Diary of Elvira J. Powers: Saturday, April 2, 1864

Reached the "City of the Falls" in the night. Left the boat about six this morning, took a hasty breakfast at the “National,” then a hack for the depot, calling at the office of Provost Marshal to secure passes on train to Nashville. Am pleasantly impressed with Louisville. A pretty green plot in front of private residences, even if quite small, with linden, ailanthus and magnolia trees, are peculiarities of the city. It is too early for the foliage of the trees to be seen, but the deep green, thick grass and the blossoms of the daffodil are in striking contrast to the snow I saw in the latitude of Chicago and Buffalo only day before yesterday.

The cars are now so crowded with soldiers en route for "the front," that it is quite difficult for citizens to find passage. Some have to wait several days before they can find an opportunity. Only one car is appropriated for this use, and ladies with their escort always have the preference. Thus gentlemen who are alone are liable to be left, As we were leaving the "National" this morning a gentleman rushed out and inquired if we were going to take the Southern train, and if there was only one gentleman to the two ladies. He "begged pardon—knew he was a stranger—wished to go to Bowling Green his wife was sick and he had written her he would be home to-day. If the ladies would be so kind as to pass him along, and if the gentleman would step with him into the office he could convince him, through the keeper of the "National," that he was a man of honor,” Mr. R. referred the matter to the ladies. They decided to take under their protecting wing the lone gentleman and see him safe home if the interview with the landlord, with whom Mr. R. was fortunately acquainted, should prove satisfactory. It was so, and Mr. Moseby—not the guerilla as himself informed us—entered the hack. He had "taken the oath of allegiance," he said, and "lived up to it, but had a right to his own thoughts."

Upon arriving at the depot found the ladies' car locked, and we were left standing by it while the two gentleman looked after the baggage. Mr. R. was not to accompany us farther. Soon an elderly, pale-looking man, with a white neck-tie, came up, who asked if we each had a gentleman travelling with us. We hesitated and evaded the question. This was being in too great demand altogether. It was not even included in Mr. R.'s list of our duties. He "was really hoping we had not, and that one of us would take pity on an old man and pass him along."

His fatherly look and manner banished selfishness, and he was told to wait until the gentlemen returned, and we would see about it. As they did so Mr. Moseby stepped up and cordially shook hands with the old man, calling him “Judge." But all Southerners are styled judges, captains, colonels or generals, thought I, and this one is an honest old farmer nevertheless. As Mr. M. assured us that he was "all right," and a "man of honor," I told him he might occupy half of my seat in the car. But it was not long before I found that my poor old farmer was no less a personage than Judge Joseph R. Underwood, one of the most noted men and pioneers of Kentucky. He has been Judge of the Supreme Court of that State six years, a United States Representative for ten years and a Senator for six.

A spruce little Captain came through to examine military passes before the cars started. Quite a number of citizens were left as usual, and as we were moving off I heard one young man exclaim in desperation that he would "go right back to the city and marry." The gentlemen congratulated themselves upon their good fortune, and the subject elicited the following incidents:

A gentleman of Mr. M.'s acquaintance could get no admission to the cars, no lady would take him under her care, and he asked the baggage agent if he might get in the baggage car. That functionary said he had orders to admit no one. "Then you'll not give me permission, but if I get in will you put me out?"

No answer was made, but the agent walked away, and the man, thinking like children, that "silence gives consent," entered the baggage car and remained.

Another gentleman, a merchant of Bowling Green, by name F—— C——, could get no chance to ride. But fortunately having on a blue coat, in desperation he stepped up to a man with the two bars on his shoulder who was putting his soldiers aboard, and said with a pleading look and tone:

"Captain, can't you lengthen out my furlough just two days longer?"

"No," said the Captain, in a quick authoritative tone, "you've been loafing 'round these streets long enough, in with you," and he made a motion as if he would materially assist his entrance if he didn't hurry.

“Well, if I must I must, but its hard, Captain."

"No more words," was the short reply, "in with you.” Another was related by an eye witness. A lady who was travelling alone was about stepping into the car, when a gentleman, who was trembling with anxiety lest he should be left, stepped up and offered to take her box. He did so, and stepping in behind was allowed a seat by her side, cautiously retaining the box. He had two comrades equally desirous of securing a passage, who had seen his success. One of them stepped to the car window and whispered him to pass out the box. It was slyly done, and the gentleman marched solemnly in with the weighty responsibility. The box went through the window again, and again walked in at the door, until it must have been thoroughly "taken in" as well as the guard.

Just out of the city we passed a camp and saw soldiers lying under the little low "dog tents" as they are called, and in the deep, clay mud, while only a few rods distant was a plenty of green sward. Any officer who would compel his men to pitch tents where those were ought to be levelled to the ranks.

I saw for the first time to-day, fortifications, stockades, riflepits, and mounted cannon at the bridges. We passed over the battle-ground of Mumfordsville, and saw the burnt fences and the levelled trees which were to obstruct the march of our troops, and the building which was used by them as a hospital. In the deep cut passes one sees suddenly the picturesque figure of a negro soldier, far above upon the heights, who with shining uniform and glittering bayonet stands like a statue, guarding the portals of liberty. At the fortifications are sign-boards upon which are printed in large letters, "Please a drop a paper," while perhaps half a dozen hands point to it as the train whirls past. Some papers were thrown out. There were other things which had for our Northern eyes the charm of novelty. A half respectable or squalid farm-house, with a huge chimney upon the outside, and with a huddle of negro quarters. Also negro women with turbans upon their heads, working out of doors, and driving teams—in one case on a load of tobacco, while driving a yoke of oxen. The total absence of country school-houses, and the squalid and shiftless appearance of the buildings and people at the depots, are in striking contrast to the neat little towns of the Northern and Eastern States. The scenery is fine, much of the soil good, and the water-power extensive. Nature has dealt bountifully with Tennessee and Kentucky, but the accursed system of slavery has blasted and desolated the land, and both races, black and white, are reaping the mildewed harvest.

I find my honorable companion very entertaining and instructive. I am indebted to him for many items of interest, both concerning the early settlers, and also the modern history of the places we pass. His personal history is full of interest, and is one more proof that early poverty is not necessarily a barrier to honor and position. The Judge was given away by his parents to an uncle, who educated him, gave him five dollars and told him he must then make his own way in the world. Another uncle lent him a horse, and he set out to seek his fortune as lawyer and politician. He has in trust the fortune of an eccentric old bachelor, which is known in Warren County as the Craddock fund. Three-fourths of this is used to educate charity children, while the other fourth pays the Judge for his care of the fund. His friend Captain C., while upon his death-bed, sent for the drummer and fifer to play tunes in the yard, and from those selected such as he wished played at his funeral. He was buried with military honors.

“Muldroughs-Hill" which we saw, is a long ridge extending about one hundred miles from the mouth of Salt-River to the head of Rolling-Fork. It was named from an early settler who lived twenty miles from the others, and was farthest west. Rolling-Fork is a tributary of Salt-River. The origin of the term "going up Salt-River" originated at a little place we passed, now called Shepherdsville. It has only four or five hundred inhabitants. But in its early days its salt licks supplied all the Western country with salt, and was a growing aspirant for popularity, as it invited so much trade. It was a rival of Louisville, but unlike that, made no provision for its future well-being, but depended on its present worth alone. "Thus," moralized the Judge, “do we often see two young men start out with equal advantages, and find afterward that one became a Shepherdsville, and the other a Louisville." Now there is a bridge at Shepherdsville guarded by cannon, then there was no bridge and ferry-boats were used. It was not a smooth stream, and to cross, one must row up the river some one hundred rods before heading the boat to the opposite shore. Owing to the rapidity of the current, it was hard rowing, and great strength was needed. There were those engaged in the making of salt who were called kettle-tenders, and who for the most part were a low, rough set, being often intoxicated and quarrelsome. Two of these having a fight, the victor finished with the triumphant exclamation of There, I've rowed you up Salt River!"

Lincoln's birth-place is near this, in the adjoining County of Larue—although this was not the name at the time of his birth. And how little did the mother of Lincoln think, as she taught him the little she knew of books, that the people in the vicinity would ever have cause to exclaim of him, in relation to his rival for the Presidency, as they do of the successful politician—" he has rowed him up Salt River !"

There is a little river called "Nolin," which waters his birth-place. It was so named from the fact that in the early settlement upon its banks a man named Linn was lost in the woods, and never found. He was probably killed by the Indians. But the neighbors searched for several days, and at night met at a place upon its banks, calling to each other as they came in, "No Linn"—" No Linn, yet."

The Judge has carried lead in his body for over fifty years, received in the war of 1812. He was in the battle on the Maumee river called Dudley's defeat. The regiment, under Dudley, had crossed the river to take cannon of the enemy, which they succeeded in doing, but instead of returning they pursued them two or three miles, leaving a few behind to protect the captures. But a detachment of the enemy passed around in their rear, retook the cannon, and when the regiment returned, their retreat was cut off, and all were taken prisoners and obliged to run the gauntlet. About forty were killed in running the gauntlet. The Judge saw that the line of men which had formed at a little distance from, and parallel with the river, had a bend in it, and that if he ran close to the guns they would not dare fire for fear of hitting their own men. The Indians were armed with guns, tomahawks, and war clubs. In that day the gun was accompanied with what was called the "wiping-stick," which was a rod made of hickory notched, and wound with tow, and used to clean the gun. He escaped by receiving a whipping with some of those sticks. It was the last gauntlet ever run in the United States. During the trip I had quite a spirited but good-natured discussion upon the condition of the country, with Mr. M., who I found is really a strong rebel sympathizer. He worships Morgan since his late raid into Ohio, and secretly cherishes his picture in his vest pocket. Just before reaching Bowling Green, where we were to separate, the fatherly old Judge took a hand of each in his own, and with moisture in his eyes and a tremor in his voice, said:

"My children, you represent the two antagonistic positions of the country, and like those, do not rightly understand each other, on account of sectional prejudices. And now let an old man who has watched the growth of both sections, who has, as he trusts, fought for their good in the field, the desk, and senate, join your hands in the grasp of good fellowship, and oh, how sincerely I wish that I could bring also together the North and South in one lasting peace!"

Soon after, he pointed out his residence—the cars stopped, and we parted with our pleasant friends.

Reached the "City of the Rocks" about five, this P. M. Shall wait to see more of it, before making note of impressions.

SOURCE: Elvira J. Powers, Hospital Pencillings: Being a Diary While in Jefferson General Hospital, Jeffersonville, Ind., and Others at Nashville, Tennessee, as Matron and Visitor, p. 5-12

Major-General Henry W. Slocum: General Orders No. 7, May 18, 1864

GENERAL ORDERS No. 7.}

HDQRS. DISTRICT OF VICKSBURG,        

Vicksburg, Miss., May 18, 1864.

The attention of the officers of this command is called to the importance of maintaining discipline and preventing all marauding and pillaging on the part of the soldiers, while every effort should be made to punish citizens who aid the enemy, or who in any manner violate military law or orders. The punishment in every case should be inflicted by the proper authority, and in a proper and lawful manner. Every act of pillage and every unjustifiable encroachment upon the rights of citizens serve only to bring disgrace upon our armies and encourage a spirit which should be unknown among brave men engaged in a noble cause. The recent murder of a citizen by colored soldiers in open day in the streets of this city should arouse the attention of every officer serving with these troops to the absolute necessity of preventing their soldiers from attempting a redress of their own grievances. If the spirit which led to this act of violence is not at once repressed, consequences of the most terrible nature must follow. The responsibility resting upon officers in immediate command of colored troops cannot be overestimated. The policy of arming colored men, although at first strongly opposed, has finally been very generally approved by loyal men throughout the country. If this experiment is successful, if these troops prove powerful and efficient in enforcing obedience to law, all good officers connected with the organization will receive the credit which will be due them as pioneers in the great work. But if in teaching the colored man that he is free, and that, in becoming a soldier, he has become the equal of his former master, we forget to teach him the first duty of the soldier, that of obedience to law, and to the orders of those appointed over him; if we encourage him in rushing for his arms and coolly murdering citizens for every fancied insult, nothing but disgrace and dishonor can befall all connected with the organization. Every wrong done to the colored soldiers can and shall be punished, but he must not be permitted to take the law into his own hands, and hereafter the officers of any regiment guilty of such crimes as that which has to-day brought disgrace upon the colored troops, will be held to a strict accountability.

By command of Maj. Gen. H. W. Slocum:

H. C. RODGERS,        

Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 39, Part 2 (Serial No. 78), p. 38

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: March 15, 1865

Warm and cloudy. My cabbages coming up in the garden.

The papers contain no war news whatever, yet there is great activity in the army.

Sheridan's column is said to be at Ashland, and Grant is reported to be sending swarms of troops to the north side of the river, below, "in countless thousands."

The President's message, for the completion of which Congress was desired to remain, has been sent in. I will preserve this splendidly exordiumed and most extraordinary document. It is a great legal triumph, achieved by the President over his enemies in Congress, and if we are permitted to have more elections, many obnoxious members will be defeated, for the sins of omission and commission. The President strikes them "between wind and water," at a time, too, when no defense would be listened to, for he says the capital was never in such danger before, and shows that without prodigious effort, and perfect co-operation of all branches of the government, the cause is lost, and we shall have negro garrisons to keep us in subjection, commanded by Northern officers. He will have the satisfaction, at least, of having to say a portion of the responsibility rested with his political opponents.

Mr. Benjamin, who is supposed to have written a portion of the message, was very jubilant yesterday, and it is said the President himself was almost jocund as he walked through the Capitol Square, returning home from his office.

It is now rumored that a French agent is in the city, and that the President, besides his message, sent to Congress a secret communication. I doubt—but it may be so.

Gen. Hood is here, on crutches, attracting no attention, for he was not successful.

Judge Campbell, Assistant Secretary of War, said to Mr. Wattles, a clerk, to-day, that we were now arrived at the last days of the Confederacy. Mr. Wattles told me that the judge had been convinced, as far back as 1863, that the cause was nearly hopeless.

Some 1200 of Fitz Lee's cavalry passed through the city at 2 P.M. Gen. Longstreet has been ordered by Gen. Lee to attack Sheridan. He telegraphs back from north of the city that he "cannot find them," and this body of cavalry is ordered to reconnoiter their position. I know not how many more men Fitz Lee has in his division, but fear at least half have passed.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 449-50

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864-January 23, 1865: No. 8. — Report of Surg. George E. Cooper, U. S. Army, Medical Director, Department of the Cumberland.

No. 8.

Report of Surg. George E. Cooper, U. S. Army, Medical Director, Department of the Cumberland.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE CUMBERLAND,                

MEDICAL DIRECTOR'S OFFICE,        

Nashville, Tenn., April 7, 1865.

SIR: My report of the medical department of the Army of the Cumberland from the time of the invasion of Northern Alabama and Tennessee by the rebel army under General Hood till the defeat of the same by the Government forces in front of Nashville, and the pursuit thereof to beyond the Tennessee River, must be a meager and unsatisfactory one in consequence of my having been separated from the army, and not having myself been in active campaign with it until after the battle of Franklin, Tenn., when it presented itself in the defenses of Nashville. The proceedings of the medical corps are, however, exceedingly well pointed out in the accompanying report of Surg. J. Theo. Heard, medical director Fourth Army Corps, who in person accompanied that corps—all that was left as an organized force of the old Army of the Cumberland, the Fourteenth and Twentieth Corps having been taken by Major-General Sherman to form a portion of the army with which he made the great raid through Georgia.

At the time of evacuating Atlanta the corps hospitals of the Army of the Cumberland were, as they had been in the summer campaign, fully organized and equipped, and were ready to move at a moment's notice. The general field hospital, under the charge of Surg. M. C. Woodworth, was in fine condition and of sufficient capacity to receive all the sick and wounded of the army, who, on the breaking up of the division hospitals, might require medical treatment. Supplies of all kinds had been called for and procured by the field medical purveyor, and the army corps were amply and liberally supplied. The ambulances, which had been greatly used during the summer campaign, were repaired and put in as serviceable condition as the time and material on hand would admit of. When the rebel army fell upon the line of railroad at our rear the inconvenience suffered therefrom was, as far as the medical department was concerned, in reality nothing. The only article which ran short was whisky, and this was procured in ample quantities from the subsistence department. The quality, though not equal to that furnished by the medical department, was good enough for all practicable purposes.

The Fourth and Fourteenth Army Corps, having been detailed to follow Hood's army to the rear, the sick from their division hospitals were transferred to the general field hospital, where they were cared for as well as could be wished for, and the troops left Atlanta entirely disencumbered with sick or wounded men. What occurred from that time till the last days of November, 1864, is known to me by hearsay only and from reading the reports furnished these headquarters. For this information I refer to the excellent report of Surgeon Heard, medical director, Fourth Army Corps, who, having been one of that little band who held the whole rebel army in check from Decatur, Ala., to Nashville, Tenn., is far more competent to make the report than I. Synchronous with my arrival at Nashville from Atlanta and Chattanooga came reports of the falling back of our army from Pulaski, Tenn., and of heavy and continuous skirmishing with Hood's advance. On the 30th of November came the news that a severe action had taken place near Franklin, Tenn., and that our losses in both killed and wounded had been heavy. The medical director of the Fourth Army Corps was immediately telegraphed to and asked if he required a hospital train, and early next morning hospital train No. 2 was sent to Brentwood, between Nashville and Franklin. On the night of November 30 two freight trains loaded with wounded from skirmishes beyond Franklin, and which had been brought to that place in ambulances, arrived here. The wounded were transferred to the general hospitals here, and were promptly and skillfully cared for by the medical officers there on duty.

On the following day the troops arrived from Franklin, bringing with them quite a number of wounded, but having, unfortunately, been compelled to leave by far the greater portion in the hands of the enemy. Almost at the same time came the troops commanded by Maj. Gen. A. J. Smith. These troops were deficient in almost everything belonging to the hospital department; they had no organized ambulance corps or trains; there was no division or brigade organization of hospitals, but were as they had been from the beginning of the war, and seemed to have learned nothing from experience or the example of others, and opposed every improvement as an innovation. They had but few medical supplies, and were wanting in almost everything which would aid them in alleviating the sufferings of the sick and wounded of their commands. It became necessary to fit them out with all possible dispatch, which was done; and thanks are due to Surg. Robert Fletcher, U.S. Volunteers, medical purveyor, for his energy, efficiency, and promptness in this emergency. No one could have performed the duties of purveyor in a manner more creditable to himself or with greater benefit to the Government.

As soon as the troops arrived in front of Nashville they were placed in the lines and were compelled to throw up intrenchments. They were much prostrated by their constant harassing night and day marches from the Tennessee River to Nashville; but, notwithstanding this, in a short time, by constant and severe labor, works were thrown up which rendered Nashville impregnable. As the army was short of men, it became necessary to call to the aid of the beleaguered city all the troops within call. Consequently, the different detachments of the army which left Atlanta with General Sherman, and had remained behind, in hospitals and otherwise, were organized into a temporary corps under the command of Major-General Steedman. This extemporized corps was without any organization whatever, and to it was attached the regiments of colored troops. It is impossible for me to learn if these troops consider themselves a part and parcel of the Army of the Cumberland, or a separate command made for Colonel Mussey. I should judge them to be out of the department did I take the attention they pay to the existence of this office as a criterion. They are more irregular in forwarding their reports than any regiments in the Army of the Cumberland.

The weather, which, previous to the arrival of the troops, had been moderate, became, shortly after their arrival at Nashville, excessively cold for this latitude. The result of this was much suffering on the part of the troops and the comparative cessation of all offensive measures on the part of either army. At this time the results of the fatigue undergone by the troops in the retreat from Decatur and the subsequent labor in the trenches began to show themselves in the greatly increased number of men who presented themselves for medical treatment. Many, too, who had without detriment to their health undergone all the hardships of the summer and fall campaign, now yielded to the effects of the bitter cold, and diseases of the pulmonary viscera became numerous. Rheumatic affections, too, became quite prevalent. The advent of the rebel army in front of Nashville, and the fact of intrenching itself, rendered the necessity of a general action a moral certainty. To prepare for the sick and wounded of the Government forces demanded a much larger amount of hospital accommodation than was at that time at the disposal of the hospital department. Anticipating a large influx of wounded, the efficient superintendent and director of U.S. general hospitals at Nashville took possession of every building that could be made use of for hospital purposes and had them fitted up with all possible dispatch. Consequently, some 4,000 vacant beds were at the disposal of the medical department. The Assistant Surgeon-General, too, anticipating the necessity, ordered to Nashville a large number of medical officers, of whom many arrived prior to the actions and all in sufficient time to be of the greatest service to the wounded in the battles in front of Nashville. The medical officers of the Fourth Army Corps, being emphatically experts in the care of the wounded after battle, had everything prepared for prompt and efficient action. They had supplied themselves with all the necessaries, and, in addition, had procured all the delicacies within their reach. The result was that after the actions of 15th and 16th of December the men belonging to the Fourth Army Corps, and all who were brought to the field hospitals of that corps, were promptly and skillfully treated and most carefully provided for. Too much praise cannot be awarded to the medical staff of the Fourth Army Corps for their untiring attention and skillful manner of treating the wounded in their division hospitals. Were it not invidious to designate and particularize by name certain officers when all are worthy, I would give a list of the medical officers who so faithfully performed their duty. This I will not do, but justice to themselves demands that I should mention and particularize Surgs. M. G. Sherman, Ninth Indiana Volunteers; Stephen J. Young, Seventy-ninth Illinois Volunteers; E.B. Glick, Fortieth Indiana Volunteers, and C. N. Ellinwood, Seventy-fourth Illinois Volunteers, as men deserving of more than ordinary notice. Previous to the battles instructions had been given to the surgeons in charge to establish division field hospitals as near to the field as practicable, and strict orders were issued directing the surgeons to operate on the field upon all requiring it, previous to transferring the men to the general hospitals in the city.

The weather, which had entirely stopped all offensive military operations, having moderated considerably, the army on the morning of December 15 marched out beyond the fortifications for the purpose of assaulting the enemy's lines. The medical department of the Army of the Cumberland proper were prepared to attend to any number of wounded brought in to them from the field, and established their hospitals as near the front as the safety of the wounded and the configuration of the country would admit of. Water being quite plenty, position only had to be sought for. The extemporized corps, commanded by Major-General Steedman, had no organized medical staff. This was composed of all the surgeons who could be found unattached, in consequence of being on leave of absence or having been separated from their regiments which had marched from Atlanta with Major-General Sherman. To these were added the medical officers of the U.S. Colored Troops. This portion of the medical staff was under the charge of Surg. Josiah D. Cotton, Ninety-second Ohio Volunteers, who acted as medical director. Though hastily brought together and lacking in all the appurtenances for field hospitals, the medical officers of this command did all in their power to assist and relieve the wounded under their charge. The only great drawback to prompt action in this portion of the army was the entire absence of an ambulance corps. The blockade of the Cumberland River by the rebel batteries had prevented the quartermaster's department from bringing a sufficient number to Nashville. To avoid the want of ambulances as much as possible, every one that could be found in Nashville, no matter in what capacity used, was taken possession of and sent into the field, to be used as circumstances might demand. This, in a manner, served in the place of an ambulance corps, but the want of system and organization was most apparent. The soldiery wounded in the action of the 15th of December were, on the same night, brought into the city and placed in the U.S. general hospitals, where every necessary attention was paid them. Such as had not been operated upon were then examined, and such measures were taken as their cases demanded. The wounded in the action of the 16th of December, 1864, were also brought in and placed in the general hospitals. Some were brought in by ambulances of the corps and some by vehicles, which had been impressed for that purpose. Surg. O. Q. Herrick, Thirty-fourth Illinois Volunteers, superintendent of transportation of sick and wounded, made use of all available means to remove from the field each and every wounded man found there. This was a matter of no little labor, for the scene covered several miles, and wounded men were in every portion of it, and the cavalry wounded even farther distant; yet, by midday of the 17th of December all our wounded were in comfortable hospitals, the recipients of every attention that skill and science could furnish. The pursuit of the enemy entailed, as a necessary consequence, much more labor in the care of the wounded. The railroads were destroyed, and all the wounded had to be transferred by means of ambulances to the hospitals at Franklin, Columbia, and Pulaski. This was done under the supervision of Surg. O. Q. Herrick; and too much praise cannot be given him for his untiring energy and labor in collecting and bringing in from the houses in the vicinity of the line of march the wounded of our own and the rebel army. The cavalry in advance paid but little attention to their wounded, but left them in houses by the roadside, to be cared for by the surgeons of the infantry troops who were following. The Fourth Army Corps carried with them the sick and wounded in ambulances until they arrived where proper hospital accommodations could be furnished. The Sixteenth and Twenty-third Army Corps, not being-in the advance, had no wounded to care for.

In Franklin, Columbia, and Pulaski a large number of rebel wounded were found who had been left by their army. A sufficient number of medical officers had been left with them to give them proper attention. These wounded were, as soon as practicable, transferred in hospital cars to Nashville, where they were placed in one large hospital. The medical officer in charge was directed to furnish them all necessaries and such luxuries as the condition of their wounds required. This was done until the arrival of the Commissary-General of Prisoners, who directed that the wounded rebels should be confined to prison hospital rations. I do not think that it is the intention of the Government to deprive wounded men, rebels though they be, of everything needful for their treatment. Prison hospitals being at a distance from the front, it was not expected that wounded men would be brought there till sufficiently well to travel, when diet would be but a matter of minor import. No surgeon can give good results if he be not allowed to use every article called for by sinking nature and to treat disease untrammeled by orders from non-professional men.

The wounded of our armies who were left at Franklin, Columbia, and Pulaski had medical officers detailed to remain with them until the railroad should have been repaired, when those who could bear transportation were to be removed to Nashville. The necessary supplies were left with the sick and wounded as far as was practicable, but not in such abundance as would have been furnished had the railroad been intact.

The weather during the pursuit was of the most disagreeable character. Rain fell for four successive days, and when this ceased the weather grew severely cold. This was followed by rain, rain, rain, and as a sequence mud. Probably in no part of the war have the men suffered more from inclement weather than in the month of December, 1864, when following Hood's retreating army from Nashville to the Tennessee River. The result of this weather and the hard marching was, as might have been looked for, severe affections of the pulmonary viscera, fevers, rheumatism, and diarrheas, which served to fill the hospitals in this vicinity to their utmost capacity.

The number of men wounded in the actions in front of Nashville will never be correctly furnished, in consequence of the character of some of the troops engaged and their having no organized medical department. The records of this office, as far as furnished, show for the actions from Decatur to Nashville, 402 wounded; in front of Nashville and during the pursuit of the rebels, 1,717 wounded. The wounds were caused by musketry, throwing conoidal projectiles, and by artillery of the latest and most approved character. The wounds were received at all distances, from contact with the muzzle of the piece to the extreme range of artillery and musketry. The character of many of the wounds were of the most severe kind, having been received at short range, consequent upon the peculiarity of the battle, which was a series of charges upon heavily fortified lines held by strong forces of the enemy.

The medical officers of the Army of the Cumberland did in this campaign all that men could do to alleviate the sufferings of the wounded soldiery, and have only added to the envious reputation gained by them on many a former battle-field. They are skillful, zealous, untiring, and faithful, knowing their whole duty and doing it most conscientiously. The medical officers of Sixteenth Corps did their duty well and faithfully, but want of systematic organization crippled their movements most perceptibly.

I will transmit the nominal list of wounded as soon as it can be made out; it will be defective in the Cavalry Corps and in those troops commanded by Major-General Steedman.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

GEO. E. COOPER,        

Surg., U.S. Army, Medical Director, Dept. of the Cumberland.

ASST. ADJT. GEN., DEPT. OF THE CUMBERLAND,
        Nashville, Tenn.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 107-11

Diary of Private Louis Leon: June 12, 1864

To-day, as the negro guard was relieved, two of them commenced playing with their guns and bayonets, sticking at one another. Fortunately one of their guns, by accident, went off and made a hole in the other one's body, which killed him instantly. The other one kicked at him several times, telling him to get up as the rebels were laughing at him, but in a very short time he found out that he had killed his comrade and that we were laughing sure enough.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 66

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, March 14, 1863

We have had no fight here yet, but from the indications it can't be deferred much longer. We have drawn one hundred rounds of ammunition, the batteries are training their horses, and many other unmistakable signs of an early engagement are to be seen at all hours of the day. A considerable force was sent out last night to watch the movements of the enemy, and reported this morning that they were landing troops, guns, etc., below. Their men are deserting They assign as a cause and coming over at the rate of five a day, that they are placed on a level with the negro regiments in Bank's Army.

Evening.—Eight of the enemy's vessels appeared around the bend at noon to-day, and commenced throwing shells into our fortifications, but the range was too long to justify our guns replying. We were ordered to our position, which is on the right wing, and near the river batteries, decidedly the most dangerous one that could be assigned us. Here we spent the evening very pleasantly dodging shells, quite a number of which fell within our line.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 125

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop, May 3, 1864

In camp near Culpepper, Va.—Weather delightful. Rumors of marching tomorrow morning. Marching orders we have been expecting several days, but this is the first rumor for some time. It has been mysteriously quiet. If, instead of May and fine weather, we had had dead of winter, storm and mud, we would have been provoked with five or six rumors daily. So that's nothing; but we shall march soon. Usual drill forenoon and afternoon; march an hour under knapsack. Go to Culpepper with several for examination for commissions in negro regiments. At 5:30 o'clock drew one day's rations. This task is assigned me this week, for my company. At dark, orders for three days' more rations. Had a tedious task lasting until 9 p. m. Quartermaster is getting everything ready to leave and hinted we should move at 12 midnight. Got orders at 8 o'clock to strike tents, pack nothing unnecessary; build no fires. Everything soon ready; we are waiting, the boys are jolly, full of spirit. At 11 o'clock we marched—winter quarters again broken.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 22

Diary of Private Louis Leon: May 9, 1864

Started again this morning, and passed over the Chancellorsville battlefield. Marched twelve miles to-day. We passed a brigade of negro troops. They gave us a terrible cursing, and hollered "Fort Pillow" at us. I am only sorry that this brigade of negroes was not there, then they certainly would not curse us now. We halted at dark on the plank road seven miles from Fredericksburg.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 61-2

Diary of Private Louis Leon: May 23, 1864

We are guarded by negro troops, who are as mean as hell. At each meal there is a guard placed over 500 prisoners, who go to their meals in ranks of four. We are not allowed to cross a certain line, called the "Dead Line," but as 500 men go at one time to meals, of course near the door there is always a rush. To-day one of our men accidentally crossed the line. He was pushed over by the crowd, when a black devil shot and killed him, and wounded two others.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 64

Diary of Private Louis Leon: May 24, 1864

One of yesterday's wounded died to-day. This negro company was taken away to-day, as there is no telling what even men without arms will do to such devils, although they have got guns.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 64-5

General Pierre G. T. Beauregard to Samuel Cooper, December 22, 1864

CHARLESTON, December 22, 1864.        

(Received 23d.)

On the 16th instant enemy, 800 strong, occupied Pollard. After burning Government and railroad buildings, retreated in the direction they came. They were pursued thirty miles, losing a portion of their transportation, baggage, and supplies, leaving many dead negro troops on the road. Our forces, commanded by General Liddell, acted with spirit and gallantry.

G. T. BEAUREGARD,        

General.

General COOPER.

(Same to President, Secretary of War, and General Bragg.)

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 44 (Serial No. 92), p. 449; Richmond Daily Dispatch, Richmond, Virginia, Saturday Morning, December 24, 1864, p. 3

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 22, 1864

Clear and cold. We have nothing from below. From Wilmington, we learn there is much commotion to resist the armada launched against that port. Gen. Lee is sending troops via the Danville Road in that direction.

The wire has been cut between this and Gordonsville, by the scouts of the raiders launched in that direction. We breakfast, dine, and sup on horrors now, and digest them all quite sullenly.

I am invited to a turkey dinner to-day (at Mr. Waterhouse's), and have some hesitation in accepting it at a time like this. Ought I to go? He is a skilled artisan and has made money, and no doubt the turkey is destined to be eaten by somebody.

At an auction this morning, a Jew bid off an old set of tablespoons, weighing twelve ounces and much worn, at $575. He will next buy his way out of the Confederacy. Mr. Benjamin and Judge Campbell have much to answer for in allowing such men to deplete the South of its specie, plate, etc. There were some commissaries and quartermasters present, who are supposed to have stolen much from the government, and desire to exchange the currency they have ruined for imperishable wealth. They, too, will run away the first opportunity.

The sun shines brightly this beautiful cold day; but all is dark in Congress. The Tennessee members say Hood's army is destroyed, that he will not get 1000 men out of the State, for the Tennesseeans, Kentuckians, etc. refuse to retire farther south, but straggle and scatter to their homes, where they will remain.

I am told we have but a thin curtain of pickets on the north side of the James River, between us and 15,000 negro troops.

The President is at work at his residence, not having yet come down to his office; and I learn it is difficult to get his attention to any business just now but appointments; had to get him to sign a bill passed by Congress to pay the civil officers of the government. No doubt he is anxious and very unhappy.

Hon. Mr. Foote's wife has just got a passport to return home to Nashville, Tennessee!

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 361-2

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 24, 1864

Christmas eve! Clear and cold.

A dispatch from Hon. J. L. Orr and H. V.   (on their way home) informs the Secretary that from the delay in the transportation of troops over the Piedmont Railroad, there must be either criminal neglect or treachery concerned in it.

Again it is rumored that Savannah has been evacuated. There is something in the air that causes agitation in official circles. Mr. Secretary Seddon's room was locked nearly all day yesterday.

If troops cannot be transported expeditiously over the Piedmont Road, fears may be entertained for Wilmington, when, the gale subsiding, the enemy's fleet has reappeared.

There is a rumor on the street that the government is to be removed to Lynchburg.

Gen. Lee has induced the President and Secretary of War to call for the clerks (detailed ones) to repair to the trenches again this weather. The emergency must be great, as these soldiers get, as clerks, $4000 per annum, and rations, etc.

A dispatch from Gen. Bragg.

WILMINGTON, N. C., December 23d, 1864.-The fleet, which drew off in the rough weather, is again assembled; seventy vessels now in sight on the coast. The advance of the troops (C. S.) only reached here to-night.—B. B.

The clerks are drawing lots; one-half being ordered to the trenches. Of two drawn in this bureau (out of five) one is peremptorily ordered by the Secretary to remain, being sickly, and the other has an order to go before a medical board "to determine whether he is fit for service in the trenches for a few days." Great commotion naturally prevails in the departments, and it is whispered that Gen. Lee was governed in the matter by the family of the President, fearing a Christmas visit from the negro troops on this side the river.

The following note was received to-day from the Vice-President:

RICHMOND, VA, December 23d, 1864.—Hon. Jas. A. Seddon, Secretary of War: Will you please send me, through the post-office, a passport to leave the city? I wish to depart in a few days. Yours respectfully,

ALEX. H. STEPHENS.

The President is hard at work making majors, etc.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 363-4

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 6, 1864

Bright and beautiful. Indian summer apparently.

All quiet below—but it is anticipated by some that a battle will occur to-day, or in a day or so.

The enemy's negro troops have been brought to this side of the river, and are in full view on picket duty.

The Signal Bureau reports a large number of transports descending the Potomac a few days ago; probably Sheridan's army, to reinforce Grant.

And yet our conscription superintendents, under orders, are busily engaged furloughing and detailing the rich slaveowners! It is developing a rapidly growing Emancipation party, for it is the establishment of a privileged class, and may speedily prove fatal to our cause. Our leaders are mad, and will be destroyed, if they persist in this policy.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 348-9

Official Reports of the Reoccupation of Jacksonville, Florida, by Union Forces, March 10, 1863: No. 2. — Report of Brig. Gen. Joseph Finegan, C. S. Army, commanding District of East Florida.

No. 2.

Report of Brig. Gen. Joseph Finegan, C. S. Army, commanding District of East Florida.

HDQRS. PROV. FORCES, DISTRICT EAST FLORIDA,        

Camp near Jacksonville, March 14, 1863.

GENERAL: 1 have the honor to report that on the 10th instant I received information from Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, commanding forces at Camp Finegan, of the arrival at Jacksonville of five gunboats and transports, and the landing of a large number of Abolition troops, said to be negroes. I immediately issued orders by telegraph and express trains for the concentration of all the troops which I could reach within the space of four or five days at the camp in the immediate vicinity of Jacksonville, prepared to check any movement of the enemy by land into the interior. To do this I am compelled to leave with entirely inadequate, protection many important points on the coast whence negroes may escape in large numbers to the enemy and where they have easy access to the interior.

On the same evening I proceeded to the camp, arriving there near midnight. I here found that the enemy had landed from five gunboats and transports, and he had occupied the town with so much celerity and secrecy as to have surrounded it with his pickets before the people generally were aware of his presence.

The next morning I made a reconnaissance in person, with the cavalry companies of Captains Stephens and Chambers, of the Second Florida Cavalry, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, of the same regiment, and directed Major Brevard, commanding First Battalion Partisan Rangers, with the companies of Captains Mays, Bird, J. Q. Stewart, and Asa Stewart, numbering 200 men, to advance to the immediate vicinity of the town, and cut off, capture, or kill their other pickets. The cavalry detachment under command of Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, which I accompanied, advanced into the suburbs of the town, where we found the enemy posted in strong picket force. We were fired upon by their first pickets without effect, except the disabling of 1 or 2 horses, and drove them into the town. Proceeding farther, we encountered a stronger force, which I estimated to be about two companies of infantry, drawn up in line of battle and advantageously posted. These opened on us unexpectedly, firing alternately by platoons and by file, with some degree of regularity. Our men, at great disadvantage of position, returned their fire with effect and drove them in haste and confusion from their position, killing 2 of whom we are certainly advised and wounding 4 or 5, and we have some reason to believe inflicting on them a severe loss. In this skirmish we lost a valuable life in Acting Surgeon Meredith, who accompanied the expedition, and was killed in the second skirmish with the enemy. At this point I had expected to meet the infantry detachment under command of Major Brevard, and with them to have retired from the town, capturing such pickets as were posted still farther out. The road taken was shorter than anticipated, and the two skirmishes with the enemy had accelerated our progress, so that we arrived at the place in advance of the infantry. Being under the range of the enemy's five gunboats and of his field pieces, we withdrew, bringing off the body of Surgeon Meredith.

Later in the day Major Brevard, commanding the infantry detachment, making his way into the suburbs of the town, encountered in the vicinity of the same place one or two companies of the enemy drawn up in line under cover of the trees and a house. Feeling the party with skirmishers, he then opened on them with his entire command, when they broke and fled in confusion, having first, however, returned his fire. Major Brevard then withdrew his command, and, although the enemy opened on them with shell from their gunboats, escaped without loss, having inflicted, as we believe, some loss on the enemy. We have ascertained from the reconnaissances and other sources of information that the enemy are certainly in large force in Jacksonville; that they are negroes, with white commissioned officers, company and field, and generally mulatto non-commissioned officers. From the best information that we can gather there may be 4,000 negroes now in the place, with perhaps one company of white troops. That they are expecting re-enforcements and have strongly fortified the place, having cut down all the trees, of which there were a great number, and made of them barricades and abatis; that they have posted field pieces in all the streets and covering the approaches, and have burned the houses from the river out beyond the suburbs of the town, so as to enable them to sweep with their heavy guns the whole country in rear and on either side of the place. They keep five boats with guns of long range in front and on the sides of the town, thus enabling them from the conformation of the ground to cover the country for several miles. The object of these formidable preparations, as we gather from our people who have been allowed to come out and as indicated by the probabilities of the case, is to hold the town of Jacksonville and then to advance up the Saint John's in their gunboats and establish another secure position higher up the river, whence they may entice the slaves. That the entire negro population of East Florida will be lost and the country ruined there cannot be a doubt, unless the means of holding the Saint John's River are immediately supplied. The next movement of the enemy will be to Palatka, and it may be to-day or to-morrow, and will necessitate the division of the force here concentrated. In a short time a similar landing may be effected in the vicinity of Fernandina and another division of the force required. It is impossible to do anything of importance unless I obtain the means asked for. All positions on the river, with the superior weight and number of the enemy's guns, are untenable with the means which I possess. I hope the commanding general will be able to supply me with the means absolutely necessary for the preservation of the people of this district. With the four siege guns asked for I can drive off the enemy's gunboats preparatory to an attack on the town.

I am to-day advised that the regiment of white troops in Saint Augustine have been ordered to re-enforce the enemy at Jacksonville. It is more probable, however, that they will proceed to Palatka, which is an easy march of 30 miles, through an open country, and there establish themselves. With the means at my command I shall not be able to prevent it.

To appreciate the danger of the permanent establishment of these posts of negro troops on the Saint John's River I respectfully submit to the commanding general that a consideration of the topography of the country will exhibit the fact that the entire planting interest of East Florida lies within easy communication of the river; that intercourse will immediately commence between negroes on the plantations and those in the enemy's service; that this intercourse will be conducted through swamps and under cover of the night, and cannot be prevented. A few weeks will suffice to corrupt the entire slave population of East Florida.

I herewith transmit a copy of an address which I deemed it my duty to publish to the people of the State, and which I trust will meet the approval of the commanding general; also a copy of general orders, complimentary to the conduct of officers and men of this command in the two skirmishes of the 11th instant.

The whole force which I am able to concentrate at this point, after leaving exposed many important points, will be less than 1,000 men (of all arms). I further beg leave to urge upon the commanding general the necessity of supplying me with 300 or 400 Enfield rifles and necessary ammunition for new recruits and new companies.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOS. FINEGAN,        

Brigadier-General, Commanding District of Florida.

Brig. Gen. THOMAS JORDAN,
        Chief of Staff.

[Inclosure No. 1.]

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF EAST FLORIDA,        

Camp near Jacksonville, Fla., March 13, 1863

I feel it my duty as brigadier-general commanding this district to inform the people of the district and of the State that our unscrupulous enemy has landed a large force of negroes, under command of white officers, at Jacksonville, under cover of gunboats. He is attempting to fortify the place so as to make it secure against attacks. The purpose of this movement is obvious and need not be mentioned in direct terms. It is sufficient to inspire the whole body of the people with a renewed and sterner purpose of resistance. I therefore call on such of the citizens as can possibly leave their homes to arm and organize themselves into companies without delay and to report to me. Ammunition, subsistence, and transportation will be furnished them while they remain in service. I further ask the zealous co-operation of the whole people in forcing into service all persons within the conscript age who yet remain out. With the blessing of the Almighty, the zealous support of the people and the Government, I doubt not that the detestable foe will soon be driven from their cover.

JOS. FINEGAN,        

Brigadier-General, Commanding.

[Inclosure No. 2.]

General ORDERS,} No.—,

HDQRS. DISTRICT OF EAST FLORIDA,        

Camp near Jacksonville, March 11, 1863.

The brigadier-general commanding desires to notice in general orders the coolness and daring exhibited by the officers and men of this command of detachments of the companies of Capt. W. E. Chambers and Capt. Winston Stephens, of Second Florida Cavalry, and of the companies of Capts. S. W. Mays, P.B. Bird, J. Q. Stewart, and Asa Stewart, under the command of Maj. T. W. Brevard, First Battalion Partisan Rangers, in two separate skirmishes with the enemy in the suburbs of Jacksonville on this day, These troops advanced with steadfast bravery while within range of his gunboats and attacked and drove him from his cover. The brigadier-general commanding commends the gallant and meritorious conduct in this affair of Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, Second Florida Cavalry, commanding cavalry force, and Capts. W. E. Chambers and W. Stephens, of Second Cavalry, and their officers and men, and of Maj. T.W. Brevard, First Battalion Partisan Rangers, commanding infantry force, and his captains, S. W. Mays, P.B. Bird, J. Q. Stewart, and Asa Stewart, and their officers and men.

The command mourns the loss of Surgeon Meredith, who fell by nobly discharging his duty.

By order of Brigadier-General Finegan, commanding:

W. CALL,        

Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 14 (Serial No. 20), p. 226-9

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864-January 23, 1865: No. 249. — Report of Brig. Gen. James A. Smith, C. S. Army, commanding Cleburne's division, of operations November 20-December 26, 1864.

No. 249.

Report of Brig. Gen. James A. Smith, C. S. Army, commanding Cleburne's division,

of operations November 20-December 26, 1864.

HEADQUARTERS CLEBURNE'S DIVISION,        

Tupelo, Miss., January 23, 1865.

I have the honor to submit the following report of the part taken by this division in the late campaign in Middle Tennessee:

When the army moved from Florence, Ala., on or about the 20th of November, my brigade was detached and left behind for the purpose of convoying a supply train which it was supposed would be ready to follow the army in a few days. It was, however, detained at the river until the 28th, when I moved with it and joined the army in front of Nashville on the 6th of December. Being the senior officer present with the division after the death of General Cleburne I took command of it on my arrival. I found it much reduced in numbers, especially in officers, many having been killed and wounded in the battle of Franklin on the 30th of November; nor was the tone and morale such as was desirable, owing to the fearful loss sustained in that battle. The division was at this time in line of battle on the extreme right of the army, its left (Govan's brigade) resting on to Nolensville pike, and the right (Lowrey's brigade) on the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad cut, about two miles and a half from the city, Granbury's brigade being in reserve to support the other brigades or check any movement of the enemy on our right flank. On the 7th my brigade, commanded by Colonel Olmstead, of the First Georgia Regiment, was again detached and ordered to report to Major-General Forrest, who was operating near Murfreesborough. It did not rejoin the division again until we recrossed the Tennessee River. (For information concerning it I refer you to the accompanying report of Colonel Olmstead.) While the division was in line as above stated skirmishes with the enemy (generally negro troops) were of frequent occurrence, resulting, however, in but little loss on either side. On the 13th Granbury's brigade was ordered to take position on the north side of the railroad cut and to construct a redoubt capable of containing 300 men. On the 15th the enemy made a formidable attempt on this position by a direct assault, and at the same time by a flank movement came in its rear. This attempt was a disastrous failure, he having to retire in confusion, leaving many of his dead and wounded on the field. In this affair Granbury's brigade behaved with its habitual spirit and gallantry, its loss on this occasion being about thirty killed and wounded, principally from the enemy's artillery and sharpshooters. During the night of the 15th I was ordered to move with my division toward the left of the line and bivouacked at Lea's house, near the Granny White pike. On the morning of the 16th I went into position on the extreme left of the army and to the west of the Granny White pike. I had not, however, been here but a short time when I was ordered by General Cheatham to report with my command to General Hood near the center of the line, which I did, and was ordered by him to send one brigade (Govan's) back to the left to check a movement of the enemy on that flank. (For a report of his operations during the remainder of the day you are referred to the accompanying report of Colonel Green,* of the Fifth Arkansas Regiment, who succeeded General Govan in the command after the latter was wounded.)

Shortly after reporting to General Hood I was again ordered by him to report to General Cheatham, on the left. By the latter I was directed to cross my command in rear under cover and to await orders. About an hour afterward [sic], their ill-provided-for condition, many being barefooted and otherwise badly clothed; the division recrossed the Tennessee River on the 26th of December.

Owing to the absence of General Lowrey, and to the fact that his brigade changed commanders so often, I find it impossible to get a satisfactory report from this brigade. This latter fact—frequent change of brigade commanders—should be stated as the reason why this report is so meager and deficient in detail.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. A. SMITH,        

Brigadier-General

Maj. J. D. PORTER,
        Assistant Adjutant-General, Cheatham's Corps.

_______________

* Not Found.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 739-40

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864-January 23, 1865: No. 248. — Report of Col. Ellison Capers, Twenty-fourth South Carolina Infantry, of operations September 29-December 2, 1864.

No. 248.

Report of Col. Ellison Capers, Twenty-fourth South Carolina Infantry,

of operations September 29-December 2, 1864.

CHARLESTON, S.C., January 4, 1865.

CAPTAIN: I embrace this opportunity to forward a report of the Twenty-fourth Regiment South Carolina Volunteers in the recent campaign from Palmetto, Ga., to Franklin, Tenn., including the battle at the latter place.

The losses sustained by the regiment at Franklin, together with the death of General Gist and the wounding of the adjutant-general of the brigade, Maj. B. Burgh Smith, and the terrible disaster which has since befallen the army at Nashville, make me apprehensive that no official report may be made or called for, and I will send this by the earliest opportunity and request that it be forwarded to the headquarters of the army at once, and a copy kept at brigade headquarters.

On the 29th of September last we broke camp at Palmetto and marched toward the Chattahoochee on the Phillips' Ferry road. Lieutenant-General Hardee having left the army, his corps was commanded by Major-General Cheatham, General Gist commanding Cheatham's division, and Colonel Capers, Twenty-fourth South Carolina Volunteers, commanding Gist's brigade. The brigade was composed of the Sixteenth and Twenty-fourth South Carolina, the Forty-sixth Georgia, and the Eighth Georgia Battalion. We crossed the Chattahoochee at Phillips' Ferry and camped the night of the 29th in line of battle on the west bank. Turning north on the 30th, we marched ten miles and bivouacked on the Villa Rica and Campbellton road, the line facing the State railroad.

On the 1st, 2d, and 3d of October the march was continued beyond Powder Springs, camping on the road to Lost Mountain on the 4th and 5th. While here we were engaged in intrenching a strong position, facing east and running parallel, for the most part, with the road, while Stewart's corps was at work breaking up the railroad north of Marietta. Early on the 6th, after a dreadful night of storm and rain, from which the men suffered very much, we broke up our line and marched in the rain and mud on the Dallas road, continuing the march on the 7th, 8th, and 9th, through Van Wert, Cedartown, and Cave Springs, to Coosaville, on the Coosa River. The command crossed the Coosa on the 10th, and turning north we camped in the beautiful valley of the Armuchee on the 11th. On the 12th and 13th the march was pressed through Sugar Valley Post-Office to Dalton, arriving before Dalton at 1 p.m. on the 13th, after a forced march of seventeen miles. From Palmetto to Dalton the regiment had marched 157 miles, marching every day, except the two days spent in fortifying the line on the Powder Springs and Lost Mountain road. General Hood's summons to the fort at Dalton was refused, and our division, now commanded by Maj. Gen. John C. Brown, was ordered to carry it by assault. The fort was a square redoubt, surrounded by a deep ditch, and situated on a hill just east of the depot and commanding the business part of the town; it inclosed a large store-house, and was defended by a complement of artillery and infantry. A hill immediately south and east of the fort commanded it, and General Brown moved his division across the open fields toward this hill, when a number of white flags were raised on the fort. The officer commanding had supposed the summons of General Hood to be one of General Forrest's efforts to capture him, but the display of our force and the evident purpose to place our artillery on the hill that commanded his fort, convinced his troops that their capture was certain, and they very eagerly surrendered. The garrison was composed of about 800 negro troops, commanded by white officers, and about 100 cavalry. We got some arms and a good quantity of stores, which our corps enjoyed. The remainder of the 13th and the morning of the 14th were spent by the corps in destroying the railroad at Dalton and back to Tunnel Hill. We left Dalton on the afternoon of the 14th and passed Rocky Face, through Mill Creek Gap, camping at Villanow.

On the 15th we passed Taylor's Ridge, through Ship's Gap, and camped in the Chattooga Valley, on the Summerville road. Early next morning, the 16th, I was ordered to march back with the regiment to the gap, and dispute the pass until ordered to retire. We reached the gap about 8 o'clock, and I at once disposed my regiment for its defense. The growth of the mountain on the side of the enemy's approach was thick, and the winding direction of the road made it impossible to see the force advancing. To the right and left of the gap the woods made it easy for my flanks to be turned by troops passing beyond the reach of my small force. I placed Companies A and F, Captains Steinmeyer and Sherard, under Captain Roddey, acting major of the Twenty-fourth, about a quarter of a mile in advance down the mountain, and instructed Roddey to take advantage of the woods, deploy his companies, and detain the enemy as long he could, falling back on the right and left of the regiment when pressed too hard. I cautioned him about his flanks, and left him full discretion to act as his judgment decided, communicating with me as opportunity occurred. The cavalry passed in about 10 o'clock and reported General Sherman's head of column advancing on the gap. I rode down to Roddey, and found his force well disposed, and was with him when the skirmishers of the enemy began firing. Riding back to an open place on the ridge, to the left of the regiment, I could see the enemy's trains and columns on the Villanow road, and counted seventeen flags. These facts I reported by courier to General Gist, who sent me a dispatch to hold the gap as long as I could, but not to lose my regiment. It was now about 11 o'clock, and Roddey was skirmishing heavily. I sent my adjutant, Lieutenant Holmes, to him, and he reported to me that the enemy were firing from the front all along Roddey's line, but showed only a strong skirmish line. Shortly after Lieutenant Holmes returned from Roddey we heard the enemy raise a shout from the direction of both flanks of Roddey's force, and the firing suddenly ceased. Very soon the men of Companies A and F who had escaped capture came in and told us that a force had passed around each flank of their line, and charging in rear, had cut off Roddey and most of his command. The regiment was in the gap, with the right and left companies deployed to protect our flanks. The enemy soon pressed up the mountain and charged our position, but the well-directed fire of the Twenty-fourth drove him back. He continued to fire from the front, and soon our vedettes reported to me from the left that a force was moving through the woods to my rear. This determined me to pass the defile, and I accordingly conducted the regiment to the rear by the right flank, each company firing up to the moment of marching. The enemy did not press us, and I conducted the regiment to the bivouac of the brigade on the Summerville road, the cavalry relieving us at the foot of the ridge. We lost 4 officers and about 40 men in this affair. Captains Roddey, Steinmeyer, and Sherard, and Lieutenant Gray were captured, with about half of the force they commanded. Most of those captured were so completely cut off from the regiment that they could not escape. I regret that I cannot say how many were killed or wounded of those who were captured; we had only 8 wounded in the gap.

The march of the corps was continued on the 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th of October, passing through Alpine to Gadsden, Ala., crossing the State line on the 18th. We halted at Gadsden on the 21st, got our mails and drew the following: 21 blankets, 112 pairs of trousers, 74 pairs of shoes, 44 jackets, 82 pairs of socks, 37 shirts, and 46 pairs of drawers. This issue by no means supplied our necessities, but relieved the most needy. We had twenty men absolutely barefooted when we reached Gadsden. On the evening of the 21st the commanding general communicated to the army his purpose to cross the Tennessee and march into that State; accordingly, on the early morning of the 22d, the march was resumed. Passing over Sand Mountain we arrived before Decatur, Ala., on the afternoon of the 26th and formed line of battle. The weather was wretched, the roads muddy, and the marching most trying on the troops. The 27th and 28th were equally as bad, and the regiment being kept in position and moved frequently as the line was moved to the right, and the enemy throwing some shell meanwhile, made our stay in front of Decatur most uncomfortable, especially as we expected to attack or to be attacked at any moment. The men had no chance to cook and suffered from hunger. We left this position at 3 o'clock on the afternoon of the 29th and marched nine miles on the Tuscumbia road, camping in Florence County. The march was continued on the 30th and 31st, passing through Courtland and arriving at Tuscumbia at 4 p.m. on the 31st. The beautiful valley of the Tennessee, through which we marched, was desolated by the enemy, and the commanding general published a field circular to the army, calling attention of the troops to the ruined homes on every hand, and exhorting every man and officer resolutely to vow the redemption of Tennessee from the grasp of the foe. The circular was received by the Twenty-fourth with a hearty cheer, though many of the gallant soldiers who cheered were absolutely suffering for clothing and shoes. Hardee's corps went into bivouac west of the town, and remained in bivouac until the 8th of November. The weather for most of the time was miserable and the camp most uncomfortable in consequence. The following issues were made to my regiment: 64 jackets, 16 pairs of trousers, 38 pairs of socks, 28 pairs of shoes, 24 blankets. This was a very inadequate supply. I applied for 113 pairs of shoes absolutely needed, twenty-three men being barefooted on reaching Tuscumbia. Up to this point we had marched 361 miles. On the 8th of November, in a storm of rain, the corps marched to within a mile of the river, and went into bivouac, waiting for the completion of the pontoon. On Sunday, the 13th, the weather being fine, we marched over the pontoon, the bands playing and the men and officers in high spirits. Marching through Florence we camped one mile west of the town. The 14th and 15th were employed by Hardee's corps fortifying a line designed, we were told, to defend the crossing of the river in case of disaster in front. The weather from the night of the 14th was miserably bad; cold, rain, and snow, and the bivouac wet and uncomfortable. Rations were short, seventy of my men had next to no blankets, and as many needed shoes. On the 16th we got 16 pairs of shoes, 45 pairs of trousers, 50 pairs of socks, 26 shirts, and 34 pairs of drawers. We had no forage for our horses and a ration of only fifteen ears of corn. In spite of this the men were cheerful and dutiful. The Twenty-fourth reported at Florence 256 non-commissioned officers and privates for duty, 23 company officers, 2 field officers, and 4 on the regimental staff. Lieut. Alfred Holmes, adjutant, having gone to the rear sick, Lieut. W. M. Beckham, Company G, was detailed to act as adjutant of the regiment, and efficiently discharged his duties.

On the 21st of November we marched from the bivouac in a storm of snow, and continued the march for ten miles on the Waynesborough road. The roads were in such a terrible condition that the men marched in the woods and fields to escape the mud. The march was conducted through Waynesborough and Mount Pleasant to Columbia, reaching Columbia on the 26th, just after the enemy, retreating from Decatur, had entered that place. The brigade was bivouacked in line east of the Bigbyville pike. The march from Florence to Columbia was forced all the way, the weather and roads bad, and rations very short, three biscuits only on the 24th and 25th to each man. Except to furnish picket details, the Twenty-fourth had no duty to perform at Columbia and had no casualties.

Early on the 29th we left the bivouac and marched to Davis' Ford, on Duck River, crossing on a pontoon and continuing the march toward Spring Hill, immediately on the rear of the enemy's position at Columbia. The march was rapid and over bad roads, and part of the way over the open plantations. We arrived before Spring Hill about sunset, and were formed in line of battle, facing the town and apparently about a mile distant. The enemy seemed to be in confusion, as we could hear the noise of pulling down fences and houses and the rattling of wheels on the pike. Our troops were fighting on our right and we were expecting momentarily to be ordered forward. No order came, however, and as dark came on the general, Gist, and myself rode out toward the enemy within pistol-shot. This state of affairs was, and still is, inexplicable to me, and gave us a great disappointment. Later on in the night we could hear the rolling of wheels over the pike, as the enemy's artillery and wagons moved on to Franklin. After an anxious night of waiting and watching we moved next morning onto the pike and marched, after Stewart's corps, toward Franklin. Burnt wagons and dead mules were passed on the pike and other evidences of a hasty retreat of the enemy. About 2 p.m. the head of our corps reached a line of high hills crossing the Franklin pike, on which the enemy had a force. Stewart drove this force back, and we formed line of battle at the foot of the hills. In the order of formation Stewart's corps was on the right of the pike, and Hardee's, commanded by Cheatham, was deployed on the left. The divisions were formed in two lines, from right to left, as follows: Cleburne’s, Brown's, and Bate's. In our division (Brown's), Gist's and Gordon's brigades occupied the front and Carter's and Strahl's the rear line; Gist was on the left of Gordon, and the Twenty-fourth on the left of Gist's brigade, so that we occupied the left of the division. In this order the two corps moved forward to the top of the hills. The enemy was intrenched in a semicircle in front of Franklin, with his flanks refused and resting on the Harpeth River in his rear; there was also a short line of troops, apparently a division, about 500 yards in front of the main force. The distance from our position to this advanced force seemed to be about a mile and a quarter. About 4 o'clock the two corps moved down the hills, our division marching by the right flank of regiments until we descended the slopes, then forming forward into line. As we advanced the force in front opened fire on us, and our line moved steadily on, the enemy retreating as we pressed forward. Just before the charge was ordered the brigade passed over an elevation, from which we beheld the magnificent spectacle the battlefield presented--bands were playing, general and staff officers and gallant couriers were riding in front of and between the lines, 100 bat-tie-flags were waving in the smoke of battle, and bursting shells were wreathing the air with great circles of smoke, while 20,000 brave men were marching in perfect order against the foe. The sight inspired every man of the Twenty-fourth with the sentiment of duty. As we were pressing back the enemy's advance forces Lieut. Col. J. S. Jones fell mortally wounded in front of the right of the regiment. General Gist, attended by Capt. H. D. Garden and Lieut. Frank Trenhohn, of his staff, rode down our front, and returning, ordered the charge, in concert with General Gordon. In passing from the left to the right of the regiment the general waved his hat to us, expressed his pride and confidence in the Twenty-fourth, and rode away in the smoke of the battle, never more to be seen by the men he had commanded on so many fields. His horse was shot, and, dismounting, he was leading the right of the brigade when he fell, pierced through the heart. On pressed the charging lines of the brigade, driving the advance force of the enemy pell-mell into a locust abatis, where many were captured and sent to the rear; others were wounded by the fire of their own men. This abatis was a formidable and fearful obstruction. The entire brigade was arrested by it. Fortunately for us the fire of the enemy slackened to let their advance troops come in, and we took advantage of it to work our way through. Gist's and Gordon's brigades charged on and reached the ditch of the work, mounted the work, and met the enemy in close combat. The colors of the Twenty-fourth were planted and defended on the parapet, and the enemy retired in our front some distance, but soon rallied and came back, in turn, to charge us. He never succeeded in retaking the line we held. About dusk there was a lull in the firing west of the pike. Brown's division had established itself in the ditch of the work and so far as Gist's brigade front on the crest. Torn and exhausted, deprived of every general officer and nearly every field officer, the division had only strength enough left to hold its position. Strahl's and Carter's brigades came gallantly to the assistance of Gist's and Gordon's, but the enemy's fire from the houses in rear of the line and from his reserves, thrown rapidly forward, and from guns posted on the far side of the river so as to enfilade the field, tore their line to pieces before it reached the locust abatis. Strahl and his entire staff were killed together before reaching the work, and Carter was mortally wounded. But there was no backward movement of this line. Its momentum, though slackened by its terrible losses, carried it on to the ditch. Maj. B. Burgh Smith, of the brigade staff, who was commanding the Sixteenth South Carolina Volunteers, was now also the senior officer of the brigade, every superior officer having been either killed or wounded. Major Smith established the line on the works and maintained an effective fire until 9 o'clock by having the men in the ditch, many of whom were wounded, to load and pass up the muskets to the men on the work. Major Smith informs me that men and officers of Deas' brigade/of Johnson's division (which came on the field late in the evening), assisted in maintaining this fire. About 10 or 10.30 o'clock, Lieut. James A. Tillman, of the Twenty-fourth, led his own company (I) and men from other companies of the regiment in a charge against the enemy over the work, and captured the colors of the Ninety-seventh Ohio Volunteer Infantry and some forty prisoners. The regiment held its position, as did the brigade, against repeated attempts to drive it from the work, until about midnight, when the enemy retired and left our army in possession of the bloody field of Franklin. I was shot down before reaching the last work, and have reported the facts occurring after my wound upon the statements of the men and officers who visited me at the hospital on the next day.

At the close of the battle Captain Gillis, of the Forty-sixth Georgia, was the senior officer of the brigade; of the general's staff, Capt. H. D. Garden alone remained. Before we reached the locust abatis the ranks of the regiment were decimated by the direct and enfilade fire of the enemy, and the lieutenant-colonel and myself had both been shot down, yet the company officers led their men forward, worked their way through the abatis, and assaulted the main work. Lieutenant Galley, of Company F, and Lieutenant Padgett, of Company I, with many of the men, were killed beyond the work.

I would specially commend the gallant conduct of Lieut. James A. Tillman, commanding Company I, who led his company over the work and captured the flag and some forty prisoners of the Ninety-seventh Ohio Regiment. Lieutenant Tillman specially commends the gallantry of Privates J.P. Blackwell, Anderson Walls, and J. E. O. Carpenter in this affair. I would also mention specially the gallantry of Privates Prewett and Mock, both of whom were killed on the last line of the enemy. Lieut. W. M. Beckham, of Company G, acting adjutant; Captain Bowers, of Company D; Lieuts. Claude S. Beaty, Company F, Adrian C. Appleby, Company C, C. D. Easterling, Company B, McDaniel, Company H, and Andrews, Company K, were conspicuous in the field for their gallant conduct. The conduct of these officers came under my notice, but I have no doubt others acted with equal gallantry whose conduct did not come under my immediate notice. Private Adam Carpenter bore the flag with courage and faithfulness, and Color-Corporals Jones, Company B, and Morgan, Company K, were both wounded. Lieutenants Weeks, Company C, Tatum, Company B, and Millen, Company H, were severely wounded on the field.

I would specially commend the gallantry and devotion of the litter corps, under Private Joseph Breland. They kept up with the regiment, and rendered prompt assistance to the wounded, several of them being themselves wounded on the field.

I have no data at hand to report accurately our losses in the campaign. Captain Risher with his company, E, had been detailed for special duty and was not in the engagement. Relying upon my memory, I would report the loss of the regiment, including about 43 captured at Ship's Gap and the loss at Franklin, to be about 150 men and officers. Lieut. Col. J. S. Jones died of his wounds at the division hospital a few days after the battle. His loss will be much felt by the regiment and is greatly deplored by his colonel.

From Palmetto to Franklin the regiment marched over 500 miles. We suffered much during November from the bad weather and from the want of clothing, shoes, and blankets. Once during the campaign the men received as a ration three ears of corn to each man, and frequently we had nothing but corn meal. But I am happy to report that no man deserted the flag of his regiment, and no command of the army fought with more spirit and heroic determination at Franklin than the Twenty-fourth South Carolina Volunteers.

The 1st day of December was devoted to burying our dead and reforming the broken, decimated ranks of the regiment. Under the skillful and kind care of Dr. W. G. McKinzie, our division surgeon, the wounded were made comfortable in the Harrison house, on the Columbia pike; and on the 2d of December the Twenty-fourth, under the command of Captain Griffith, Company C, marched with the army to Nashville. I have had no tidings from it since, except the published reports of the disaster which befell General Hood on the 16th, and the retreat of the army to Corinth.

Respectfully submitted.

ELLISON CAPERS,        

Colonel.

Capt. H. D. GARDEN,
        Assistant Inspector-General, Gist's Brigade,
                Army of Tennessee, near Corinth, Miss.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 733-9