as estates to be divided among children, etc. There would be no difficulty in taking Charleston—our fort is weak and has only about 100 men—it is not ditched or strengthened in such a way as to defy an assault. A new fort is being built in the channel which, when done, will be very strong, but its walls are as yet barely out of water. The Charlestonians have such confidence in Mr. Calhoun, who is decidedly opposed to war, that since his arrival they have no apprehension. All here think that such resolutions as Mr. Hannigan introduced in the Senate, and such speeches as were made by Allen and Cass will cause immediate war for which no preparations are in progress, or even contemplated. If war takes place, I shall do all I can to better my future and rank, but if it slides by, as other rumors have, I must remain contented with my present commission. . . .

Your affectionate brother,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, pp. 29-30

Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard

BEAUREGARD, PIERRE GUSTAVE TOUTANT (bō-re-gär'), an American military officer, born in St. Martin's parish, La., May 28, 1818; was graduated at the United States Military Academy and appointed a brevet Second Lieutenant of Artillery in 1838; was promoted First Lieutenant and transferred to the Corps of Engineers in 1839; distinguished himself in the Mexican War, where he won the brevet of Captain for gallantry at Contreras and Churubusco, and of Major for Chapultepec, where he was twice wounded. He resigned his commission after the secession of Louisiana in February, 1861, and was appointed commander of the Confederate forces at Charleston, S. C., and there opened the hostilities of the Civil War by bombarding Fort Sumter, on April 11. After the evacuation of the Fort by Major Anderson, General Beauregard was transferred to Virginia where he commanded the Confederate forces in the battle of Bull Run, on July 21. In March, 1862, he was ordered to the Army of the Mississippi, under Gen. Albert S. Johnston, and in April following fought the battle of Shiloh, gaining a victory over the National forces the first day, but being defeated by General Grant on the second day. Failing health kept him from active duty till June, 1863, when he took charge of the defense of Charleston against the combined land and naval forces. He remained in command there till April, 1864, when he was ordered to Richmond to strengthen its defenses. On May 16, he attacked General Butler in front of Drury's Bluff, and forced him back to his intrenchments between the James and the Appomattox rivers. In anticipation of General Sherman's successful march through the Carolinas, he ordered General Hardee to evacuate Charleston, which was done, Feb. 17, 1865. He attempted to aid General Joseph E. Johnston in opposing General Sherman, but in April surrendered with the former to the latter. After the war he became president of the New Orleans, Jackson and Mississippi Railroad Company, Adjutant-General of the State, and a manager of the Louisiana State Lottery. In 1866 the chief command of the Rumanian army was tendered to him, and in 1869 that of the army of the Khedive of Egypt, both of which he declined. He published "The Principles and Maxims of the Art of War" (Charleston, 1863), and "Report of the Defense of Charleston" (Richmond, 1864), and was the last survivor of the full generals of the Confederacy. He died in New Orleans, Feb. 20, 1893.

SOURCE: Collier’s New Encyclopedia, Anniversary Edition, ©1928, Vol. 1, p. 460

John White Geary

GEARY, JOHN WHITE, soldier, born near Mount Pleasant, Westmoreland Co., Pa., 30th December, 1819; died in Harrisburg, Pa., 8th February, 1873. His father was of Scotch-Irish descent. The son entered Jefferson College, but, on account of his father's loss of property and sudden death, was compelled to leave and contribute toward the support of the family. After teaching he became a clerk in a commercial house in Pittsburgh, and afterward studied mathematics, civil engineering, and law. He was admitted to the bar, but never practiced his profession. After some employment as civil engineer in Kentucky, he was appointed assistant superintendent and engineer of the Alleghany Portage Railroad. When war was declared with Mexico in 1846, he became lieutenant-colonel of the Second Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteer infantry, and commanded his regiment at Chapultepec, where he was wounded, but resumed his command the same day at the attack on the Belen gate. For this service he was made first commander of the City of Mexico, and colonel of his regiment. He was appointed in 1849 to be first postmaster of San Francisco, with authority to establish the postal service throughout California. He was the first American alcalde of San Francisco, and a "judge of the first instance." These officers were of Mexican origin, the "alcalde" combining the authority of sheriff and probate judge with that of mayor, and the judge of the first instance presiding over a court with civil and criminal as well as admiralty jurisdiction. Colonel Geary served until the new constitution abolished these offices. In 1850 he became the first mayor of San Francisco. He took a leading part in the formation of the new constitution of California, and was chairman of the Territorial Democratic Committee.

In 1852 he retired to his farm in Westmoreland county, Pa., and remained in private life until 1856, when he was appointed Territorial Governor of Kansas, which office he held one year. He then returned to Pennsylvania, and at the beginning of the civil war raised the Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania volunteers. He commanded in several engagements, and won distinction at Bolivar Heights, where he was wounded. He occupied Leesburg, Va., in March, 1862, and routed General Hill. On 25th April, 1862, he received the commission of Brigadier-General of U. S. volunteers. He was severely wounded in the arm at Cedar Mountain, 9th August, 1862, and in consequence could not take part in the battle of Antietam. At the battles of Chancellorsville and Gettysburg he held the Second Division of the Twelfth Corps. The corps to which General Geary's regiment was attached joined the Army of the Cumberland, under General Hooker's command, to aid in repairing the disaster at Chickamauga, and he took part in the battles of Wauhatchie and Lookout Mountain, in both of which he was distinguished. He commanded the Second Division of the Twentieth Corps in Sherman's march to the sea, and was the first to enter Savannah after its evacuation, 22d December, 1864. In consideration of his services at Fort Jackson he was appointed Military Governor of Savannah, and in 1865 he was promoted to be Major-General by brevet. He was elected Governor of Pennsylvania in 1866, and held this office until two weeks before his death. During his administration the debt of the commonwealth was reduced, an effort to take several millions from the sinking fund of the State bonds was prevented, a disturbance at Williamsport quelled, and a Bureau of Labor Statistics established by the Legislature, 12th April, 1872. Governor Geary possessed great powers of application and perception, force of will and soundness of judgment, and was popular among his troops. In recognition of his service to the State and Nation, the General Assembly erected a monument at his grave in the cemetery at Harrisburg.

SOURCE: F. G. Adams, Editor, Transactions of the Kansas State Historical Society Embracing the Fifth and Sixth Biennial Reports, Vol. 4 1886-1888, pp. 373-4 which states as its source Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography.

Diary of Elvira J. Powers, Sunday, April 17, 1864

Attended service in dining hall. Chaplain S. officiated, and spoke very well. At the close I gave him the message sent by two sick men in my division to visit them. He promised to do so, but though he had to pass the tents where the men were, in going to his room, he did not do so. Am sorry, as the men may not live. He may have forgotten it, and if the men are living tomorrow, will remind him of the same. But I think it strange that he has not visited any one in my two divisions, when so many have died.

Three more have died since yesterday forenoon. Geo. W. Boughton, — Co., 2nd Batt. Vet. Res., Nelson Correll, of Co. B. 13 Tenn. Cav. and young Ashman mentioned in previous date.

One man, who is nearly given up by physicians, says he has been through the Mexican war. He is sergeant and will swear one minute and pray the next. He declares he always has had his own way, and will have it here. He is delirious part of the time, but like some others of that class thinks everybody crazy but himself. If it is his sovereign will and pleasure to get out of bed and walk about en dishabille, or take a trip over the mountains on some secret service, for which he fancies there is a war steed just outside,

"All saddled, all bridled all fit for a fight,"

he thinks the nurse is slightly out of his head to show so little respect to a superior officer as to threaten to tie him down to his bed. It has been necessary with him and others. He, and another man who lay at a little distance, were both delirious last night, and had an argument with each other—or what they supposed was one, though it seemed difficult for the nurses to vouch for its connectedness. But it is certain that a considerable number of oaths were used, and each assured the other, in plain terms, that he didn't keep truth on his side. The sergeant, after much gesticulation and violent language, threatened the other with a personal chastisement if he wasn't more reasonable in his statements. He was about stepping out of bed to put the threat into practice, when the nurse produced a rope to tie him with, if he wasn't quiet; upon which he concluded to defer the matter. When he wishes water, he will sing out in a stentorian voice, for the

"Corporal of the Third Relief!"

SOURCE: Elvira J. Powers, Hospital Pencillings: Being a Diary While in Jefferson General Hospital, Jeffersonville, Ind., and Others at Nashville, Tennessee, as Matron and Visitor, pp. 47-8

Congressman Horace Mann to Mr. Combe, July 1, 1852

WASHINGTON, July 1, 1852.

MY DEAR MR. COMBE, — . . . My friend Henry Barnard, Esq., who for many years was Secretary of the Board of Education, either in Connecticut or in Rhode Island, is about to visit England and Scotland, partly on account of his health, and partly to see your schools. You have always been partial enough to affix a higher value to my services on the subject of education than I could honestly claim or fairly expect. If you will put double all the credit you have ever given to me, and pass it to Mr. Barnard's account, you will hardly do his extraordinary services more than justice. His mind is full of wisdom, and his life has been full of devotion on this subject.

You will have learned, before receiving this, the event of our party Presidential nomination. What an awful moral has been derived from the fate of those who have been false to freedom! Every one of those Northern men, who, for the last half-dozen years, have devoted themselves to slavery, have been set aside; and those men who suffered and indirectly promoted all the atrocities of the Mexican war, though against all their own professions, did, by that very dereliction from duty, raise up two warriors to come in and pluck away the honors they had forfeited their integrity to obtain. Was it not a just retribution?

There is all the difference between the candidates that there is between a hero and his valet de chambre. Scott, too, is an antislavery man. Pierce will be the merest tool of slavery.

The Democratic Convention was almost in toto a proslavery body, and the ultra proslavery portion of it prevailed in the selection of Pierce. In the Whig Convention, the antislavery element prevailed; so that, though the contest is implicated with other matters, and its real issues are somewhat obscured, yet, if Scott is elected, it will be a great antislavery triumph. It was the first time that the antislavery element ever prevailed in any national convention.

Mrs. Mann and the children have gone home. I live here alone, and, of course, forlorn. I hear from them every day, and they are well. With kindest regards to yourself and Mrs. Combe,

I remain, as ever, yours truly,

HORACE MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 372-3

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, June 15, 1847

Fort Hill 15th June 1847

MY DEAR SIR, Your views in reference to our political condition and affairs is so good, that I have little to add. I regard my position the best that it could be, in the present state of our affairs. By having done my duty fully in reference to the Mexican war, as it relates both to its origin and the mode it ought to have been conducted, I stand free of all responsibility, and independent of both parties, and their entanglement. It is difficult to say, which is most so in reference to the war; the administration and its party, as its Authors, or the Whigs for the folly and weakness of having voted for a war, which they had in discussion pronounced to be unconstitutional and unprovoked.

I regard everything in reference to the war and its consequences as still uncertain. Whether victorious, or defeated our situation is bad. If the former, it would seem impossible almost to stop short of the Conquest of the country; and then comes the question; What shall we do with it? to annex it would be to overthrow our Government, and, to hold it as a Province, to corrupt and destroy it. The farther we advance, the more appearent the folly and wantoness of the war; and the more fully will the wisdom and patriotism of my course be vindicated. Indeed, already have the assaults on me terminated, except from the Would be Lieu General. But his ravings prove not only his wounded pride, and his spite, but that he regards my position as strong.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 733-4

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, July 8, 1847

Fort Hill 8th July 1847

MY DEAR SIR, There is not much to be added about politicks to what I wrote you last. The difference between North and South is daily increasing, in reference to the Slave question. It is hard to say to what it is destined to come. From every appearance, it will at least break up the old party organization. The indication is daily becoming stronger, in favour of General Taylor. The administration is evidently greatly alarmed at his popularity. Their fate is, however, sealed, whatever may become of the General.

The prevailing opinion seems to be, that there will be peace ere long. I regard it, as doubtful. I have no doubt, but the administration is most anxious for it, and that Mexicans desire it, but when they come to fix on terms, there will be great difficulty in agreeing. The former must insist, after so much blood and treasury, on a large cession of territory, and the latter will feel great repugnance to such cession. But be the terms, what they may, our difficulty within, will commence with the termination of those with Mexico.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 735

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, July 24, 1847

Fort Hill 24th July 1847

MY DEAR SIR, We have had little of publick interest of late. The Mexican war has been at a stand. There is ever[y] now and then a movement in favour of General Taylor. The indication still is, that he will be the popular candidate, in opposition to the caucus nominees. I think with you, that my position is the most eligible of all the publick men of our country. It is the only independent one; and I can see symptoms, that it begins to be felt.

I do not in the least doubt, but that you are right, as to the European terminus of our steam boat line; or as to the means, by which it was selected. It was done as everything with us is done, through favouritism.

It is appearent, that the conflict between North and South is every day becoming more pointed and determined. If nothing else should be in the way it, of itself, will do much to break up the old party organizations.

All join in love to you and Anna and the children. Tell them how happy Grandfather is to hear that they are so well, and are such good children.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 735-6