Showing posts with label Gordon Granger. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Gordon Granger. Show all posts

Saturday, September 30, 2023

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: June 17, 1864

It is said we will remain here for a few days. All is quiet this morning. Our camp is at the foot of Lookout Mountain, in the Chattanooga valley. As we look around we are reminded that blood has flowed and noble men died here. Uncoffined graves dot the valley and the mountain side, and here these hallowed mounds will ever appear as landmarks to guide those who have for long weary years sighed for human freedom.

To-day the Seventh boys wend their way up Lookout Mountain; it is a wearisome task; up and up we climb. Soon we are above the clouds where Hooker's bayonets clashed in midnight darkness, when the mountain was wrapped in one grand sheet of battle flame. We are now on Point Lookout looking down in the valley. Lowering clouds hide from our view the landscape; presently the clouds vanish and we now behold Chattanooga and her fortifications beneath our feet; the winding Tennessee, the current of which is moving on towards the father of waters to tell its silent story of blood, and Mission Ridge where warriors moved in the grand pageantry of battle, flinging to the wind a hundred union battle flags. We now turn our eyes towards the Chicamauga [sic], the river of death. As our eyes fall there we remember how General George H. Thomas mastered Longstreet and saved the army of the Cumberland from defeat. As we stand here looking down to where he stood that fearful day, we imagine we see him or them watching the dust as it rose from the feet of Gordon Granger's command. That was a moment of suspense, and we know that General Thomas's heart leaped with joy when Captain Thomas dashed from that cloud of dust to his side with the compliments of General Gordon Granger.

We now descend the mountain side over the rugged cliffs and rocks that have been stained with human gore. Brave men sleep beneath these rocks, but Lookout Mountain will ever stand as a monument to their memory, and through the eventful years to come will guard this fearful silence from tempest and storm.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 244-6

Saturday, December 18, 2021

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864-January 23, 1865: No. 208 — Reports of Maj. Gen. Lovell H. Rousseau, U. S. Army, commanding District of Tennessee, of operations December 4-12, 1864.

No. 208

Reports of Maj. Gen. Lovell H. Rousseau, U. S. Army, commanding District of Tennessee,
of operations December 4-12, 1864.

MURFREESBOROUGH, TENN., December 8, 1864—12 m.

GENERAL: I beg leave to report that everything is in first-rate condition here. The railroad south of this is believed to be uninjured, as well as the railroad between this and Overall's Creek, five miles north. From a point half a mile beyond that creek the railroad is believed to be destroyed north beyond La Vergne. The block-houses Nos. 5 and 6 were abandoned, and the garrisons arrived safely here. These garrisons received orders from Captain Hake, at La Vergne (who said he acted under the orders of General Thomas),to abandon the block-houses. They did so, with the enemy all around them, and, much to my surprise and their own, reached here without loss, coming though the country. On Sunday [4th] last the block-house at Overall's Creek was attacked by General Bate's division with a battery of artillery, and seventy-four shots fired at it, doing it no damage. In the afternoon a force of three regiments of infantry, four companies of the Thirteenth Indiana Cavalry, Colonel Johnson, with a section of artillery, went out from here, under General Milroy. The force of the enemy was unknown to me. This force attacked and routed the enemy, showing great spirit and courage. Our loss in the affair was 4 killed and 49 wounded. The loss of the enemy was unknown, for although we took possession of the field night closed in at the end of the fight, and I ordered our forces to return at once to the fortress, which they did. Colonel Johnson, Thirteenth Indiana Cavalry, with four companies of his regiment, being cut off from Nashville by the enemy, joined me here and has rendered very efficient service. On Monday [5th] the enemy were re-enforced by two brigades of infantry and 2,500 of Forrest's cavalry, under Forrest in person. On Monday evening and during Tuesday and Wednesday [7th] the enemy demonstrated against the fortress at all points as well as against the town. They were very impudent and skirmished heavily with us, especially on the Nashville pike, coming up to within a mile of the fortress. On Wednesday the enemy's infantry had moved around on the Wilkinson pike, about one mile and a quarter northwest of the fortress. The major-general commanding will not have forgotten the very spot, being near where Negley's command was formed at the battle of Stone's River, a little farther south. Not knowing where the main body of the enemy was, I sent General Milroy, with seven regiments and a battery, on the Salem pike, with directions to swing around to right, returning parallel to the works along the line of the woods west and northwest of the fortifications. The enemy was encountered on the Wilkinson pike behind breast-works made of logs and rails, and infantry and cavalry utterly routed and driven off in great confusion, Forrest's cavalry making the finest time, to the right, across and down the Nashville road, I have seen in many a day.

Our loss was about 30 killed and 175 wounded. The loss of the enemy unknown, though it largely exceeded ours. Immediately after the fight I ordered our forces to return to the fortress. In this fight we captured 207 prisoners, including 18 commissioned officers. We captured also 2 guns of the enemy (12-pounder Napoleons), and have them now in position on the fortress.

Just before General Milroy fell upon the enemy Buford's division of cavalry attacked Murfreesborough and entered the town, shelling it fiercely, knocking the houses to pieces. With a regiment of infantry and a section of artillery I drove the enemy out of the town, and I have not heard any more of them in any direction since. All is perfectly quiet here to-day, which doubtless results from the fact that the enemy was badly whipped. In these fights the troops have behaved with exceeding courage and I am glad to say that the new troops have not been at all behind the old in the exhibition of steadiness and courage.

I heard from General Granger on Monday last by telegram and he was all right at Stevenson, having had great difficulty from high water in reaching there, going but eight miles a day for three days. The wires in that direction were cut at 4 p.m. on that day, and I have not heard from him since.

Perhaps you have not heard of the enemy's loss of generals at the battle of Franklin; I have it definitely from prisoners; it is this: Killed, Major-General Cleburne, Brigadier-General Gist, Brigadier-General Strahl, Brigadier-General Adams, Brigadier-General Carter, Brigadier-General Granbury, and three others wounded. It is reported by citizens here that Bate was killed on yesterday, and I think the report very probably true.

I shall ask leave to make a more detailed report, calling attention, amongst other matters, to the deportment of individual officers and men.

I am, general, very respectfully, &c.,
LOVELL H. ROUSSEAU,        
Major-General.
Brig. Gen. W. D. WHIPPLE,
        Chief of Staff.
_______________

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF TENNESSEE,        
Murfreesborough, December 12, 1864.

Dispatches from General Thomas of the 5th and 8th instant received last night. Railroad train to Stevenson for supplies will take this dispatch to be forwarded. Wires down between this and Stevenson. On the 8th instant I dispatched by courier by way of Gallatin reporting operations here on the 4th instant. The enemy attacked the block-house at Overall's Creek, fired seventy-four shots, doing no damage. I sent three regiments, under General Milroy, to its relief. The enemy (Bate's division) were routed and driven off. We took some prisoners, near thirty, but no guns. Loss of the enemy unknown, as night closed in before the fight was over. Our troops, new and old, behaved admirably. We withdrew at night. The next evening Bate returned, skirmished with amid drove in our pickets, and threatened the fortress; pretty heavy skirmishing till the 7th, when the enemy moved around on the Wilkinson pike, northwest of the fortress. He was re-enforced by Forrest with 2,500 cavalry and two divisions of infantry. On the evening of the 6th he made a breast-work of logs and rails on Wilkinson's pike, from which he was driven on the 7th by General Milroy with seven regiments of the garrison here; a pretty severe engagement, lasting perhaps three-quarters of an hour. The rout was complete, infantry and cavalry running in every direction. The fight was well conducted by Major-General Milroy, and the troops behaved most gallantly. We took 207 prisoners, including 18 commissioned officers, 2 pieces (12-pounder Napoleons) of artillery, which were at once placed in position in the fortifications, and 1 stand of colors belonging to the First and Third Florida. Our loss in the fight at Overall's Creek was 5 killed and 49 wounded, and on Wilkinson's pike about 175 killed and wounded, 1 missing. I reported these facts a little more fully in my dispatch of the 8th, which may not have reached you. I am subsisting off the country, which I think I can do. Before the fight on the Wilkinson pike, Buford's division of cavalry took possession of about one-half of the town of Murfreesborough, shelling it vigorously and destroying many of the houses. With a section of artillery and a small force of infantry, I drove them, wounding and killing 30 and taking 25 prisoners. A captain of artillery left his boots, letters, sponges, staff buckets, on the ground. We lost one man wounded. The enemy's cavalry all around, but I think in small bodies. We forage without molestation. No enemy near here that! know of. Cheatham reported coming this way through Triune. All right here, and will endeavor to keep it so.

LOVELL H. ROUSSEAU,        
Major-General.
Brig. Gen. W. D. WHIPPLE,
        Chief of Staff.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 612-5

Monday, February 15, 2021

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, August 23, 1864

Received dispatches to-day from Admiral Farragut confirming intelligence received several days since through Rebel sources. The official account confirms my own previous impressions in regard to operations. Secretary Stanton in one of his bulletins represented that Fort Gaines had surrendered to General Granger and the army. It is shown that the proposition of Colonel Anderson, who commanded the fort, was to surrender to the fleet after the monitors had made an assault, that Admiral Farragut consulted with General Granger, that the terms were dictated from the squadron, that Colonel Anderson and Major Brown went on board the Admiral's vessel when the arrangement was consummated, etc.

Why should the Secretary of War try to deprive an officer like Farragut and the naval force of what is honestly their due? It is only one of many like occurrences during the War. I do not recollect a single instance of generous award to the Navy by Stanton or Halleck. Some will doubtless get in error by it, but I think the country mainly rightly appreciates it, and history may put all right. Not the history of this day and period; a generation at least must pass away before the errors, prejudices, and perversion of partisans will be dissipated, and the true facts be developed. I have had but brief opportunities to look into the so-called histories of the great events now passing, but the cursory examination which I have given let me see mountains of error, and much of it, I am sorry to say, was not unintentional on the part of the writers. Facts were made or worked to suit the partialities or prejudices of the person who professed to record them. Many in this day who read and hear of the capture of New Orleans believe it was taken by General Butler and the army, who were a hundred miles distant when the city surrendered, and it is obviously the purpose of the Secretary of War to so spread such an impression in regard to the capture of Fort Gaines, so that the Navy shall not have the credit.

It does not surprise nor grieve me that another and different class — the intense partisan - should wholly ignore the Navy Department in all naval victories. No word of credit is awarded us by them for the late achievement, yet I know the people are not wholly ignorant on the subject. Some of the more thoughtful will appreciate the labor and responsibility devolving on those who prepared the work, and furnished the means for the work in hand. Some credit is due for the selection of Farragut in the first instance. Mervine had been first assigned to command the blockade in the Gulf. I found when organizing the squadron at the commencement of the Rebellion that there was pressure and claim of usage for the senior officers. Many who were counted best had seceded and proved traitors. My thoughts turned to Gregory for that command, but Paulding, who was then the detailing officer, persuaded me to take Mervine. It was a mistake. Gregory is infinitely the better man. A few months satisfied me that Mervine, a worthy man doubtless, was good for nothing as an officer for such duties as the times required, and he was detached. He and his friends were greatly miffed and wanted a court of inquiry. Anxious to secure an efficient man for his successor, I consulted many and scrutinized carefully. The choice was eventually narrowed down to two, McKean and C. H. Bell. Foote, whom I consulted with others, after much hesitation inclined me to McKean, of whom I thought well from his promptness and patriotism immediately on his return from Japan in the Niagara. He was certainly an improvement on Mervine, but yet not the man, I was soon convinced, partly from ill health, — for the work that was wanted.

When the expedition to New Orleans was determined upon, the question as to who should have command of the naval forces became a subject of grave and paramount importance. I had heard that Farragut resided in Norfolk at the beginning of the troubles, but that he abandoned the place when Virginia seceded and had taken up his residence in the city of New York. The fact interested me. I had known something of him in Polk's administration, and his early connection with Commodore Porter was in his favor. All that I heard of him was to his credit as a capable, energetic, and determined officer, of undoubted loyalty. Admirals Joe Smith and Shubrick spoke well of him. The present Admiral D. D. Porter, who, with others, was consulted, expressed confidence in him, and as Porter himself was to take a conspicuous part in the expedition, it had an important influence. But among naval officers there was not a united opinion. Most of them, I think, while speaking well of Farragut, doubted if he was equal to the position, certainly not so well appointed a man as others, - but yet no one would name the man for a great and active campaign against Mobile or some other point. They knew not of New Orleans. After the question was decided, and, I believe, after Fox and D.D. Porter both wrote Farragut unofficially of his probable selection to command the new Gulf Squadron, I was cautioned in regard to the step I was taking. Senator Hale, when he learned the fact, asked me if I was certain of my man, — Southern born, a Southern resident, with a Southern wife, etc. Several Members of Congress questioned me closely; few knew Farragut, who had not then carved out a great name, and there was, I became conscious, a general impression or doubt whether I had not made a mistake. I will not follow the subject here. His works speak for themselves, and I am satisfied the selection was a proper one, probably the very best that could be made.

At that time Du Pont was in favor, almost a favorite. He had sought to be, or his friends had sought to have him, transferred to Washington to take the place of Paulding. Seward proposed it, and thought Paulding might be otherwise provided for, suggesting the navy yard at Philadelphia or Brooklyn, or a squadron. I did not assent to the arrangement, and the President, who saw I had some feeling on the subject, concurred with me emphatically. Seward said the subject had been brought to him by Winter Davis, — in other words, Du Pont.

I did not then, as I do now, know thoroughly either Davis or Du Pont. It was a skillful intrigue, yet it did not succeed. But the blockade, requiring a close and minute hydrographical knowledge of the coast, brought me in contact with Mr. Bache of the Coast Survey. Mr. Bache sought to make our acquaintance personal and intimate, and but for my unremitting and ceaseless devotion to pressing current duties I should have fully responded. But I had not time. I think he saw and appreciated it, and he intimated, not exactly proposed, a board to take up the subject of our Southern coast, its channels, approaches, inlets, and defenses in detail, and report to me. It struck me favorably, and Du Pont was put upon that board with him, was brought to Washington, and commenced forming a clique while reporting on the surveys of the coast. He moved with great skill, and I, being unsuspicious, was, I can perceive, to some extent deceived. But I think the ill success of the intrigue of H. Winter Davis and himself through Seward led Du Pont to the conclusion that he would not be likely to make head against me during this administration. He therefore changed his tactics, became greatly friendly and profoundly respectful, designing, if he could, to use me. To some extent he did so. Old Admiral Shubrick was his relative and patron. Mr. Fox was devoted to him, and I listened much to Fox as well as to Shubrick. Admiral Paulding, then here, was kindly disposed, as detailing officer, to second Du Pont, and Admiral Davis was his shadow. Of course with such surroundings, and with Du Pont himself, who became friendly, I think truly friendly, and almost deferential, I yielded much to his wishes and recommendations. It was early arranged that he should have a squadron to effect a lodgment at some port on the South Atlantic. Fernandina was much thought of, but Port Royal and Bull's Bay were mentioned. A division of the Atlantic Squadron, then commanded by Admiral Stringham, became indispensable, and Stringham himself, having taken offense, unwisely, at some order issued in my absence, proposed to resign just as the subject of dividing the squadron was taken up, which made the way clear for Du Pont. He took the Navy Register and made to a great extent his selection of officers. It was a Du Pont squadron emphatically. Poor Mercer, who had been his devoted friend, was detached from the Wabash, which was made Du Pont's flag-ship, and died of a broken heart. But neither Farragut nor David D. Porter were within the charmed circle. Du Pont had some jealousy, I saw, of Porter, but none of Farragut. I do not remember to have ever heard a complimentary remark of F. from Du Pont, but he evidently considered him a fair fighting officer, of ordinary standing, - not one of the élite, not of the Du Pont Navy. Of Porter he entertained a higher opinion, but he was no favorite, and, without any charge against him, I was given to understand that he was a troublesome fellow. . . .

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 114-9

Monday, December 4, 2017

Brigadier-General John A. Garfield to Salmon P. Chase, September 23, 1863 – 10:30 a.m.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE CUMBERLAND,            
September 23, 1863 10.30 a.m.     
(Received War Department 10 p.m.)
Hon. S. P. CHASE,
Secretary of the Treasury:

I answered you last night that Stanton is wounded and a prisoner. We have inflicted heavy injury on enemy, equal to what we have suffered. He no doubt outnumbers us two to one, but we can stand here ten days if help will then arrive. If we hold this point we shall save the campaign, which will be great gain even if we lose this army. Twenty-five thousand men should be sent to Bridgeport to secure Middle Tennessee in case of disaster to us. Never been such fighting in West. Thomas and Granger stood in their tracks eight hours against whole rebel army. We took about 2,000. Battle not yet recommenced; but expected soon. Where are Sherman and Hurlbut?

 J. A. GARFIELD.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 30, Part 3 (Serial No. 52), p. 792

Saturday, July 22, 2017

1st Lieutenant Charles Wright Wills: July 17, 1862

Camp at Rienzi, July 17, 1862.

I think there is more point and policy in that General Order 92 than in any one that has yet been issued in the West, or East either for that matter; but still I do not think it remarkable for perspicuity, and it is neither as strong nor as definite as the army demands. If I know anything of the “laws of war and humanity,” the soldiers will bless “92” for one thing, its relieving them from guarding the property of secessionists, and if they don't make sundry potato patches, cabbage gardens and fields of roasting ears that I know of, “hop” ’twill surprise me much. There will be some wondrous sudden conversions to Unionism when these butternuts get the drift of that order. An old pup in this town that drank “Southern Independence or the World in Flames” the other evening, in the presence of several United States officers has Union soldiers guarding his property, to preserve it from the Northern vandals, and he has used language equally insulting, times without number, yet the guard is kept up. I suppose, to conciliate him. General Ashboth visits all the secesh and rides around town with the daughter of the man I've been speaking of, who is more intensely secesh than her father, if that is possible. Maybe I'm jealous of him, for the girl is very handsome, but I don't think a United States general at all excusable in such conduct, though it may be overlooked in a lieutenant. Did you see Beauregard's answer to Halleck? I honestly think there is more truth in that document, than in any other military paper of the kind I have seen. Suppose you have seen Granger's review thereof. You notice he don't touch any of the principal points and shows his whole object in publishing the article, in these four words, “I led the pursuit.” I'll swear we haven't taken, in deserters, prisoners and sick, since the evacuation of Corinth, 500 men (although hundreds have doubtless deserted who did not enter our lines.) I know this because we have had the advance all the time, and on the only roads there have been fighting and prisoners, and all the deserters have passed through our hands. There were about 18 cars burned, but the ruins show there was nothing of much value on them. ’Twas not intentional, of course, but Elliott did burn several men in the depot, or else the people of Boonville are liars, to a man. That fight the other day at Boonville amounted to nothing. The enemy's official report of their loss is four killed and ten wounded. There is an awful sight of bombast and lying about army reports. Beat politicians all hollow. We have had very heavy rains for the last 36 hours, and as water can now be procured on the hitherto dry ground between the armies, I expect some cavalry skirmishing, at least, and if the enemy is yet in force at Tupelo, now is the time for them to attack us, for our army is scattered for 300 miles, almost along the Tennessee line, and cannot be concentrated in time to resist a large force. Many of the officers expect a big fight, but your brother don't.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 114-6

Saturday, July 15, 2017

1st Lieutenant Charles Wright Wills: June 9, 1862

Rienzi, Tishomingo Co., Miss., June 9, 1862.

Saturday morning the 5th inst. the colonel and myself started for a little pleasure ride as a relaxation from the many cares and troubles people in this profession are incident to. We started for Corinth, as neither of us had yet visited the place, and plodded along through dust in air and heat — words can't tell how oppressive. We stopped at General Rosecrans about 1 p. m. and stayed and dined with him. The general was in his most pleasant mood and I thought him very engaging and winning in his manner. He told a number of amusing stories and 'twas all very pleasant, until somebody happened to mention General Fremont's name. General Granger was also at the table and the two generals commenced and each tried to outdo the other in — yes, reviling the “bumble-bee catcher.”

They changed the subject over the wine and General Rosecrans became quite enthusiastic and prophetic in his conviction in regard to the war question, settlement thereof, etc. But I couldn't see any remarkable difference between him and the rest of mankind, and the same remark will apply to all that I know of the other generals here. I remember he said that he considered “slavery a vile blot on the face of the earth,” and that unadulterated abolitionism alone was its equal; but I don't claim that the speech showed any remarkable talent. We left him swearing at his A. Q. M. and journeyed on. We luckily met an old acquaintance of the colonel's, a captain in the 1st Regular Infantry, and went with him to his quarters for the night. All the regimental officers quartered together in a very fine house that belongs to a secesh colonel. They were a jolly set of men, and the empty bottles lying around loose when we retired testified strongly thereto. I remember seeing one of them at Point Pleasant, Mo., have a couple of little fights (he commanded a two-gun battery of siege pieces) with a Rebel battery on the opposite shore.

We left Corinth early next morning for Farmington, and as we passed I saw where Major Applington fell. It was as I supposed about one-half mile from Corinth (hardly that) and what I did not know, was within 400 yards of the strongest part of the Rebel fortifications. We lunched at 10 a. m and paid an old lady the modest sum of 50 cents for a piece of cornbread and a glass of buttermilk. She complained bitterly of some of Buell's soldiers killing three of her chickens without paying for them, and just the day before her husband had been to Corinth and received meat, flour, etc., free from the aid society. She had three sons in the Southern Army. At 12 m. we drew rein 25 miles from Corinth at Iuka.

There are a couple of splendid springs in Iuka. One chalybeate, and the other sulphur water, and the town is the neatest I have seen in the country. Snuff-dipping is an universal custom here, and there are only two women in all Iuka that do not practice it. At tea parties, after they have supped, the sticks and snuff are passed round and the dipping commences. Sometimes girls ask their beaux to take a dip with them during a spark. I asked one if it didn't interfere with the old-fashioned habit of kissing. She assured me that it did not in the least, and I marveled. There was only one regiment at Iuka, and they were expecting an attack from the hordes of guerrillas that infest the country all along our front from Memphis to Florence. I stayed at the hotel in town and had just retired (about 11) when crack, crack, two guns went, only about 60 rods from the house. There was a general shaking of the whole building, caused by the sleepers rising en masse and bouncing out on the floors. I thought if there was no fight I wouldn't be fooled, and if there was I couldn't do any good, so I kept cool. 'Twas only a little bushwhacking. A soldier policeman having been shot at from the brush, and he returned the favor by guess. This infantry always thinks the enemy is just out of gunshot of them, and they are three-fourths scared to death all the time. At noon of Monday we left Iuka, rode to Burnsville, a place that I have spoken of in my letters before, as we scouted through it while lying before Corinth. None of our soldiers have camped there yet, and we were the only ones there while we stayed. The colonel took a nap to recover from the heat and fatigue of riding, and I strolled down town to look up some acquaintances I made while scouting. They treated me pretty well, and made me a letter carrier, as many of them had letters to send to their friends who are prisoners. At dark we started for Jacinto, ten miles south, but for so many hills had a splendid ride. 'Twas through the woods, all the way, and over real young mountains. We got to Jacinto at 10 p. m. and concluded to stay all night. I laid down an hour or two, but the fleas were so bad that I got up and stayed up the rest of the night. I walked around the town and stopped at headquarters of the guard and talked with the boys. (They were of Jeff C. Davis's division, of Pea Ridge, Ark., and Siegel.) They all think that Siegel is the only man and hate Davis like the devil. I waked the colonel at 4 p. m. and we started for home. The road from Jacinto, home, was lined with infantry, the whole left wing of our corps being on it. They had no tents but seemed to be preparing the ground for a camp. We got home in time for a little nap before breakfast, both of which I enjoyed very much. We found the garrison much excited about an attack that was expected every hour. The 2d Brigade of Cavalry had been about eight miles in front doing outpost duty, and having been alarmed by rumors had abandoned their camp and retreated to this place. Their sutler gave up his goods to the boys, preferring they should have them free, rather than the enemy. The next day (yesterday morning) a scout was sent out and found their camp just as they had left it. All of which was considered quite a joke on the 2d Brigade. The enemy may come up here and may whip us out, we are scattered so much, but they will have a riotous time of it. All told we had a very pleasant ride, but if we are gobbled up some of these times when riding around without an escort you must not be surprised. I don't think it just the straight way of doing such business, but Charles can go where the colonel dares to, and my preference is for riding as far from a column as possible on several accounts. The colonel is a very interesting companion on such a trip, full of talk, and he has had six years experience on the frontier. I induced a very young lady with a well cracked piano to favor me with some music at Iuka. She sang "The Bonny Blue Flag That Bears a Single Star." It was as near the music we used to hear in the old Presbyterian church at home as you could think, and that's all that kept me from laughing in her face. We celebrated the capture of Richmond on the 4th, but are now trying to forget that we made such fools of ourselves. Damn the telegraphs. We have awful news from Richmond to-day. It would make me sick to write it. I would rather have the army whipped than McClellan.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 98-101

Friday, July 14, 2017

1st Lieutenant Charles Wright Wills: June 6, 1862

Headquarters 1st Brigade Cavalry Division,
Camp near Boonville, Miss., June 6, 1862.

I am leading an inglorious life now, nothing to do but the brigade writing and ride with the colonel when he goes out on business. The only time I am on the fighting list is when the brigade goes out, and that is very rarely, and only when reconnoisances in force are made, and there is seldom any fighting done then. General Hamilton's whole division marched by our tent to-day and it was a splendid sight; I had thought that I'd never want to see any more troops but his division looked so splendidly, that I really enjoyed the sight of them. I knew that they were only marching into a new camp, but they all had got the idea that they were going into a fight and they were in grand spirits. I never saw the men look as healthy as they do now. One reason is those who were sick have been all left at the river and the weakly ones do not pretend to march in the ranks this hot weather. We are within one hundred yards of General Pope's headquarters and there are continually a lot of brigadiers passing. They nearly always ride on the gallop, and with the aids and escorts all told, say 60 in number to each general, they make quite a dashing appearance. Rosecrans, Buell, Granger, Smith, Sherman, T. W., Plummer, Paine, Hamilton and Pope all rode by at one time to-day.

All the companies we have had out to-day report skirmishing with the enemy We lost two men prisoners, some wounded and several horses. Got some prisoners. The enemy are in some force six miles from here. They are dodging all around us. Rumor says to-day that Buell with his army is going down through Alabama to Montgomery. Pope will move slowly after the enemy through Mississippi, and Thomas will go across to Memphis and down the river to co-operate with Butler in a movement through Southern Mississippi. 'Tis probably the plan of some cuss in the ranks. I wish for one day that you could hear all the camp rumors. They would make a remarkable book.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 97-8

Tuesday, June 27, 2017

1st Lieutenant Charles Wright Wills: April 12, 1862

Camp New Madrid, Mo., April 12, 1862.

I have the extreme happiness to inform you that there is at last a hope of my dating the next letter from Memphis or vicinity. Our regiment has for several days been alone at Point Pleasant and we enjoyed it very much. When we are under a general of an infantry division we are run to death or thereabouts, for whenever anything is to be done the cavalry is sure to be called on. Yesterday we were ordered to report here immediately to General Granger, commanding cavalry division which numbers full 4,000. There are two brigades in this division; Colonel Kellogg commands the 1st brigade and therefore is now a brigadier general. There have been about 25 steamboats arrived here since 4 p. m. yesterday and the army will probably commence embarking to-day. It will take full 60 boats to hold us all. The rain has been falling in torrents ever since we started from the Point yesterday, and you can imagine the time we had pitching tents in a cornfield, and yet we are comfortable now as we can wish. I have faith to believe that they (or anybody else) can't keep me from being comfortable under any circumstances, if my hands are loose and I can walk. I think that Pope's hurry is caused by his fear that Grant and company will reach Memphis before him. We hardly think that the Rebels will make a stand at Pillow, Randolph or Memphis if the news from Corinth is correct. I'm almost afraid to look over the list of dead that fight was made. Sid. says he is sure Billy Stockdale is killed. We received papers of the 10th last night but are not sure the victory is a complete one yet. I can't think of the point where the enemy will make another stand i they are perfectly whipped at Corinth.

I know as many people here as in Fulton, almost, and I have yet to hear the first insulting speech or word to me; “What are they going to do with Island No. 10 I wonder; I am afraid that Commander Foote and his gunboats are a humbug!” Aren't you ashamed of that speech? Damn the New York Tribune. I do believe in, McClellan and nearly all the rest of our leaders. If those Tribunes, big and little, were where any regiment in this army could get at them they wouldn't stand fifteen minutes. McClellan knows his business and we don't know a thing about it. Now old Pope here is as mean a man as ever lived, curses every man that comes within a hundred yards of him and nobody knows a thing of his designs, but we all have the utmost confidence in him. I've never seen him and wouldn't go in sight of him for a horse, but he's my man for a’ that.

Orders have just arrived for embarking this p. m. Will be under way down the river to-night Wish us a pleasant voyage.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 81-2

Tuesday, June 20, 2017

1st Lieutenant Charles Wright Wills: March 24, 1862

Point Pleasant, Mo., March 24, 1862.

It's only 9 a. m., and didn’t get to bed until 2 this morning, so if I do not talk rational you will excuse me. That isn't the excuse either. I rode 50 miles between 9 a. m. yesterday and midnight over roughest road. Two hundred of us were sent out after that d----d Jeff Thompson. We exchanged shots with his pickets 20 miles from here, and chased them four miles farther. The last eight miles was a pike only eight feet wide, thrown up through an immense swamp, and planked. The water came so close to the planks that there was not-a place in-the whole eight miles where a horse dare step off the plank. The total of all the unusual sights I ever saw wouldn't begin to count one in effect where that road and swamp will ten. There are two good sized rivers running through the swamp but they have to be pointed out to you before you can see them, or rather distinguish them from the rest of the swamp. .When we first saw these pickets they were tearing up a culvert. We hurried up and after each side fired four or five rounds they ran. No one hurt here, although the distance was not more than 60 yards. Andy Hulit, my sergeant major and myself were the advance guard, but I have no carbine, and did not get to shoot, but this didn't seem to make any difference to them for they threw buckshot round me quite promiscuously. Well, we fixed up that bridge and pressed on, but they tore down so many bridges that we could go but slowly. Just before the fight I had dropped back a dozen files to get out of building any more bridges, and when our boys saw the secesh, they had just finished destroying another. The horses couldn't cross it, but the boys dismounted and hurrying across on foot, made them take to the swamp in water waist deep, where they hid themselves behind logs, vines and a kind of high grass that grows in bunches as large as a currant bush. When they had concealed themselves to their notion, they commenced firing at us, and of the first four of our boys over the bridge (Andy Hulit led them), three were down, wounded in a minute. We then charged (on foot) right into the brush and water, some of the boys up to their armpits, and made them scoot. They did not number over 20 but their advantage was enormous. We dropped two of them certain, and — I don't think any more. Of four of our men they wounded, three were Company L boys. The two Cockerel brothers, Mathew and Royal, and Eugene Greenslit. The other was from Company A. The Company A boy and Mat Cockerel died before we got them to camp. Royal has a flesh wound in the arm, and Greenslit is shot in the foot, both slight wounds. We drove the Rebels clear off, and captured two horses, and all their blankets, overcoats etc. About 15 miles out we came to Little River. While the major was examining the bridge, we saw a half dozen men running through a swamp on the other side. Over the bridge we went, and into the mud and water after them. We got them all. I captured a couple in a thicket. Andy Hulit came up a few minutes after and we had work to keep a lot of boys from shooting them, while we were taking them back to the river. Well, that was a pretty rough trip and I don't hanker after another like it, although the excitement is rather pleasant too. But being set up for a mark on a road where there is not a sign of a chance to dodge, and having the marksman completely concealed from you, and this other fix of letting them throw shells at you when your carbine won't carry to them, sitting on horseback too, I wish it understood I'm opposed to and protest against, although I never think so until I get back to camp. I don't think that I ever get a bit excited over firing, but I know that I don't look at danger the same when under fire that I do when in quarters. We are all well and I'm getting fat every day. It bores considerably here to think that that one horse Island No. 10 won't come down and surrender like a “gem'men.” Some of the officers here think that we'd better be getting out “o’ this,” but I propose to let Pope work out the salvation of this division. We started from Commerce in General Hamilton's division, were put in General Granger's at Madrid, and are now in General Plummer's. Well, I'm going to do a little sleeping.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 71-3

Saturday, April 1, 2017

Diary of 1st Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Friday, June 23, 1865

Drilled co. a. m. cooler today. One Regt of nigs come up Wednesday evening, go to Brownsville this P. M. At 2. P. M. detailed with 25 men for fatigue, wait 1 hour at the landing for wagons for lumber, during time ½ detail get drunk, hear 2 of 35th Wis to be shot at Bagdad tomorrow for stealing. At camp at 5. P. M. Genls Sheridan & Granger arrived at Bagdad.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 606

Diary of 1st Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Saturday, June 24, 1865

To Bagdad a. m. for provision for mess, most of streets foot deep in water, return 11. A. M. attend Off’s call. Col sends communication from Capt Lacy, that the 33d would go home, orders would be issued immediately & to prepare the enc papers for muster out, go to Bagdad P. M. with nearly all the offs of Regt return at dark, parade this eve & two offs in the line. Genls Sheridan Steele Weitzel & Granger, pass up river for Brownville per steamer Heroine, (of Mobile), We await Genl Steeles return for transportation. The British ship Wolvernie fired a national salute at daybreak this morning in honor of the aniversity of the Queens Coronation, 2 Brigades of Nigs moved up to White Ranch last night

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 606

Thursday, March 2, 2017

Diary of 1st Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Tuesday, May 2, 1865

The 2d Brigade starts at 7 A. M. with 4 days rations & in light marching order are accompanied by one battery of 6 guns & 30 empty wagons, about an hour after was surprised to see the whole column returning to camp. I learn the cause to be that at the picket post was met a Liuet & 15 men with a flag of truce who reports that there is a cessation of hostilities in this Department for 30 days he had with him an order purporting to be from Genl Dick Taylor with his name attached forbidding any demonstrations of hostilities for 30 days. The Div Adjt goes out to see him and asks by whose authority he comes with a flag of truce to our lines, says by no other authority than his own. The Adjt tells him to get inside of his own lines as speedily as possible & not to come again without clothed with proper authority. This is talk, but there is other talk no more reasonable. That the flag brought a sealed dispatch which was sent to Mobile unbroken, there being no other boats here the Octorara (Gunboat) was dispatched immediately. I think there is more of it than the authorites would wish the soldier to know, for there must be something important or the brigade would not have turned back neither would the Octorara the only Gunboat here have been sent to Mobile. I spend the forenoon reading, about noon Mr. Rush is in & brings our mess some pickles, he says that he saw a Capt Foster just from Mobile yesterday morning who says there is an armistice of 30 days & that Genls Granger & Taylor have been in conference at 8 mile creek near Whistler for some 4 days, P. M. spend napping. After supper Lt Laughridgc & self take a walk to the river, take a boat ride in a canoe returning towards camp stop at Lt Corys quarters, are soon joined by Maj Boydston. Spend about an hour here smoking & talking. The Maj tells us that it is a truth strange as it may seem that the pickets of both armies occupy Citroville amicably & the Reb army are repairing the R. R. from C — to Meridian, & our army repairing it from C — to Mobile, also thinks the paroles are made out & signed by this time for all of Taylors men, weather warm dust almost in tolerable, & fleas “thicker than the hair on a dogs back” as Brass band serenades Brig Hd. Qtrs, tonight.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 597-8

Wednesday, February 8, 2017

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Wednesday, April 12, 1865

Were waked up at daylight & most of the men had made coffee when the Regt. was ordered on board the Gulf Steamer. Genl Banks, Genl Granger & suit embark on the same boat, as we are about the last Regt to embark the fleet set sail immediately, the fleet consisted of 6 musketo gunboats & about as many transports, two men of war, these boats carried the 13th A. C. the gunboat Cincinatti took the lead across the Bay arond with a torpedo rake. I was surprised that the Land batteries in the Bay did not open on us as we were in good range of it, crossed over to cat fish landing. A man of war run up close & lifted a shell over which called no reply but caused a display of white rags at every house along the landing. A boat was sent ashore which brought back word that there was no enemy in Mobile & the Mayor would surrender the city at the approach of our army. Genl Grangers orders were to beach the boats & men to wade on shore, but these orders were not carried out where it was certain there was no enemy, the boats run up to an old pier hardly stout enough to hold itself up. & the men disembarked. slowly, our boat was not light enough draft to move up to the pier & we were transferred to another boat and landed at 11. o clock. Admiral Thatcher was on board our boat before we disembarked. I hear the navy feel very soar about the little work they have done to reduce Mobile. When the sand forts were fond to be evacuated Genl Granger determined to run the Genl Banks to the city although the Admiral was afraid to run his musketo boat with a torpedo rake to the city. Col. Mackey wanted to have the regt remain on the boat & go in with the Genl but he would not allow it saying “I dont want to loose the men but if they blow me up with a torpedo they may blow & be D—d” his boat went in without running on any torpedo although the pilot was unacquainted with the channel & run by guess we lay arond on the banks after disembarking until 1. P. M. when we started for Mobile but from some cause we moved slow moving about 200 yds & then rest an hour so it took until dusk to get us in camp between the 1st & 2d lines of fortification about the city & about 1 mile from the city, I take a look at some of the forts an the line of forts which are the best earth works I ever saw & cannot understand how Genl Maury got the consent of his mind to leave such works without firing a gun. The forts mounted large Siege guns of heavy calibre many of them marked “Selma Mob 1865.” the guns were all well spiked & carriages mostly destroyed most of the magazines were open & much of the ammunition destroyed although there was a great amont left, the citizens close by tell me that not much of the cotton was burned for Genl Canby sent in word if the cotton was burned he would burn the city. The big fire we noticed last night was the burning of the navy yard. Say when the Rebs left the commissaries with 6 months rations for the men were thrown open & citizens helped themselves, in the rush several citizens were hurt. a Co of Reb cavalry did not leave until our army was disembarkng & a small squad remained in town until the straglers who run ahead of the command were entering the city they snatched up one of these straglers & made off with him. The 1st Brig marched into town & 8th Ill was put on provost duty.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 589-90

Monday, February 6, 2017

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Monday, April 10, 1865

All the Regts rec orders to be supplied with 5 days rations in their haver sacks. Capt Lacy was in our camp looking well & hearty. Mail is to go out at 10. a. m. until which time spend the time in writing. After dinner Templeton & I go out to see the fortifications, see many pools of blood. Can see Mobile from the forts & see some rebel batteries out in the Bay firing at our gunboats & shelling a pontoon bridge we have across Spanish river See a squad of rebs under guard taking up the torpedos which are thickly strewn, the roads are full, they uncover them & build a fire on them to explode them. the pieces fly about with a wicked noise. Saw one place where in the charge 4 men were Killed by the explosion of one torpdo. The Jonnies had extensive works laid off here which would have taken a year to complete but the works completed are ugly to get to over fallen timber & brush thick abbattis & dead loads of torpedos. About 150 of the men who had been at Spanish fort were captured this morning they not knowing this place had been taken were making their way up here. I was to see them & pronounce them the best looking confeds I ever saw, when the forts here were charged yesterday there were two Genls there, but one was taken & it is supposed the other escaped with some of his men who swam the river, but this evening he was captured. he had secreted himself in an commissary boat & undertook to get out & run for it but there were too many guards with muskets close by to allow that. It is rumored here this evening that about two hundred prisoners were taken, found in their holes close by Spanish fort think this not reliable. A supply train started to Thomas early this morning, saw a small detachment of cavalry from his army who say they saw no rebels between him & no report his men wanting grub. Genl Steeles command is ordered to be ready for a forward movement where to not known, the way to Mobile by land is 130 miles & there is a camp rumor that Steeles corps & Smiths corps are to go to the rear of Mobile & Grangers corps to Thomas Who will opperate somewhere above, heavy firing has been kept up all day in the bay but do not learn with what effect

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 588

Tuesday, January 24, 2017

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Wednesday, April 5, 1865

Was late in the morning before I arose as being fatigued by the trump over last night I felt like taking all the rest I could get. At 9. the Col laid off the camp & ordered each co to construct a bomb proof large enough to contain all the men. We all worked hard until noon when the Regt was ordered to move to the left about ½ its length, this by order of genl Granger. This move cheated the 4 cos on the left out of their forenoon's work; we all went at it with a will to make the best of a bad bargain, worked until 4, P. M. when the men were all so fatigued that I thought it best to suspend active operations although we had no cover yet This was more especially necessary as I was ordered on Picket on the skirmish line with my co. each man to be supplied with 100 ronds of cartridges, & we are to remain 24 hours, at 7. follow out my written instructions & report with the co in front of the 27th Wis. to the left of our Regt, where I find the Brig. off. of the Day. ordered by him to the right of the 28, Ill. where I was to find the off. of the Day of the 2 Brig. halted the men & hunted about 15 minutes before I could find any one to report to, was ordered out on the line in front of the 2d Brig, went out through a sap. I was ordered to work my men all night to widen the ditch we stood picket in. I tried it but the men were so tired & worn out, that although they did not complain much I had not the heart to keep them at work, & arranging for 1/3of the men to be on the watch all the while I allowed 2/3 of them to sleep.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 584

Thursday, January 19, 2017

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Sunday, March 26, 1865

Nothing unusual last night. I am relieved at 6. A. M. & marched the pickets to the Regt. which is on the road at 6.45, at which time the train is getting up. The troops move out on 3 roads. Bertrams Brigade on the left, Smiths Corps on the right & Grangers corps in the centre, as we march through the camp ground of 16th Corps am surprised at the completness & extent of the breastwork constructed by them last night. At 12. M. our advance is fixed on by a Reb Picket post, on a hill on which the corps halts & goes into camp at 7, good running water near. We fortify immediately. A negro comes in who reports having seen Steeles army near Blalcely, we are tonight within 2 miles of Spanish Fort a strong position on top of a hill mounting 16 heavy guns besides other bateries about it, the 3 columns fire each a signal gun on their camp ground to denote their situation, this is responded by the Gunboats, in the Bay. Expect to invest Spanish Fort tomorrow. It is rumored that Bertram captured by surprise battery of 6 guns. (doubtful)

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 580

Tuesday, January 17, 2017

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Wednesday, March 22, 1865

Fine day; lay in camp all day quite a no of the men out to forage, see some Rebs. Capt sent back with detail for rations. Men pull the wagons. Evening Genls Granger & Veach have Hd Qtrs in our camp. Heavy artillery heard all day supposed by some to be Steele fighting Genls. Canby Smith & Osterhaus are at Fish river Foragers sees the ruins of a large turpentine factory. destroyed by fire about 2 weeks ago, which accounts for the big smokes we had noticed & find 100 prs good new drawers & 200 prs negro's cotton pants

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 579

Monday, January 16, 2017

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Monday, March 20, 1865

Regt in line to move at 6. Rec orders to wait. At 12. I am sent with a detail to corderoy the road. The train all stuck in the mud. men pull the wagons out with ropes. At 3. I am relieved and report to the Regt. At 3.40 Regt in line to guard a train of 20 wagons, (all that had been got over) to the other Brigade ahead, as they are out of rations. Met Genl Grangers ambulances one mile out, begins to rain before we get through rains hard & is very dark. Get through at 9. The train sticks in the mud & is hard to get through, hear cannonading on the Bay all P. M. we are now in the turpentine orchards, hundreds of pounds of resin on the trees, get supper at 9, raining, retire at 10. Genl Veaches Div has overtaken our rear. The Regt moved 6 miles today.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 578-9

Wednesday, September 10, 2014

Brigadier-General Thomas Kilby Smith to Elizabeth Budd Smith, April 4, 1865

Headquarters District Of South Alabama,
Fort Gaines, Ala., April 4, 1865.
My Dear Wife:

As to Mobile, in my judgment, it is going to be a long siege. The general impression was that there would be a speedy evacuation, but the attack has been so long delayed, that the enemy have had full opportunity to fortify and are making a most obstinate resistance. They have filled all the approaches by land and water, with torpedoes ingeniously contrived, and concealed in every channel and avenue; so thickly strewn, that though we have picked up a large number, three fine gunboats and many lives have already been lost by them. The torpedo is made of wood, thickly coated on the outside with pitch and tar so as to be quite waterproof, is somewhat in the shape of a cigar, and eighteen inches thick, tapering at both ends, in which there is a vacuum, the middle portion being filled with from fifty to one hundred pounds of gunpowder, which is ignited through brass tubes with copper ends, by means of friction and percussion powder. They are anchored just below the surface of the water, and sometimes several are attached by strings or wire. A vessel in passing over them produces the necessary friction, and the explosion, if immediately underneath the vessel is generally sufficient to blow a hole through the bottom and sink her. These I have described, are the water torpedoes; those used upon the land are generally an eight-inch shell, that is, a cannon ball, hollow, eight inches in diameter, filled with powder and the fuse so arranged that a pressure of ten pounds will explode them. They are concealed in the sand just below the surface, and the tread of a horse's foot, or the passage of a wheel, is sufficient to explode them, or even the pressure of a man's foot if put down hard. A staff officer, riding the other day, woke up from a state of insensibility to discover himself fifteen feet from the roadway, and the mangled remains of his horse that had been blown to atoms, he, by strange chance, escaping with the temporary loss of his senses and the bruises of his fall. The immense number of these shells and torpedoes scattered in every possible place on land or in water, renders the approaches to Spanish Fort, that at present is the key to the position, most difficult, and has made the navy timid and wary in the management of their ships, while our troops on shore have found a secret foe hard to combat. Every man feels that he is literally walking on the thin crust of a volcano. We have, however, thoroughly invested the fort, the garrison of which now is supposed to number some six or seven thousand men, and will soon be able to cut it off entirely from Mobile. We shall then, I think, resort to sapping and mining, and it will become a question of time as at Vicksburg. Meanwhile, our forces under Wilson, will attack from the other side, and the result, in my mind, though far off, is not doubtful. Still, we may have trouble from another quarter. As you know, I am not one of those who have been sanguine as to the speedy termination of the war, and have doubtless, by free expression of opinion in that regard, sacrificed a reputation I might have had for a wiseacre. I think before long we shall have something from Kirby Smith, and that when Richmond is evacuated, the war will have to be begun anew. The obstinate resistance they are making at Mobile, fortifies my preconceived opinions, that are of no great value, for all is in the hands of God, who will bring these troubles to a close in His own good time. Still, you must be patient, and not expect an early raising of the siege.

I am comfortably situated at this time. I have a great deal of responsibility and a highly honorable position, if I have rank enough to hold it. All the time, or nearly all the time I was a colonel, in fact, I may say all the time I was a lieutenant-colonel, I exercised the rank of colonel; all the time, or nearly all the time I was colonel, I exercised the rank, duties, and responsibilities of a brigadier-general. And all the time I have been brigadier-general, the duties of a major-general have been thrust upon me. I have recently, as you perceive by the copies of orders I sent you, relieved Major-General Granger, and the labor, expense, and responsibility devolved upon him, now rests with me, with this difference — he had more staff and $1,200 per annum more pay. But I shall never get any more rank because I am a volunteer officer. The brevet I would not give a fig for; they are so common that they do not confer honor, and they do not, under any circumstance, the old rule in that regard being changed, give more pay.

Although in April, the weather is not yet unpleasantly warm, except in the sun; indeed, I make it a point to keep a little fire, that is a good guard against malaria. The birds, among them my old friend the mocking-bird, have come and I send you blossoms that will fade before they reach you, but will carry some fragrance from the little island by the sea that is now my home.

I have just been called from writing to receive a visit from Capt. J. R. Madison Mullany, an old officer of the navy now commanding the U. S. S. Bienville, and commanding the squadron here. He is a very gallant officer and lost an arm, amputated close at the shoulder, in the capture of these forts. A recommendation of him to you will be the fact of his being a sincere and devout Catholic, and I was pleased to find him a courteous and finished gentleman, as most officers of the old navy were.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 383-5

Saturday, December 10, 2011

The Carondelet Brushing Around

OTHER GUNBOATS RUN THE REBEL BLOCKADE.

Gen. Pope’s Division Cross the River.

SPEEDY TERMINATION OF THE SIEGE.
_____

Special to the Chicago Tribune.

CAIRO, April 7, 1862 – 10 P. M.

We have glorious news to-night from New Madrid.  Last night the gunboat Pittsburgh ran the blockade in safety under a terrible fire from the rebel batteries.  Four steam transports and five barges were also got through the slough from Phillip’s Landing above Island No. 10, by Col. Bissell’s corps of engineers.

This morning, under fire of the gunboats, silencing one of the rebel batteries, a company of men under Capts. Lewis and Marshal crossed the river and spiked a battery.  Another force took three other batteries, spiked the guns and threw the rebel ammunition into the river.

At eleven o’clock, in the face of a fire from other batteries, Gen. Paine with four regiments and a battery of artillery, crossed the Mississippi to the Kentucky shore.  Subsequently the division of Gen. Stanley and Gen. Hamilton crossed, and also Gen. Granger with his cavalry.  They are strongly posted and ready for any emergency.

The spectacle of so large a body of troops crossing in the teeth of the enemy’s batteries was truly magnificent.  The praises of Gen. Pope are upon every tongue.

It is believe here that forty-eight hours will decide the fate of Island No. 10.

It is hardly credible, but reports thus far agree that not a single casualty occurred during the whole of the magnificent affair.


FROM NEW MADRID DIRECT.

NEW MADRID, April 7.

There was heavy cannonading this morning in the direction of Point Pleasant, commencing at about 9 o’clock and continuing with scarcely any intermission until this hour (4 p. m.)  At noon, as the roar of the cannon was heard, I repaired to New Madrid and discovered the Carondelet steaming down the river, belching forth shot and shell at a line of rebel batteries on the Kentucky shore, opposite the lower fort.  The fire was vigorously returned from their batteries, most of which fell short and did no damage.  The Carondelet was aided by our battery established on the Missouri shore, between the lower fort and Point Pleasant, some of whose shot did splendid execution.

It is said that the guns on Wattrous Point, the most northerly battery, are silenced and destroyed.  Whether true or not, we have no means of determining.  We only know that after a shell from our guns struck their entrenchments, there was an immense cloud of dust raised, and the rebels were seen running about in wild confusion, and the guns afterwards maintained a mysterious and obstinate silence.

At this moment, standing on the river bank below the upper fort, I can see the Carondelet steaming below the point at a distance from here apparently of 10 miles.  She must be approaching Riddle’s Point.

Besides the rebel batteries above mentioned, there are two heavy guns opposite Point Pleasant, and the same number opposite Riddle’s Point, below the latter.

A man who has just returned from that point, informs me that the rebels have collected some fifteen gunboats, prepared to dispute the passage of the Carondelet.  One of this is just visible in the distance, slowly poking her horns around the point, evidently intending to engage the Carondelet.

An express has just ridden post haste for Gen. Pope’s headquarters with some message of importance, the purport of which is not yet known, but probably relating to the passage of the Carondelet.

The smoke from the chimneys of the rebel transports is plainly discernable from any point of observation.

Things are working in this region, and you may be prepared to hear of stirring movements at any moment.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, April 9, 1862, p. 1