Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, October 4, 1863

EMPIRE HOSPITAL, ATLANTA, GA., Oct. 4th.

SINCE the 20th of August, I have had little opportunity, and less inclination, to write in my diary. About the 10th of September, Gregg's Brigade received orders to take the cars for Atlanta, Ga., and we were soon on our way via Mobile, where mean whisky upset some of the boys. At Montgomery, I went to the theatre and witnessed a very poor play. On the way from this place to Atlanta, a soldier was killed by falling between the cars while running. On arrival at Atlanta, we camped two days near the city, and then took the train for Resaca, on the road to Chattanooga, where we again rested for two days. In leaving Atlanta, I became separated from the regiment, which left at 7 o'clock P.M., and did not get off until the next morning, when I succeeded in getting aboard of the train carrying the Fiftieth Tennessee, General Gregg and Staff, and the brigade commissary stores. Three miles north of Marietta, the car containing the subsistance broke down, and had to be thrown off the track; consequently, about twenty-five of us had to walk back to Marietta and wait for the next train. The order turned out to be a piece of good fortune for the party, as the train we left was run into by a down train that night and completely demolished-eighteen men being killed and seventy-five wounded, mostly of the Fiftieth Tennessee. This accident occurred on Sunday night, September 13th. On Monday, I got on board the passenger train, and, after a run of a few miles, the rear coach ran off, but no one was seriously injured, though the escape was miraculous. This accident occurred at Big Shanty, and here I had to remain until the following day, when I was enabled to get through to my regiment at Resaca without further delay. Wednesday morning, we were again en route to Ringgold, and reached the burnt bridge, two miles below that town, just at night-fall. Soon after, the Forty-fourth Tennessee came up and camped near us. In this regiment we found many friends and acquaintances. Thursday morning, we had orders to cook two days' rations, but our supplies being behind, we could not do so. Saw where General Forrest had whipped the enemy a few days before. During the day we heard that a battle was expected every day between Bragg and Rosecrans, and that we were now in seven miles of the enemy's advance. General Bragg had increased his army by reinforcements from Virginia and Mississippi, and was supposed to have about sixty-five thousand men wherewith to match Rosecrans' one hundred thousand hitherto victorious and well-armed troops. Thursday evening, a courier announced to General Gregg that the enemy's cavalry had driven in our pickets beyond Ringgold, and were then in possession of the place. In a short time, the brigade was under arms and on the march. Had to wade the Chickamauga three times in going one-half a mile. Heard artillery firing ahead, but, after taking position on a hill overlooking the town, learned that Bushrod Johnson's Brigade had driven the enemy off. The brigade was then marched back to camps and ordered to cook four days' rations, which consumed the greater part of the night.

At 4 o'clock Friday morning, the march was resumed, with the understanding that there was to be a vigorous pursuit of the enemy. Gregg's and Johnson's Brigades were formed into a division under command of the latter—Colonel John S. Fulton succeeding him in command of the brigade. By daylight the troops were fairly in motion, and, passing through Ringgold, took a westerly course, which, in seven miles, brought us up with the enemy. Our line of battle was quickly formed in an open field, and ordered forward to the edge of the woods in which the enemy was supposed to be covered; but, after advancing some four hundred yards it was halted, and skirmishers were thrown forward. No hostile force was found, and, after a vigorous shelling of the woods, the brigade was moved by the left flank some distance and again ordered forward. The Chickamauga Creek was waded and the steep acclivities beyond were climbed in vigorous pursuit of the enemy, who showed no disposition to come to an engagement. The line of battle kept pushing ahead for several miles, through thickets and dense woods, until more open ground was reached, when a short halt was made to rectify the alignment; after which the advance was resumed, passing through a Yankee camp which had been abandoned a short while before. Just about dark our brigade came up with the enemy's skirmishers, and, the whole division joining in the yell with which the Thirtieth Tennessee opened the ball, these were quickly driven in. Night now being at hand, a halt was made and the men were ordered to sleep upon their arms. A general silence seemed to pervade both lines, in view of the prospect of a heavy battle on the morrow. The night was remarkably cool for the season of the year, and before morning we were allowed to unsling blankets for comfort. At sun-rise, September the 19th, our brigade was thrown into position on a rocky ridge along the west bank of the Chickamauga, and skirmishers thrown out in readiness for the attack which we had reason to believe the enemy would make during the morning; but it was near 10 o'clock before the battle opened with artillery and heavy musketry on the right. In our front every thing was quiet except the rattling of artillery-wagons, as they were being moved up to where the fighting was going on. The engagement gradually extended along the line until at midday it had reached the right of Johnson's Division, and the roar of conflict had been continuous.

We could hear Cheatham's men cheering as they charged and drove the enemy, and the feebler cheer of the other side as it took the offensive, and, in turn, drove Cheatham back.

About 2 o'clock, being on the skirmish line, my attention was drawn to matters more directly in our own vicinity by the whizzing of a few minnie bullets at the front. I then saw a brigade of "blue coats" approaching in splendid order at a double quick, and I apprised Lieutenant Chafin, the officer in command, of the fact; but every one said they were our own men, and it was concluded not to fire at any event until they came closer. When they were within two hundred yards or less, we saw they were Yanks, and no mistake, and firing one round we ran in, according to orders. I took deliberate aim at an officer on horseback, but never learned the effect of my shot. As we reached the main line it was kneeling and at a ready, and perfectly cool. The retiring skirmishers had hardly time to get into their places before the enemy appeared and opened fire with a heavy volley. Our boys now opened with a will, and a severe combat of thirty minutes ensued without any relative change on either side, when our opposers fell back out of range. Bledsoe's Missouri Battery aided materially in the repulse by its splendid firing, which it kept up after the enemy was beyond the range of musketry. About this time General Gregg rode up to Colonel Tillman, commanding the Forty-first, and told him to move forward and see what those fellows are doing down there in the heavy timber." The command was given to forward along the whole brigade, and forward we went in splendid order. At the foot of the hill a halt was called, while skirmishers were thrown out. Colonel Tillman ordered Lieutenant Chafin to detail some of his best men and deploy them as skirmishers at least three hundred yards in advance of the brigade; the three first files of company C were called for, and we went forward, deploying at a double quick, and firing as a "blue coat" came in view. We found the enemy lying down in line of battle waiting for us, and reported the fact. I heard General Gregg's stentorian "Forward!" and a wild yell, as the boys came on at a charge. We waited until they came up, and fell into our places. The whole division was yelling and firing as it went; the bushes were too thick to allow good order or much execution. The yell seemed to have done the work, for the enemy gave way, leaving their dead and wounded and throwing down their guns and knapsacks. The charge was kept up for a half mile, when progress was stopped by a heavy battery in front of Johnson's Brigade, and which we had to give them time to take, the order being for us to preserve line. While waiting here we learned that our gallant General Gregg had been severely, if not mortally, wounded. Colonel Walker, of the Third Tennessee, took command of the brigade. At this stage word was passed along the line that the enemy was moving up in our rear, and we were ordered to fall back, which was accomplished just in the nick of time. After reforming, a half wheel to the right was made to protect the flank, and this position was maintained the rest of the evening. Captain Feeney's Company was thrown forward as skirmishers as night was coming on. The fighting in front of our brigade was over for that day, but was still heavy on the left wing. Of the casualties in the brigade I knew nothing. In the Forty-first the loss was very light, considering that, for a time, we were exposed to a heavy cross fire. We had killed and wounded a great number of the enemy, and captured a few prisoners, besides a number of guns and knapsacks. Three-fourths of a mile of ground had been gained since morning. Of individual acts of heroism on the part of officers and men I will not speak, nor of the few who showed arrant cowardice at the first fire. At dark, Company C was relieved from skirmish duty by a company from the left of the brigade. James Wilson and myself, being detailed to go for water, set out with the canteens of the company, and walked about two miles before obtaining a supply. On our return we wandered about in the woods, completely lost, for about two hours, when we accidentally stumbled upon the line, just as we were about broken down and had given up in despair. During the night, logs and rocks were piled up as protection against bullets. The atmosphere was again quite cool and foggy. General Gregg was in advance of the line when he was wounded, and was left in the hands of the enemy for awhile, who rifled him of his sword, money and watch, and were taking him off the field when he feigned death and was left on the ground. His wound is in the neck, and not considered dangerous. Colonel Granberry, of the Seventh Texas, received a painful wound during the day. All of the other regiments suffered more than the Forty-first. Colonel Sugg, of the Fiftieth Tennessee, was wounded, but, after being attended by the surgeon, came back and took command of the brigade, which, in the meantime, had devolved upon Colonel Walker, of the Third.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 325-9

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Tuesday, May 24, 1864

Another night cramped up on the cars; another night of painful nipping at napping amidst the roar, the heat and jogging of the train. Everybody wanted to lie down, but everybody was in the way; everybody wanted to straighten out, but no one could. Once in a while one lifts his aching legs over heads and bodies, or stands up to straighten them. Oh, the weary night, the sweat, the heated air of the car, wherein were jammed 80 men till no more could get in, with the doors closed. It is sickening to endure! Not a drop of water to cool thirst, not a moment of ease for weary bodies; no rest for aching heads; not an overdose of patience for one another. Morning came and we were still rolling on through the pine, the barren waste, the plantation, with its mansion aloof, and slave huts; the thatched roof shanty of poor white, and now and then halting at small stations "to feed the hoss."

Villages of any account are far apart. At all these places the negro is chief; Nig does the work, eats the poorest victuals, is an all around man. At every depot, every shed, wood pile and water tank, the darky "am de man." He engineers, fires, he brakes. This animal runs the Confederacy. Everything is very unlike our Northern routes, in wood, in field, in civilization. It appears to me like "Reducing the white man to the level of the negro “—indeed it does, Jeff!” These motley crowds, these black white faces, these white black faces, look like amalgamation, you conservators of an oligarchial, doomed institution upon which you seek to rear an oligarchy!

At 6 a. m. the whistle blows at Macon, Ga., and we stop. The doors open and a few slide to the ground to straighten out, to limber up and to try and get a drink; but few succeeded in getting out, however. A citizen told me the population of Macon was 20,500. It is located in a basin formed by sloping hills around it, near the Ocmulgee River. At 7:30 a. m. we start southward towards Americus about 70 miles south. The country is more thickly inhabited, is a richer region. Fort Valley is 30 miles south of Macon. Here were plenty of customers for anything we had to sell. Men came out with corn bread to exchange for wallets and it didn't take them long to "get shut on't"; both sexes, all colors, all grades. We were not the first load of "hyenas" that had gone down, so they did not come out to see the show, but wanted to know "Whar you'ns all from" and to traffic. It began to be hinted that we were not going to Americus, where the guard had told us our prisoners are; that it is a splendid camp, greensward, beautiful shade trees, nice tents and a right smart river, those that had "been thar a heep o' times with you'ns fellers." We had hoped that such might be our lot; but now everyone was wonderfully ignorant. When asked they would say, "can't tell you sar." At Oglethorpe I asked a citizen how far it was to Americus.

"Oh, right smart, I reckon; you'ns not going thar though."

"Where are we going?" I asked another.

"Oh, just down thar where all o' you'ns fellers goes."

"How far?"

"Right smart bit, I reckon."

"Well, how many miles?"

"Good bit, fo' mile, reckon—you'ns got any rings?"

"What place?"

"Andersonville, they call it I reckon."

"How do they fare?"

"Right good—don't know; die mighty fast, I har."

A gentleman of leisure said, "You bet they do.”

"It is a hard place, is it?"

"You will see all you want to see before long"

"Have shelter, of course?"

"Guess so-you'll see, pretty soon.”

Heaving a long sigh we cursed their blasted Confederacy and black infamous cause, then took it cool. In 30 minutes the train halted again. There was a newly built storehouse consisting of pine slabs set up on end, and appearances of a hastlily constructed military station. Preparations were made to disimbark. I looked out, saw but one house in the place, country looked barren, uninviting. About half a mile east was a large pen filled with men. At a glance I caught a view of thousands of prisoners; ragged, rusty blankets put up in all conceivable modes to break the blistering sun rays. It was a great mass of grim visages, a multitude of untold miseries. It reminded me first of a lately seared fallow, then a foul ulcer on the face of nature, then of a vast ant hill alive with thousands of degraded insects. The degradation that pervades the lowest and meanest beings in nature struck me as beneficent compared with the desperately barbarous conditions imposed upon the inmates of those roofless walls. Not a shed or a sheltering tree was in the place. Some whose senses were not benumbed, exclaimed, "My God that is the place, see the prisoners; they will not put us in there, there is no room! By this time men were getting off and straggling along the sandy road to the prison. About half way we halted to form and an officer on horseback met us heading a new guard. "Git into fo's thar," was the order. We moved to the right near the south side of the prison near Captain Wirz's headquarters, and formed into detachments of 270 in charge of sergeants. We were suffering from thirst, heat, hunger, fatigue. Presently the commandant of the prison with a lieutenant and sergeant came down the line. I asked to go to the creek and fill some canteens, pleading our suffering condition. In a passion, pistol in hand, the officer turned with a ferocious oath, putting the pistol to my nose saying, “I'll shoot you if you say dot again." Stepping back he yelled:

"If another man ask for water I shoot him."

To the left a poor fellow had squat in the ranks. This officer whom I found to be Captain Wirz, rushed upon him with an oath, kicking him severely and yelled savagely, "Standt up in ter ranks!"

The ground was covered with small bushes. While waiting some worked industriously pulling and packing in bundles to carry in for shelter. After two hours we started, but all were forced by bayonets to drop the bushes. As the column was pouring through the gate, a comrade said "Take a long breath North; it is the last free air we shall breath soon." Oh, how many lingering looks and despondent sighs were cast, as we were driven like brutes into a worse than brutish pen!

We entered the south gate. A narrow street runs nearly through the prison from east to west, the narrowest way. I had reached nearly midway when the column halted. Old prisoners gathered frantically about, begging for hardtack, or something else. The air was suffocating, the sights beheld are not to be described. The outside view was appalling; contact a thousand times more horrible!

On my right, as we entered, I saw men without a thread of clothing upon their dirty skeletons, some panting under old rags, or blankets raised above them. One was trying to raise himself; getting upon his hands and feet, his joints gave way; he pitched like a lifeless thing in a heap, uttering the most wailful cry I ever heard. Such things are frequent. The simile strikes me that they are like beings scarce conscious of life, moved by a low instinct, wallowing in the filth and garbage where they happen to be. On the left the scene was equally sickening. The ground for several yards from the gate was wet with excrement, diarrhoea being the disease wasting the bodies of men scarce able to move. Need I speak of the odor? Then the wounds of eight months were visible and disgusting! We dare not look around! At a halt we asked where are we to go? Why do they not take us on?

"You can't get no further; as much room here as anywhere,” said an Ohio man.

"For God's sake," I said to the anxious gazers that thronged around asking to be given something—"Give me just one hardtack," begged starved creatures—"stand back and give us a chance! We have no hardtack."

Finding a spot eight of us deposited our luggage and claimed it by right of [“]squatter sovereignty." Eight of us are so fortunate as to have five woolen blankets, our party consisting of Orderly Sergeant G. W. Mattison, Second Sergeant O. W. Burton, W. Boodger, Stephen Axtel, Waldo Pinchen, H. B. Griffith, Lloyd G, Thompson and myself. Here we took up our abode together. I obtained three sticks split from pine, saved at the time the stockade was opened, four and six feet long, upon which we erected three of the blankets in the form of a tent. For these I paid 50c, each.

Nothing of the rules and regulations of the prison were announced by the authorities, in consequence of which, I learned after, many a man lost his life by being shot. Soon after arriving I went to the stream to drink and wash. Being ignorant of the supposed existence of a dead line, and, to escape the crowd, I stepped over where it was supposed to be. Immediately I was caught by a man who drew me back shouting: "Come out, they will shoot you!" Looking up I saw the sentries, one on each side with their pieces fixed upon me. I then learned that the order was to shoot any man, without a word, who steps beyond the line, or where it should be. I was partly forced, by the crowding, into that vacancy, and partly tempted by the clear water which was pouring through the stockade a few feet to the west, the water in the stream appearing very filthy. With feelings of thankfulness towards the strangers who frightened that rule into me, I shall ever remember. I thought of the maxim in Seneca, "Let every man make the best of his lot," and prepare for the worst. So I determined to do what I could to inform new men of the danger at this point, for I soon learned that nearly every day, since new prisoners had been coming in, men had been shot at this place under the same circumstances.

After being settled Thompson and I took a stroll to find, if possible, a better place, without avail. Passing down the older settled and thickly crowded part where there are small dirt huts which were early erected, I observed a man sitting under an old tent with a book. This was unexpected. "Here is a book of poems," I said to Thompson, halting.

"Yes, sir, Milton's 'Paradise Lost," said he, handing it to me. He was an old prisoner from Rosecrans army, having wintered at Danville, Va., a prisoner since Chickamauga. He told us freely all he knew about our new world, appeared a perfect gentleman, manifested very friendly feeling, urged us to accept his book and call often. The mellow beam of a genial nature shone in his face. Although we did not learn his name that day, we felt him to be a friend. I had a paper, purchased at Augusta, having accounts of Johnston's run before Sherman, how one of Johnston's men cried, "General, we are marching too fast; we don't want to retreat, had rather fight." "We are not retreating, boys, we are only falling back so Sherman won't get round our flank," said Johnston, which I gave him.

The stockade is made from pine trees cut, from the prison ground, into 25 feet lengthts, feet of which is set into the ground, and the timbers are strongly pinned together. Until last winter this was primeval forest, heavily timbered with pine. The sentry boxes are six to eight rods apart near the top of the wall, each box having a roof, the platform being reached by stairs. The ground is said to contain 13 acres, including the lagoon of about two acres, which cannot be occupied except a few islands

in the midst. A small stream runs through from west to east. The water is nearly as black as the mud of its mirey banks, and tastes of it, and nearly divides the camp equally, both the north and south parts sloping towards it. There are some log huts built by the first prisoners when the stockade was opened, from the waste timber left on the ground. Now even the stumps have been dug up for wood. Two large tall pines are left standing in the southeast corner; otherwise there is not a green thing in sight. The dead line is a board laid and nailed on tops of posts, four feet high, about six yards from the stockade. There are two gates on the west side, north and south of the brook. Sinks are dug on the bank near the swamp on the east side, but not sufficient to accommodate a tenth part of the persons on the south side to which it alone is accessible; so the north edge of the swamp, parallel with the stream, is used for the same purpose. Just at dark two mule teams were driven with rations, to be delivered to sergeants in charge of detachments for distribution to their men. We get two ounces of bacon, a piece of corn bread 2x4 inches for one day. There are over 14,000 men here, mostly old prisoners from Belle Isle, Libby and Danville prisons. The bacon is so stale, that a light stroke from the finger knocks it to pieces, leaving the rind in the hand.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 55-60

Diary of Major Frank S. Bond, September 27, 1863

At 7 A.M. started for Rebel lines with flag of truce. Colonel McKibbin and Captain Swain. Spent day there. Subject: endeavor to get our wounded. Did not get inside Rebel lines. Met Major Dorn, Colonel Hutchins, Captain Wooley, and Lieutenant Haskett, of General Wofford's staff.

SOURCE: Archibald Gracie, The Truth about Chickamauga, p. 386

Diary of Major Frank S. Bond, September 28, 1863

Ambulances went into Rebel lines to get our wounded.

SOURCE: Archibald Gracie, The Truth about Chickamauga, p. 386

The Soldier’s Dream

On Chicamauga’s bloody field,

     A wounded soldier lay,

Dreaming about his Hoosier Home,

     Six hundred miles away.

Thro’ thick’ning gloom of cloud and rain,

     There came an angel fair,

Robed in celestial light and placed

     A hand on his bloody hair.

And lo! visions broke upon

     The wounded hero’s eye,

As he beheld the rolling clouds

     Parting and upwardly fly;

A vast, reflected multitude

     Knelt on the Southern sod,

By broken chains and gory lash,

     In fervent prayer to God.

Then rose the countless throng erect,

     Their black hands lifted high,

And with supernal pow’r bore

     Abe Lincoln thro’ the sky.

Far thro’ the dim and distant blue,

     Past moon and shining stars,

Beyond Orion’s baleful hue,

     And blood-red light of Mars.

Angels with arms of living light

     By mighty pow’r given,

With radient faces lifted him

     Into the midst of Heaven.

There stood the sainted Washington,

     With heroes of the past,

With kindling eye and glowing face,

     To welcome Abe at last.

Then came a sight which ne’er till now

     Shone on earth’s greenest sod;

The glow’d o’er Lincoln’s noble brow

     Th’ radient smile of God.

A voice of murmurous sweetness said,

     Enter and be blest,

Emancipator of Mankind,

     The land of endless rest.

Then the angel of the soldier

     Turn’d the bright dreamer’s eye

Back from the mansions of the blest,

     Back from the glowing sky;

Down the turbid Mississippi,

     O’er Lake and rolling Bay,

We heard the thunder of our guns

     On their victorious way.

Then Art and Science, like the sun

     Of a Millennial ray,

O’erspread with peace and hope and joy,

     The dawn of Freedom’s day.

The flags of every mighty land,

     Of England, France and Spain,

Bowed down their standards, as of old,

     To Joseph’s golden grain.

And while the wounded soldier’s heart

     Grew warm with glory’s thrill,

There faded from our flag each stripe,

     But Stars were glowing still.

The Angel changed to mortal mould,

     Floated free each shining curl,

Which bound in loves delicious spell,

     Hero and Hoosier girl.

Then burst the clanging bugle’s note

     Upon the morning air;

He woke to see his Country’s flag,

     And Arabell—was there.

Oh wounded soldier, loved and blest,

     Oh Country, fair and free,

Enshrined in every Christian’s heart,

     By Lincoln’s jubilee.

Oh may our banner be the last

     Earth’s sun shall shine upon,

Redeemed in full by ABRAHAM,

     And blest by WASHINGTON.

SOURCES: “Original Poetry, Written for the Herald,” The Indian Herald, Huntington, Indiana, Wednesday, January27, 1864, p. 1; Lincoln, Abraham. Abraham Lincoln papers: Series 1. General Correspondence. 1833 to 1916: De Witt C. Chipman to Abraham Lincoln, Monday,Pomeroy Circular. 1864. Manuscript/Mixed Material. https://www.loc.gov/item/mal3109100/.

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 3, 1863

Meade recrossed the Rapidan last night! This is a greater relief to us than the enemy has any idea of. I hope the campaign is over for the winter.

And we have authentic advices of a terrible check given the enemy at Ringgold, Ga.; their killed and wounded being estimated at 2000, which caused Grant to recoil, and retire to Chickamauga, where he is intrenching.

After all, it is doubted whether Beauregard is to succeed Bragg. Lieut.-Gen. Hardee is in command, temporarily, and it may be permanently. Bragg was relieved at his own request. I know he requested the same thing many months ago. A full general should command there.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 110

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: November 25, 1863

We have an unintelligible dispatch from Gen. Bragg, saying he had, yesterday, a prolonged contest with the enemy for the possession of Lookout Mountain, during which one of his divisions suffered severely, and that the manoeuvring of the hostile army was for position. This was the purport, and the language, as well as I remember. There is no indication of the probable result—no intimation whether the position was gained. But the belief is general that Bragg will retreat, and that the enemy may, if he will, penetrate the heart of the South! To us it seems as if Bragg has been in a fog ever since the battle of the 20th of September. He refused to permit ——— to move on the enemy's left for nearly two months, and finally consented to it when the enemy had been reinforced by 20,000 from Meade, and by Sherman's army from Memphis, of 20,000, just when he could not spare a large detachment! In other words, lying inert before a defeated army, when concentrated; and dispersing his forces when the enemy was reinforced and concentrated! If disaster ensues, the government will suffer the terrible consequences, for it assumed the responsibility of retaining him in command when the whole country (as the press says) demanded his removal.

From letters received the last few days at the department, I perceive that the agents of the government are impressing everywhere—horses, wagons, hogs, cattle, grain, potatoes, etc. etc.—leaving the farmers only enough for their own subsistence. This will insure subsistence for the army, and I hope it will be a death-blow to speculation, as government pays less than one-fourth the prices demanded in market. Let the government next sell to non-producers, and every man of fighting age will repair to the field, and perhaps the invader may be driven back.

We have the speech of the French Emperor, which gives us no encouragement, but foreshadows war with Russia, and perhaps a general war in Europe.

We have rain again. This may drive the armies in Virginia into winter quarters, as the roads will be impracticable for artillery.

The next battle will be terrific; not many men on either side will be easily taken prisoners, as exchanges have ceased.

Dr. Powell brought us a bushel of meal to-day, and some persimmons.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 104-5

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: November 15, 1863

After a fine rain all night, it cleared away beautifully this morning, cool, but not unseasonable. There is no news of importance. The Governor of Georgia recommends, in his message, that the Legislature instruct their representatives in Congress to vote for a repeal of the law allowing substitutes, and also to put the enrolling officers in the ranks, leaving the States to send conscripts to the army. The Georgia Legislature have passed a resolution, unanimously, asking the Secretary of War to revoke the appointments of all impressing agents in that State, and appoint none but civilians and citizens. I hope the Secretary will act upon this hint. But will he?

The papers contain the following:

“Arrived in Richmond, — Mrs. Todd, of Kentucky, the mother of Mrs. Lincoln, arrived in this city on the steamer Schultz, Thursday night, having come to City Point on a flag of truce boat. She goes South to visit her daughter, Mrs. Helm, widow of Surgeon-General Helm, who fell at Chickamauga. Mrs. Todd is about to take up her residence in the South, all her daughters being here, except the wife of Lincoln, who is in Washington, and Mrs. Kellogg, who is at present in Paris.”

“To The Poor. — C, Baumhard, 259 Main Street, between Seventh and Eighth, has received a large quantity of freshly-ground corn-meal, which he will sell to poor families at the following rates: one bushel, $16; half bushel, $8; one peck, $4; half peck, $2."

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 98-9

Arthur MacArthur

MacARTHUR, Arthur, soldier, was born in Springfield, Mass., June 1, 1845; son of Judge Arthur MacArthur (q.v.). In 1849 he went with his father to Milwaukee, Wis., and there attended school until Aug. 4, 1862, when he was appointed by Governor Salomon 1st lieutenant and adjutant of the 24th Wisconsin volunteers. His first battle was Perryville, Ky., Oct. 8, 1862, in the 37th brigade, 11th division, 3d army corps. At Stone's river, Tenn., Dec. 3031, 1862, his regiment was part of the 1st brigade, Sheridan's 3d division, McCook's right wing, Army of the Cumberland. He was second in command during the engagement, the regiment being commanded by Major Hibbard, and he was commended for bravery in the official report of the commander of the brigade. At Chickamauga he was again second in command, and at Chattanooga he gained a medal of honor for conspicuous bravery in action Nov. 25, 1863, while serving as 1st lieutenant and adjutant of the 24th Wisconsin infantry. He was promoted major Jan. 25, 1864, and commanded the regiment at Kenesaw Mountain, June 27, 1864. At the battle of Franklin, Tenn., Nov. 30, 1864, he commanded his regiment in Opdyke's brigade, Stanley's division, and General Stanley gave the 24th Wisconsin credit for doing “a large part” in saving the day. He was severely wounded and could not take part in the battle of Nashville. He was promoted lieutenant-colonel May 18,1865, and was mustered out June 10, 1865. He was brevetted lieutenant-colonel of volunteers for Perryville, Stone's river, Missionary Ridge and Dandridge, Tenn., and colonel of volunteers for services at the battle of Franklin, Tenn., and in the Atlanta campaign, March 13, 1865. On Feb. 23,1866, he was commissioned 2d lieutenant in the 17th infantry and the same day was promoted 1st lieutenant. He accepted the commission April 30, 1866, was promoted captain of the 36th infantry July 28, 1866; major and assistant adjutant-general July 1, 1889; lieutenant-colonel May 26, 1896; brigadier-general Jan. 2, 1900, and major-general Feb. 5,1901. He re-entered the volunteer army as brigadier-general May 27, 1898, and was promoted major-general of volunteers Aug. 13, 1898. He succeeded Gen. Elwell S. Otis in command of the Division of the Philippines, Feb. 5. 1901, and on June 15.1901, issued a proclamation of amnesty to the natives. He assumed command of the Department of the Lakes, March 25, 1902.

SOURCE: Rossiter Johnson & John Howard Brown, Editors, The Twentieth Century Biographical Dictionary of Notable Americans, Volume 8, p. 1739

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: November 2, 1863

Gen. Lee writes that he will endeavor to protect the workmen while removing the iron at Aquia Creek, but he fears the work has been too long delayed. The government has been too slow.

Gen. Sam Jones writes from Abingdon that his cavalry was at Jonesborough on the 30th ult., although the enemy's raiding parties were on this side. He says if he had a little more infantry, he could soon clear East Tennessee of the foe; and asks that an order from Gen. Cooper (A. and I. G.), calling for two of his best regiments of cavalry, be revoked.

In Gen. Lee's recent campaign beyond the Rappahannock, our losses in killed, wounded, and missing amounted to 1740; the enemy's losses must have been three times that number.

The President made a speech in Charleston on the 1st instant. We have copies from him to-day of his correspondence with Gen. Bragg since he left Chickamauga field. Gen. B. says he will immediately call for Hardee's brigades, promised him, and without delay commence operations on the enemy's left (it is too wet on the right), and drive Burnside out of East Tennessee. But he complains of Gen. Buckner, who assumes to have an independent command in East Tennessee and West Virginia. The President replies that neither Bragg nor Buckner has jurisdiction over Gen. Jones in West Virginia, but that he gets his orders from Richmond. He does not promise to remove Buckner, whom he deems only impatient, but says he must be subject to Bragg's orders, etc.

Gen. Bragg has applied for Gen. Forrest (who went some time since to Mobile and tendered his resignation, in a pet with Gen. Bragg) to command a cavalry force in North Mississippi and West Tennessee. In short, the President is resolved to sustain Gen. Bragg at the head of the army in Tennessee in spite of the tremendous prejudice against him in and out of the army. And unless Gen. Bragg does something more for the cause before Congress meets a month hence, we shall have more clamor against the government than ever. But he has quashed the charges (of Bragg) against Gen. Polk, and assigned him, without an investigation, to an important command.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 87-8

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sophia Birchard Hayes, October 10, 1863

Camp White, October 10, 1863.

Dear Mother: — I have just received your good long letter from Delaware on [of] the 3d. . . . There was no time for Lucy to stop at Delaware on her way here. We were likely to be sent South immediately after the battle in Georgia, and I telegraphed her to come at once if she wished to see me. Our going was not ordered as expected, and now we are more likely to go to Ohio to recruit this winter than South. The Twenty-third was the first original three-year regiment and its time will be out in a few months. The men are re-enlisting for another three years and there is a fair prospect of continuing the regiment if we can get a little while at home this winter.

In the present uncertainty as to our winter campaign, I can make no arrangements for my family. In the meantime Lucy is enjoying a visit here. We have a number of agreeable ladies in camp, and are making pleasant acquaintances among the citizens. Charleston was a fine town before the war, and had a very cultivated society. The war broke it up, but now the town is gaining again and will ultimately recover its former prosperity. Give my love to friends.

Affectionately,

R.

Mrs. Sophia Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 439-40

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, September 24, 1863

Gallipolis, September 24, [1863].

Dear Uncle: — Lucy arrived here safely last night. We shall go up the Kanawha tomorrow.

I hope that Rosecrans will be able to hold Chattanooga after all. If he does, this struggle will be a most serious disaster to the Confederacy, even if they have gained the battle, as a mere military result.

I hope Birchie will not give you trouble. It gratifies me to hear that he can chop so well, and that he is learning the names of the trees.

Sincerely,

R. B. Hayes.

S. BlRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 436-7

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: September 21, 1863

P. M. — “Rosecrans [at Chickamauga] has been badly beaten”! Such is the shock the dispatch gives us this evening. After months of success one of our great armies is defeated. A concentration of Rebel armies has overwhelmed our noble Army of the Cumberland. How these blows strike my heart! I had just read a joyous dispatch from “L. W. H.”, “Billy Rogers has a baby.” But nerve ourselves, we must. We shall recover from the blow.

I have thought over it and feel easier. I suffer from these blows more than I did from the loss of my sweet little boy. But I suffer less now than I did from Bull Run, or even Fredericksburg. Can Rosecrans hold Chattanooga? Has he lost his army? Will he be driven across the Tennessee? He ought to have stopped his campaign with the capture of Chattanooga, fortified the place, and awaited events. Easy to say so now, but impossible before, I suppose. Jim McKell, Lieutenant Nelson, Colonel Mitchell (Laura's husband), all with Resecrans. Anxious hearts at home.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 436

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: September 23, 1863

News better. Rosecrans defeated but not badly. Enemy probably suffered too much to take advantage of their victory.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 436

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 18, 1863

No authentic information of a battle near Manassas has been received at the War Department, although it is certain there has been some heavy skirmishing on the Rappahannock. We have several brigadier-generals wounded, and lost five guns; but, being reinforced, continued the pursuit of the enemy, picking up many prisoners — they say 1500. The pursuit was retarded by the swelling of the streams.

A letter from Major-Gen. Jones, at Dublin Depot, Va., Oct. 14th, leads me to think danger is apprehended in that quarter, the objective point being the Salt Works; and it may be inferred, from the fact that Burnside is still there, that Rosecrans is considered safe, by reason of the heavy reinforcements sent from other quarters.

While I write, the government is having the tocsin sounded for volunteers from the militia to go to the rescue of the Salt Works, which is absurd, as the enemy will either have them before aid can be received from Richmond, or else he will have been driven off by the local troops near that vicinity.

Captain Warner took me in his buggy this morning to the military prisons. He did not lead me into the crowded rooms above, where he said I would be in danger of vermin, but exhibited his cooking apparatus, etc. — which was ample and cleanly. Everywhere I saw the captives peeping through the bars; they occupy quite a number of large buildings — warehouses — and some exhibited vengeful countenances. They have half a pound of beef per day, and plenty of good bread and water — besides vegetables and other matters furnished by themselves. Several new furnaces are in process of erection, and most of the laborers are Federal prisoners, who agree to work (for their own convenience) and are paid for it the usual wages. There are baths to the prisons; and the conduits for venting, etc. have cost some $10,000. To-day the weather is as warm as summer, and no doubt the prisoners sigh for the open air (although all the buildings are well ventilated), and their distant homes in the West — most of them being from the field of Chickamauga.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 73

Captain Charles Wright Wills: May 28, 1864

May 28, 1864, 9 a. m.

Still in rifle pits. We have been treated to a terrific storm of shells, spherical case, and solid shot. The batteries are in plain sight of each other, and the gunners call it a thousand yards between them. I don't think either battery does very fine work, but they make it more than interesting for us. A conical shell from a 12 pound gun passed through a log and struck a Company C man on the leg, only bruising him. Two solid shot fell in my company works, but hurt no one.

Seven p. m.—Talk about fighting, etc., we've seen it this p. m. sure, of all the interesting and exciting times on record this must take the palm. At about 3:45 p. m., a heavy column of Rebels rose from a brush with a yell the devil ought to copyright, broke for and took three guns of the 1st Iowa Battery which were in front of the works (they never should have been placed there); the 6th Iowa boys, without orders, charged the Rebels, retook the battery and drove them back. They came down on our whole line, both ours and the 16th A. C, and for two hours attempted to drive us out. We repulsed them at every point without serious loss to us, but I believe they are at least 3,000 men short. In our brigade Colonel Dickerman, Lieutenant Colonel 6th Iowa commanding, and Major Gilsey, commanding 46th Ohio, are wounded. Besides these I don't think our brigade lost over So. It was a grand thing. I did not lose a man and only three companies of our regiment lost any. When the musketry was playing the hottest, Logan came dashing up along our line, waved his hat and told the boys to “give them hell, boys.” You should have heard them cheer him. It is Hardee's Corps fighting us, and he promised his men a “Chickamauga,” but it turned out a “Bull Run” on their part. It is the same corps our regiment fought at Mission Ridge. Our line is very thin along here, but guess we can save it now. I heard a 40th boy get off an oddity this evening, he said: “If they come again, I am going to yell if there's any danger of their taking us.” “Worlds by Nation Right into line Wheel!” and “if that don't scare them, I propose going.”

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 250-1

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 8, 1863

The President, accompanied by two of his aids, set off quietly day before yesterday for the Southwest — to Bragg's army, no doubt, where it is understood dissensions have arisen among the chieftains.

By telegraph we learn that one of Bragg's batteries, on Lookout Mountain, opened fire on the Federals in Chattanooga on the 5th inst., which was replied to briskly.

Night before last an attempt was made to destroy the enemy's steamer Ironsides at Charleston, but failed. The torpedo, however, may have done it some injury.

From Lee and Meade we have nothing.

A rather startling letter was read by the Secretary of War to-day from ——, Lieut.-Gen. Bragg's ——d in command. It was dated the 26th of September, and stated that Chickamauga was one of the most complete victories of the war, but has not been “followed up.” On the 21st (day after the battle), Gen. Bragg asked Gen. ——'s advice, which was promptly given: “that he should immediately strike Burnside a blow; or if Burnside escaped, then to march on Rosecrans's communications in the rear of Nashville.” Gen. Bragg seemed to adopt the plan, and gave orders accordingly. But the right wing had not marched more than eight or ten miles the next day, before it was halted, and ordered to march toward Chattanooga, after giving the enemy two and a half days to strengthen the fortifications. Bragg's army remains in front of the enemy's defenses, with orders not to assault him. The only thing Bragg has done well (says Gen. ——) was to order the attack on the 19th of September; everything else has been wrong: and now only God can save us or help us — while Bragg commands. He begs that Gen. Lee be sent there, while the Army of Virginia remains on the defensive, to prosecute offensive measures against Rosecrans. He says Bragg's army has neither organization nor mobility; and B. cannot remedy the evil. He cannot adopt or adhere to any course, and he invokes the government to interpose speedily. This letter is on file in the archives.

The question now is, who is right? If it be ——, Bragg ought certainly to be relieved without delay; and the President cannot arrive in the field a moment too soon. As it is, while others are exulting in the conviction that Rosecrans will be speedily destroyed, I am filled with alarm for the fate of Bragg's army, and for the cause! I am reluctant to attribute the weakness of personal pique or professional jealousy to ——; yet I still hope that events will speedily prove that Bragg's plan was the best, and that he had really adopted and advised to the wisest course.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 65-6

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 6, 1863

Gen. Bragg and others recommend Gen. Hood for promotion to a lieutenant-generalcy; but the President says it is impossible, as the number authorized by Congress is full. And Gen. Bragg also gives timely notice to the Commissary-General that the supplies at Atlanta will suffice for but a few weeks longer. This, Commissary-General Northrop took in high dudgeon, indorsing on the paper that there was no necessity for such a message to him; that Bragg knew very well that every effort had been and would be made to subsist the army; and that when he evacuated Tennessee, the great source of supplies was abandoned. In short, the only hope of obtaining ample supplies was for Gen. Bragg to recover Tennessee, and drive Rosecrans out of the country.

The President has at last consented to send troops for the protection of Wilmington — Martin's brigade; and also Clingman's, from Charleston, if the enemy should appear before Wilmington.

I read to-day an interesting report from one of our secret agents — Mr. A. Superviele — of his diplomatic operations in Mexico, which convinces me that the French authorities there favor the Confederate States cause, and anticipate closer relations before long. When he parted with Almonte, the latter assured him that his sympathies were with the South, and that if he held any position in the new government (which he does now) he might say to President Davis that his influence would be exerted for the recognition of our independence.

Mr. Jeptha Fowlkes, of Aberdeen, Miss., sends a proposition to supply our army with 200,000 suits of clothing, 50,000 pairs of shoes, etc. etc. from the United States, provided he be allowed to give cotton in return. Mr. Randolph made a contract with him last year, of this nature, which our government revoked afterward. We shall see what will be done now.

It is positively asserted that Gen. Bragg has arrested Lieut. Gen. (Bishop) Polk and Brig.-Gen. Hindman, for disobedience of orders in the battle of Chickamauga.

Letter From President Davis. — The Mobile papers publish the following letter from President Davis to the "Confederate Society," of Enterprise, Miss.:

Jefferson Davis to J. W. Harmon, September 17, 1863

There is a revival in the city among the Methodists; and that suggests a recent expiring. In my young days I saw much of these sensational excitements, and partook of them: for how can the young resist them? But it is the Cesarean method of being born again, violating reason, and perhaps outraging nature. There was one gratifying deduction derived from my observation tonight, at the Clay Street meeting-house — the absence of allusion to the war. I had supposed the attempt would be made by the exhorters to appeal to the fears of the soldiery, composing more than half the congregation, and the terrors of death be held up before them. But they knew better; they knew that every one of them had made up his mind to die, and that most of them expected either death or wounds in this mortal struggle for independence. The fact is they are familiar with death in all its phases, and there is not a coward among them. They look upon danger with the most perfect indifference, and fear not to die. Hence there was no allusion to the battle-field, which has become a scene divested of novelty. But the appeals were made to their sympathies, and reliance was placed on the force of example, and the contagion of ungovernable emotions.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 62-4

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 2, 1863

Our 5000 prisoners taken at the battle of Chickamauga have arrived in this city, and it is ascertained that more are on the way hither. Gen. Bragg said he had 5000 besides the wounded, and as none of the wounded have arrived, more must have been taken since his dispatch. Every effort is being made on our part to capture the army of Rosecrans — and everything possible is done by the enemy to extricate him, and to reinforce him to such an extent that he may resume offensive operations. Without this be done, the campaign must close disastrously in the West, and then the peace party of the North will have a new inspiration of vitality.

It is now said that Gen. Lee, despairing of being attacked in his chosen position, has resolved to attack Meade, or at least to advance somewhere. It is possible (if Meade has really sent two corps of his army to the West) that he will cross the Potomac again — at least on a foraging expedition. If he meets with only conscripts and militia he may penetrate as far as Harrisburg, and then let Europe perpend! The Union will be as difficult of reconstruction, as would have been the celebrated Campo Formio vase shivered by Napoleon. It is much easier to destroy than to construct. The emancipation and confiscation measures rendered reconstruction impracticable — unless, indeed, at a future day, the Abolitionists of the United States should be annihilated and Abolitionism abolished.

To-day I got an excellent pair of winter shoes from a quartermaster here for $13 — the retail price for as good an article, in the stores, is $75; fine boots have risen to $200!

The enemy's batteries on Morris Island are firing away again at Sumter's ruins, and at Moultrie — but they have not yet opened on the city.

The newspapers continue to give accounts of the Chickamauga battle.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 59-60

Captain Charles Wright Wills: May 9, 1864

May 9, 1864.

Yesterday we traveled southeast, crossing six or seven ridges, one or two of which were quite high. Taylor's was the highest. To-day we have made only about eight miles all the way through a pass in Rocky Face ridge, which is a high mountain. There are four divisions ahead of us. A regiment of Kentucky cavalry (Rebel) slipped in between ours and the division ahead of us, trying to capture a train. The 9th Illinois Infantry had the advance of our division and killed 30 Rebels and took four prisoners, losing only one man killed and their lieutenant colonel slightly wounded. Pretty good. Dodge has got the railroad and broken it, so we hear. The fight seems to be a stand-off until to-morrow. We are in line of battle for the first time on the trip, and the ordnance train is ahead of the baggage. Just saw an officer from the front (your letter of the 3d of April received this minute); he says Dodge is within a mile of Resaca, and driving the enemy, and will have the town by dark. Has not cut the railroad yet. This officer saw a train arrive from Dalton, with some 2,500 Rebel troops aboard. McPherson and Logan are both on the field. Some Rebel prisoners taken to-day say they intend making this a Chickamauga to us. Have a nice camp. There is some little forage here, but it is nothing for the number of troops we have.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 237