Showing posts with label Battles for Chattanooga. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Battles for Chattanooga. Show all posts

Sunday, December 29, 2019

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 4, 1863

The only thing new to-day is a dispatch from Gen. Longstreet, before Knoxville, stating that he had been repulsed in an assault upon the place, and calling for reinforcements, which, alas 1 cannot be sent him.

Hon. Mr. Henry, from Tennessee, estimates our loss in prisoners in Bragg's defeat at but little over 1000, and 30 guns. We captured 800 prisoners.

We have intelligence to day of the escape of Brig.-Gen. Jno. H. Morgan from the penitentiary in Ohio, where the enemy had confined him.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 110-1

Thursday, October 31, 2019

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: November 26, 1863

The weather is clear and bright again ; but, oh, how dark and somber the faces of the croakers!
The following dispatches have been received:

[BATTLE AT LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN.]

(OFFICIAL DISPATCH.)

Mission Ridge, Nov. 24th, 1863.
To Gen. S. Cooper.

We have had a prolonged struggle for Lookout Mountain today, and sustained considerable loss in one division. Elsewhere the enemy has only manoeuvred for position.

Braxton Bragg, General

The LatestOfficial.

chickamauga, Nov. 25th, 1863.
Gen. S. Cooper, A. And I. General.

After several unsuccessful assaults on our lines to-day, the enemy carried the left center about four o'clock. The whole left soon gave way in considerable disorder. The right maintained its ground, repelling every assault. I am withdrawing all to this point.

Braxton Bragg.
Official—John Withers, A. A. G.

All agree in the conviction that the enemy has been defeated— perhaps badly beaten.

Hon. H. S. Foote, just arrived from the vicinity of the field, says Bragg has only some 20,000 or 30,000 men, while Grant has 90,000, and he infers that incalculable disaster will ensue.

And Meade is steadily advancing. Gen. Pickett, at Petersburg, has been ordered to send some of his troops north of Richmond, for the defense of the railroad in Hanover County.

Miss Stevenson, sister of Major-Gen. Stevenson, has written the President for employment in one of the departments. He referred it to Mr. Memminger, who indorsed on it, coldly, as usual, there were no vacancies, and a hundred applications. The President sent it to the Secretary of War. He will be more polite.

Another letter to-day from Mr. Memminger, requesting that a company, commanded by a son of his friend, Trenholm, of Charleston, be stationed at Ashville, where his family is staying.

Lieut.-Gen. D. H. Hill has applied for a copy of Gen. Bragg's letter asking his removal from his army. The President sends a copy to the Secretary, who will probably comply, and there may be a personal affair, for Bragg's strictures on Hill as a general were pretty severe.

There are rumors of a break in the cabinet, a majority, it is said, having been in favor of Bragg's removal.

Bragg's disaster so shocked my son Custis that, at dinner, when asked for rice, he poured water into his sister's plate, the pitcher being near.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 105-6

Wednesday, July 24, 2019

John L. Motley to Anna Lothrop Motley, December 29, 1863

December 29, 1863.

My Dearest Mother: We wish you all a merry Christmas and a happy New Year. We are very well satisfied with recent American news. In a military point of view, thank Heaven, the “coming man,” for whom we have so long been waiting, seems really to have come. So far as I can understand the subject, Ulysses Grant is at least equal to any general now living in any part of the world, and by far the first that our war has produced on either side. I expect that when the Vicksburg and Tennessee campaigns come to be written, many years hence, it will appear that they are masterpieces of military art. A correspondent of a widely circulated German newspaper (the "Augsburg Gazette"), very far from friendly to America, writing from the seat of war in Tennessee, speaks of the battle of Chattanooga as an action which, both for scientific combination and bravery in execution, is equal to any battle of modern times from the days of Frederick the Great downward. I am also much pleased with the Message, and my respect for the character and ability of the President increases every day. It was an immense good fortune for us in this emergency to have a man in his responsible place whose integrity has never been impeached, so far as I know, by friend or foe. The ferment in Europe does not subside, and I cannot understand how the German-Danish quarrel can be quietly settled. I rather expect to see a popular outbreak in Copenhagen, to be suppressed, perhaps, by foreign powers; but that Denmark will be dismembered seems to me very probable. However, I have no intention of prophesying as to events to be expected during the coming year.

Ever your affectionate son,
J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 351-2

Friday, May 10, 2019

Arthur MacArthur

MacARTHUR, Arthur, soldier, was born in Springfield, Mass., June 1, 1845; son of Judge Arthur MacArthur (q.v.). In 1849 he went with his father to Milwaukee, Wis., and there attended school until Aug. 4, 1862, when he was appointed by Governor Salomon 1st lieutenant and adjutant of the 24th Wisconsin volunteers. His first battle was Perryville, Ky., Oct. 8, 1862, in the 37th brigade, 11th division, 3d army corps. At Stone's river, Tenn., Dec. 3031, 1862, his regiment was part of the 1st brigade, Sheridan's 3d division, McCook's right wing, Army of the Cumberland. He was second in command during the engagement, the regiment being commanded by Major Hibbard, and he was commended for bravery in the official report of the commander of the brigade. At Chickamauga he was again second in command, and at Chattanooga he gained a medal of honor for conspicuous bravery in action Nov. 25, 1863, while serving as 1st lieutenant and adjutant of the 24th Wisconsin infantry. He was promoted major Jan. 25, 1864, and commanded the regiment at Kenesaw Mountain, June 27, 1864. At the battle of Franklin, Tenn., Nov. 30, 1864, he commanded his regiment in Opdyke's brigade, Stanley's division, and General Stanley gave the 24th Wisconsin credit for doing “a large part” in saving the day. He was severely wounded and could not take part in the battle of Nashville. He was promoted lieutenant-colonel May 18,1865, and was mustered out June 10, 1865. He was brevetted lieutenant-colonel of volunteers for Perryville, Stone's river, Missionary Ridge and Dandridge, Tenn., and colonel of volunteers for services at the battle of Franklin, Tenn., and in the Atlanta campaign, March 13, 1865. On Feb. 23,1866, he was commissioned 2d lieutenant in the 17th infantry and the same day was promoted 1st lieutenant. He accepted the commission April 30, 1866, was promoted captain of the 36th infantry July 28, 1866; major and assistant adjutant-general July 1, 1889; lieutenant-colonel May 26, 1896; brigadier-general Jan. 2, 1900, and major-general Feb. 5,1901. He re-entered the volunteer army as brigadier-general May 27, 1898, and was promoted major-general of volunteers Aug. 13, 1898. He succeeded Gen. Elwell S. Otis in command of the Division of the Philippines, Feb. 5. 1901, and on June 15.1901, issued a proclamation of amnesty to the natives. He assumed command of the Department of the Lakes, March 25, 1902.

SOURCE: Rossiter Johnson & John Howard Brown, Editors, The Twentieth Century Biographical Dictionary of Notable Americans, Volume 8, p. 1739

Thursday, April 25, 2019

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: November 26, 1863

Thanksgiving Day. Reports of fighting at Knoxville, Chattanooga, and with Lee. If the result is generally favorable, we shall see daylight plainer than ever; if otherwise, darkness again but not so “visible” as before.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 445

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: December 3, 1863

The recent victory of Grant near Chattanooga seems to be very complete. We have not heard from Burnside, besieged in Knoxville by Longstreet, since the 24th or 25th. We have some apprehensions, but hope that he has been relieved by Grant's success. Meade has pushed into the heart of eastern Virginia after Lee. I fear the result. The Army of the Potomac has been as unlucky on Virginia soil as the army of Lee on our soil.

Company B left today for home, over three-fourths, fifty-four, having enlisted as veteran volunteers. Companies A, E, and F are likely to follow suit.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 445-6

Saturday, March 4, 2017

John Hay to John G. Nicolay, November 26, 1863

Executive Mansion,
Washington, Nov. 26, 1863.
MY DEAR NICOLAY:

The newspapers of this morning have told you all you want to know, and so I send you no telegram. The news is glorious. Nature was against us, but we won in her spite. Had not the rapid current and drift swept away Hooker’s pontoons, he would have utterly destroyed them.

Grant will immediately send a column to relieve Burnside, and if possible destroy Longstreet.

The President is sick in bed. Bilious.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 129-30; For the whole diary entry see Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and letters of John Hay, p. 127-8.

Sunday, January 22, 2017

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Wednesday, June 25, 1862

Ditto, Ditto. — Dined with General Cox. He has a plan of operations for the Government forces which I like: To hold the railroad from Memphis through Huntsville, Chattanooga, Knoxville [and] southwest Virginia to Richmond; not attempt movements south of this except by water until after the hot and sickly season. This line is distant from the enemy's base of supplies; can therefore by activity be defended, and gives us a good base.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 293

Monday, June 13, 2016

Major Charles Fessenden Morse: November 28, 1863

Tullahoma, Tenn., November 28, 1863.

We are in the midst of exciting news from the front, yet we have had no particulars. It is evident, however, that we have taken several thousand prisoners and a large quantity of artillery.*

Since the fight at Wauhatchie, there has been no slurring of the Army of the Potomac men. That little affair was a great thing for us. By our own and rebel accounts, there is no doubt that our men fought most gallantly there against superior numbers of their old antagonists.

Every train that comes from the South brings a load of prisoners or wounded men, and rumors that fighting is still going on at the front. It seems to me, now, for the first time since the war began, that the rebellion is nearly crushed. They have not met with any very decisive success for nearly six months, and are now contracted into the smallest territory they have ever occupied.

Atlanta is our important point now; get that, and we have again cut the Confederacy in two, and in a vital place What a glorious thing it would be if we could wind up this rebellion before our original three years are out! It would exceed all my expectations to do this.

Thanksgiving Day was a very pleasant one, warm and bright as May. I took an escort of half a dozen cavalry and rode down to the regiment, which is about ten miles from here. I found them camped very comfortably just outside strong earthworks built to command the railroad bridge over the Elk river. Colonel Coggswell is in command of the post and has a battery in addition to his regiment. lie has made himself very strong, and could defend the place against a large force.

I took a very quiet dinner with the field and staff. Of course we could not help thinking of our other Thanksgiving Days in the regiment, and it brought up many sad memories. At our first dinner at Seneca, Maryland, all our old officers were present; last year there had been many changes, but there were still left a goodly number of the old stock, and we were knit closer together by our losses. This year I couldn't help a feeling of desolation as I remembered that, of all my friends in the regiment, very few were left. How little I thought, when we left Camp Andrews, that we should have such a sad experience!

In looking over his trunks for a photograph, Colonel Coggswell found a letter that had come for me while I was in Massachusetts; he gave it to me, and I found the address was in Bob Shaw's writing. You can imagine how glad I was to get it. I always thought it a little strange that he had not answered my last letter. I opened it the first chance I got. It was mostly a description of his movements to Darien and other places; but at the close he spoke in a very feeling way of our friendship and intimacy, and of his happiness since his marriage. It was written on the 3rd of July; in it he asked to be remembered to Robeson, Mudge, and Tom Fox; little did he think that, at the moment he wrote, one of them was lying dead on the field of battle, and the other two suffering with mortal wounds.

The men of the regiment had a very pleasant day; they had plenty of geese and turkeys for dinner, and in the evening the brigade band came down from Tullahoma, and gave them some music. I am glad that our men have each been able to keep this day somewhat as if they had been at home.

I stayed next morning and saw guard mounting done as it is done nowhere else, and then rode back here again.
_______________

* The battles of Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 158-60

Wednesday, June 3, 2015

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: November 30, 1863 – First Entry

I must describe an adventure I had in Kingsville. Of course, I know nothing of children: in point of fact, am awfully afraid of them.

Mrs. Edward Barnwell came with us from Camden. She had a magnificent boy two years old. Now don't expect me to reduce that adjective, for this little creature is a wonder of childlike beauty, health, and strength. Why not? If like produces like, and with such a handsome pair to claim as father and mother! The boy's eyes alone would make any girl's fortune.

At first he made himself very agreeable, repeating nursery rhymes and singing. Then something went wrong. Suddenly he changed to a little fiend, fought and kicked and scratched like a tiger. He did everything that was naughty, and he did it with a will as if he liked it, while his lovely mamma, with flushed cheeks and streaming eyes, was imploring him to be a good boy.

When we stopped at Kingsville, I got out first, then Mrs. Barnwell's nurse, who put the little man down by me. Look after him a moment, please, ma'am,” she said, “I must help Mrs. Barnwell with the bundles,” etc. She stepped hastily back and the cars moved off. They ran down a half mile to turn. I trembled in my shoes. This child! No man could ever frighten me so. If he should choose to be bad again! It seemed an eternity while I waited for that train to turn and come back again. My little charge took things quietly. For me he had a perfect contempt, no fear whatever. And I was his abject slave for the nonce.

He stretched himself out lazily at full length. Then he pointed downward. “Those are great legs,” said he solemnly, looking at his own. I immediately joined him in admiring them enthusiastically. Near him he spied a bundle. “Pussy cat tied up in that bundle.” He was up in a second and pounced upon it. If we were to be taken up as thieves, no matter, I dared not meddle with that child. I had seen what he could do. There were several cooked sweet potatoes tied up in an old handkerchief—belonging to some negro probably. He squared himself off comfortably, broke one in half and began to eat. Evidently he had found what he was fond of. In this posture Mrs. Barnwell discovered us. She came with comic dismay in every feature, not knowing what our relations might be, and whether or not we had undertaken to fight it out alone as best we might. The old nurse cried, “Lawsy me!” with both hands uplifted. Without a word I fled. In another moment the Wilmington train would have left me. She was going to Columbia.

We broke down only once between Kingsville and Wilmington, but between Wilmington and Weldon we contrived to do the thing so effectually as to have to remain twelve hours at that forlorn station.

The one room that I saw was crowded with soldiers. Adam Team succeeded in securing two chairs for me, upon one of which I sat and put my feet on the other. Molly sat flat on the floor, resting her head against my chair. I woke cold and cramped. An officer, who did not give his name; but said he was from Louisiana, came up and urged me to go near the fire. He gave me his seat by the fire, where I found an old lady and two young ones, with two men in the uniform of common soldiers.

We talked as easily to each other all night as if we had known one another all our lives. We discussed the war, the army, the news of the day. No questions were asked, no names given, no personal discourse whatever, and yet if these men and women were not gentry, and of the best sort, I do not know ladies and gentlemen when I see them.

Being a little surprised at the want of interest Mr. Team and Isaac showed in my well-doing, I walked out to see, and I found them working like beavers. They had been at it all night. In the break-down my boxes were smashed. They had first gathered up the contents and were trying to hammer up the boxes so as to make them once more available.

At Petersburg a smartly dressed woman came in, looked around in the crowd, then asked for the seat by me. Now Molly's seat was paid for the same as mine, but she got up at once, gave the lady her seat and stood behind me. I am sure Molly believes herself my body-guard as well as my servant.

The lady then having arranged herself comfortably in Molly's seat began in plaintive accents to tell her melancholy tale. She was a widow. She lost her husband in the battles around Richmond. Soon some one went out and a man offered her the vacant seat. Straight as an arrow she went in for a flirtation with the polite gentleman. Another person, a perfect stranger, said to me, '”Well, look yonder. As soon as she began whining about her dead beau I knew she was after another one.” “Beau, indeed!” cried another listener, “she said it was her husband.” “Husband or lover, all the same. She won't lose any time. It won't be her fault if she doesn't have another one soon.”
But the grand scene was the night before: the cars crowded with soldiers, of course; not a human being that I knew. An Irish woman, so announced by her brogue, came in. She marched up and down the car, loudly lamenting the want of gallantry in the men who would not make way for her. Two men got up and gave her their seats, saying it did not matter, they were going to get out at the next stopping-place.

She was gifted with the most pronounced brogue I ever heard, and she gave us a taste of it. She continued to say that the men ought all to get out of that; that car was “shuteable” only for ladies. She placed on the vacant seat next to her a large looking-glass. She continued to harangue until she fell asleep.

A tired soldier coming in, seeing what he supposed to be an empty seat, quietly slipped into it. Crash went the glass. The soldier groaned, the Irish woman shrieked. The man was badly cut by the broken glass. She was simply a mad woman. She shook her fist in his face; said she was a lone woman and he had got into that seat for no good purpose. How did he dare to? — etc. I do not think the man uttered a word. The conductor took him into another car to have the pieces of glass picked out of his clothes, and she continued to rave. Mr. Team shouted aloud, and laughed as if he were in the Hermitage Swamp. The woman's unreasonable wrath and absurd accusations were comic, no doubt.

Soon the car was silent and I fell into a comfortable doze. I felt Molly give me a gentle shake. “Listen, Missis, how loud Mars Adam Team is talking, and all about ole marster and our business, and to strangers. It's a shame.” “Is he saying any harm of us?” “No, ma'am, not that. He is bragging for dear life 'bout how ole ole marster is and how rich he is, an' all that. I gwine tell him stop.” Up started Molly. “Mars Adam, Missis say please don't talk so loud. When people travel they don't do that a way.”

Mr. Preston's man, Hal, was waiting at the depot with a carriage to take me to my Richmond house. Mary Preston had rented these apartments for me.

I found my dear girls there with a nice fire. Everything looked so pleasant and inviting to the weary traveler. Mrs. Grundy, who occupies the lower floor, sent me such a real Virginia tea, hot cakes, and rolls. Think of living in the house with Mrs. Grundy, and having no fear of “what Mrs. Grundy will say.”

My husband has come; he likes the house, Grundy's, and everything. Already he has bought Grundy's horses for sixteen hundred Confederate dollars cash. He is nearer to being contented and happy than I ever saw him. He has not established a grievance yet, but I am on the lookout daily. He will soon find out whatever there is wrong about Gary Street.

I gave a party; Mrs. Davis very witty; Preston girls very handsome; Isabella's fun fast and furious. No party could have gone off more successfully, but my husband decides we are to have no more festivities. This is not the time or the place for such gaieties.

Maria Freeland is perfectly delightful on the subject of her wedding. She is ready to the last piece of lace, but her hard-hearted father says “No.” She adores John Lewis. That goes without saying. She does not pretend, however, to be as much in love as Mary Preston. In point of fact, she never saw any one before who was. But she is as much in love as she can be with a man who, though he is not very handsome, is as eligible a match as a girl could make. He is all that heart could wish, and he comes of such a handsome family. His mother, Esther Maria Coxe, was the beauty of a century, and his father was a nephew of General Washington. For all that, he is far better looking than John Darby or Mr. Miles. She always intended to marry better than Mary Preston or Bettie Bierne.

Lucy Haxall is positively engaged to Captain Coffey, an Englishman. She is convinced that she will marry him. He is her first fancy.

Mr. Venable, of Lee's staff, was at our party, so out of spirits. He knows everything that is going on. His depression bodes us no good. To-day, General Hampton sent James Chesnut a fine saddle that he had captured from the Yankees in battle array.

Mrs. Scotch Allan (Edgar Allan Poe's patron's wife) sent me ice-cream and lady-cheek apples from her farm. John R. Thompson,1 the sole literary fellow I know in Richmond, sent me Leisure Hours in Town, by A Country Parson.

My husband says he hopes I will be contented because he came here this winter to please me. If I could have been satisfied at home he would have resigned his aide-de-campship and gone into some service in South Carolina. I am a good excuse, if good for nothing else.

Old tempestuous Keitt breakfasted with us yesterday. I wish I could remember half the brilliant things he said. My husband has now gone with him to the War Office. Colonel Keitt thinks it is time he was promoted. He wants to be a brigadier.

Now, Charleston is bombarded night and day. It fairly makes me dizzy to think of that everlasting racket they are beating about people's ears down there. Bragg defeated, and separated from Longstreet. It is a long street that knows no turning, and Rosecrans is not taken after all.
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1 John R. Thompson was a native of Richmond and in 1847 became editor of the Southern Literary Messenger. Under his direction, that periodical acquired commanding influence. Mr. Thompson's health failed afterward. During the war he spent a part of his time in Richmond and a part in Europe. He afterward settled in New York and became literary editor of the Evening Post.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 253-8

Monday, April 6, 2015

Brigadier-General John A. Rawlins to Congressman Elihu B. Washburne, January 30, 1864 (Extract)

On my return from the North, I was pleased to find your very welcome and interesting letter of the 30th ult., and I hasten to assure you, your friendship for the General, your devotion to our common country and heroic manifestation of interest in the welfare and success of our army here, through evil as well as good report, in the dark of the Nation's despondency as well as in the light of its victories are truly and honestly appreciated, and to you, more than to any one in congress, the great heart of this army warms with gratitude as the true representative and bold and uncompromising defender. ... So give yourself no concern in the matter of the Cavalry regiment you speak of, for the general fully understands your motives, and knows them to be prompted solely by a desire for the public service and in friendship to him.

. . . I see by the papers the bill creating a lieutenant-generalcy is still undisposed of. As far as Gen. Grant may be regarded in connection with it, I only say that if the conferring of the distinguished honor on him would be the taking him out of the field or with a view to the superseding of Gen. Halleck, he would not desire it, for he feels that if he can be of service to the government in any place it is in command of the army in the field, and there is where he would remain if made a lieutenant-general; besides he has great confidence in and friendship for the general-in-chief and would, without regard to rank, be willing at all times to receive orders through him.

The advocacy of the New York Herald and other papers of the general for the presidency, gives him little concern; he is unambitious for the honor and will voluntarily put himself in no position nor permit himself to be placed in one he can prevent that will in the slightest manner embarrass the friends of the government in their present grand effort to enforce its rightful authority and restore the Union of the states. Of his views in this matter I suppose he has fully acquainted you.
The presence of Longstreet in East Tennessee is much to be regretted. Had Gen. Grant's orders been energetically, and with a broader judgment, executed by Gen. Burnside, Longstreet would have been forced to continue his retreat from Knoxville to beyond the Tennessee line. The General's official report will show the facts and orders and will be satisfactory, I have no doubt, to the government. Our forces in the Holston Valley, east of Knoxville, have been compelled by Longstreet to fall back toward Knoxville. Whether he intends to again undertake the capture of that place, or simply to extend his forage ground, is not as yet known. In either design, he must be foiled. Gen. Grant, Gen. W. F. Smith, and myself go forward to-morrow to Chattanooga that the General may be enabled to give his personal attention to affairs in the direction of Knoxville.

SOURCE: James H. Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins, p. 433-4

Tuesday, March 24, 2015

Brigadier-General John A. Rawlins to Mary Emeline Hurlburt Rawlins, April 22, 1864

Culpepper C. H., Va., April 22, 1864.

. . . We have been reviewing the Second Corps, Army of the Potomac, General Hancock commanding. It was the finest display of troops I ever witnessed at one review, twenty-two thousand men in all, in one clear, open field, with their glittering arms, their banners (many of them battle worn) and bands of music, all conspired to fill one with emotions of pride that he, too, was an American soldier fighting for the perpetuation of the principles of civil and religious liberty for our Republican form of Government. Never on but one occasion before have I seen so many men at one view, and that was not on review. It was in the second day's fight at Chattanooga. The whole of Thomas's army, numbering nearly twenty-five thousand men,1 moved upon the enemy's works across an open plain much like the field we were on to-day, but how different were my feelings from what they were to-day. As regiment after regiment of the brave men moved by I could but feel that many a one with proud and elastic step was marching to the end of time, the very farthest verge of which they had already reached, and such was the case. How eagerly my mind contrasted the pageantry, the grandeur of to-day with that of actual conflict at Chattanooga, and the mind would run along the lines of the not distant future and picture these brave men amid the din and heat of the coming terrible conflict. How different will they then appear to those whom Heaven spares to see them. They are full of hope and confidence, and in their buoyancy of spirit, their cheerful soldierly satisfaction I place the fullest confidence. They feel that they can whip Lee. This is much in our favor. I believe they can and will. Every effort is being made to concentrate troops from all sections here, and much has already been accomplished. From New York City alone we get three thousand men, or thereabouts, that have been for months virtually dead to the service. In all the Northern States are many troops, kept mainly that some of our major generals might have commands in Peace Departments commensurate with their rank. These are all being gathered up and brought to the front. I assure you nothing is left undone that should be done to give us victory. Victory here is what would be of much service to us. The Red River expedition appears to have been a terrible failure. Porter has his gunboats, several of them far up towards Shreveport, with the river falling so that he is prevented by sand-bars from either going forward or returning, and is waiting for rain and a rise in the river. I feel much anxiety for him.

You ask me if General McClellan is to have a command. He is not, for the present at least. You also ask me what kind of a general General Meade is. He is a man of real sterling worth, and is evidently the best general who has yet been honored with the command of this army. He is well liked by both men and officers, and no change is demanded by them. This you can rest assured is true, anything in the newspapers to the contrary notwithstanding. . . .
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1 Probably considerably in excess of 25,000.

SOURCE: James H. Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins, p. 421-2

Wednesday, March 18, 2015

Brigadier-General John A. Rawlins to Mary Emeline Hurlburt Rawlins, April 15, 1864

Culpepper C. H., Va., April 15, 1864.

. . . The General returned this afternoon from his Annapolis visit. The railroad guards at one of the stations between this and Washington were attacked by a party of the enemy, whom they repulsed a few minutes before the arrival of the train the General was on. So you see his good luck still sticks to him. I have not yet talked with him of the result of his visit to Burnside. We have received bad news from the Mississippi Valley, and will continue to receive just such to cheer us, while timid Generals, who have been time-serving politicians, are retained in command. I hope soon to see such changes made as will give at least confidence that all will be done that can be with the forces given to keep matters quiet on the Mississippi River. I am not one of those who think it probable that we will be able to give perfect peace along the banks of that great river until we have entirely defeated the rebel armies elsewhere. . . .

General Grant's official report of Chattanooga is being published all over the country, and is receiving the most favorable notice in all the leading papers. You know I told you it would do much for his reputation. And you know, too, the manner in which I labored for weeks with Bowers on that report to make it show the real truths, the plans and conceptions which matured into the splendid victory of Chattanooga.  . . . Enclosed I send you what the New York Times says of it. The General fully appreciates the services of Bowers and myself in this matter. He writes his own reports, but they need a great deal of comparing with orders and much rearranging to make them the complete reports that are shown in his reports of Vicksburg and Chattanooga. Few men write with greater terseness that which fills their minds than Grant. . . .

SOURCE: James H. Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins, p. 417-8

Thursday, February 12, 2015

Brigadier-General John A. Rawlins to Mary Emeline Hurlburt Rawlins, February 15, 1864

Nashville, February 15, 1864.

. . . General Grant talks some of going to Chattanooga this week. I don't know whether he will or not, but if he goes I shall go also.

Colonel Bowers and I are very busily engaged of evenings on the General's official report of the battles of Chattanooga, which I assure you is a very unpleasant and I might say thankless undertaking, for the General is very tenacious of the claim that he writes his own reports, and it is necessary for us to follow the text as nearly as possible. With the transposition of sentences, even pages, and the writing out too of the very plans of the battles, this is difficult.

My cough still continues but I think I am improving. For a while I gained strength but have not done so for several days past. If I could take a trip South, I think it would be of great service to me, but the doctors say there is no danger. They ought to tell me the truth and I hope do. A cough, however, from the 10th of October to the 15th of February is not to be slightly treated. . . .

SOURCE: James H. Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins, p. 399

Tuesday, February 10, 2015

Brigadier-General John A. Rawlins to Mary Emeline Hurlburt Rawlins, February 13, 1864

Nashville, February 13, 1864

. . . This is my thirty-third birthday. In looking back to my earliest remembrance of events, how full of anxiety and fears, of cherished but disappointed hopes my life has been, and still withal how fortunate in the realization of my most extravagant youthful dreams! In some things I flatter myself I have held my own. I entered life poor, and am in that position now. I had the warm love of my parents, and have now, never having for a moment estranged them from me. In my young heart of high hopes they inculcated principles of virtue, honesty and patriotism. In the light of these I have sought ever to walk, but that I have many times deviated, it were sinful to deny. Yet beyond the reach of their pure rays and the whispering of conscience I have never wandered. In youth I had many friends, who in numbers and warmth of affection have multiplied as the sphere of my acquaintance has extended. With only such an education as a sparsely settled country afforded, I passed creditably from manual to mental labor, from the plough to the bar, and from civil to military life, thereby exchanging the sweets of peace for the bitterness of war. I have attained in rank the highest grade but one in the army, and been honorably connected with the most important successes of our arms, passing unharmed, although exposed in person, through the battles of Belmont, Fort Donelson, Shiloh, the siege of Corinth, the battles in the campaign and siege of Vicksburg, and in those about Chattanooga. In my domestic relations I have been peculiarly fortunate and most happy, not without sorrow, however, death having entered and for a while cast a gloom of sadness over my home. This was the loss of my first wife whom I loved so well for her amiability of manner, gentleness, sweetness of disposition and virtue. Few of earth's daughters were so lovely; none in Heaven stands nearer the throne. . . .

SOURCE: James H. Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins, p. 398-9

Friday, February 6, 2015

Brigadier-General John A. Rawlins to Mary Emeline Hurlburt Rawlins, February 9, 1864

Nashville, February 9, 1864.

. . . I have written to no one at Washington to look after my confirmation nor sought to influence any one to that end, being content to discharge my duty in any position and with any rank the authorities see fit to confer upon me to the best of my abilities at all times. I doubt not my confirmation, however. Standing as I do in the near relation to General Grant, and the wholesome influence I am supposed to exercise for his good, which is not unknown personally to several gentlemen of great influence in Washington, and who are to be found both in Congress and in the War Department and belonging to both political parties, I do not fear the result. If I am not confirmed I will necessarily go out of the service or fall back to my rank as assistant adjutant general with the rank of major, my lieutenant-colonelcy being assignable rank only. My impression is that a failure in confirmation will leave me a civilian. In that event I shall at least visit “dear wife and children” before seeking another position in the army. I have never sought promotion, but on the contrary declined a colonelcy when it was offered to me and accepted a majority. To be put out of service with no fault or seeking of my own could attach to me no stain of dishonor or semblance of faltering in this hour of darkness and peril. I am therefore without anxiety as to the action of the Senate in my case. I enclose my proper address.

I shall begin to-morrow in connection with Colonel Bowers to copy up General Grant's official report of the battles of Chattanooga. . . .

SOURCE: James H. Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins, p. 396-7

Monday, January 19, 2015

Brigadier-General John A. Rawlins to Mary Emeline Hurlburt Rawlins, January 20, 1864

Chattanooga, Jan. 23, 1864.

. . . In one view you behold the mountains of several States, including the gorge in Taylor's Ridge at Ringgold, where was fought the last battle in the Chattanooga series, and the only one in which we were not eminently successful. . . . The mountains to the east and southeast of Lookout (which stands peerless amid its neighbors) so lift themselves up from Lookout that one at first mistakes them for clouds far above the horizon. Through this vast system of mountains meanders to almost every point of the compass the magnificent Tennessee, and perhaps from no point does it present so picturesque and grandly beautiful an appearance as from the top of Lookout. . . .

The news from General Foster at Knoxville is more cheering than when we left Nashville — I might say quite satisfactory — and no danger is now apprehended from General Longstreet's move, notwithstanding the alarming despatch of the 15th instant that brought us so hurriedly to this place. Thus it ever is in war, alarm, alarms allayed, excitement, and excitement subsiding into quiet.

Our greatest and worst apprehension is that we may be delayed in getting forward our supplies, because of the non-completion of the Nashville and Decatur Railroad. Had we sufficient supplies here now we should immediately commence active operations which would compel the enemy to give us battle where he is ill prepared or abandon all the country he holds in our front as far back as Atlanta. But as it is, we must wait. The visit of General Grant to this place has had at least one good effect, and that is it has wakened him up to see what I have been strongly urging upon him since my return, namely, the inefficiency of Mr. Adna Anderson, superintendent of our railroads here, and he has telegraphed the fact to the Secretary of War. I hope a change will at once be made. Nothing could be of more benefit at this time to the service than the relieving of Mr. Anderson by some one who has patriotism, ability and energy, one who will comprehend fully our necessities and supply them.

We are, however, making preparations for a movement within the next two weeks threatening Rome, and will, if opportunity invites, attempt to capture that place. Sherman in the meantime is to move through from Vicksburg to Meridian. Thus menaced I know not what the enemy may do, but we will try and take advantage of any weakness he may disclose. The General, W. F. Smith and myself will probably leave here to-morrow for Nashville. . . .

SOURCE: James H. Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins, p. 389-90

Sunday, February 9, 2014

Review: The Chattanooga Campaign

Edited by Steven E. Woodworth & Charles D. Grear

Sometimes an event is so complex that a single narrative explaining what happed or a single viewpoint from which to view the event is not the best way to tell its story.  The Chattanooga Campaign and the battles which it encapsules, is just that kind of event.

Following its defeat at the Battle of Chickamauga on September 20, 1863 the Union Army of the Cumberland, commanded by Major General William S. Rosecrans, retreated northward to Chattanooga, Tennessee.  Shortly thereafter Confederate General Braxton Bragg’s Army of Tennessee besieged the vital rail-hub that was considered to be the gateway to the South.  When Ulysses S. Grant relieved Rosecrans and assumed command of the Army of the Cumberland he determined to break the siege and open the way to Atlanta.

“The Chattanooga Campaign,” edited by Steven E. Woodworth and Charles D. Grear, tells the complicated story of the campaign and its simultaneous, but separate, battles on Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. The story of the campaign is told in ten chapters:

  • A Perfect Storm of Ineffectiveness: The Corps and the Loss of Lookout Mountain, by Alex Mendoza.
  • “Lookout Mountain Frowned Down Upon Us”: The Union Army and the Struggle for Lookout Valley, by Stewart Bennett.
  • “The Very Ground Seemed Alive”: Sherman’s Assault on the North End of Missionary Ridge, by Steven E. Woodworth.
  • Baptizing the Hills and Valleys: Cleburne’s Defense of Tunnel Hill, by John R. Lundberg.
  • What Happened on Orchard Knob?: Ordering the Attack on Missionary Ridge, by Brooks Simpson.
  • This Grand and Imposing Array of Brave Men: The Capture of Rossville Gap and the Defeat of the Confederate Left by Sam Davis Elliott.
  • Saving the Army of the Tennessee: The Confederate Rear Guard at Ringgold Gap, by Justin S. Solonick.
  • From the Chickamauga with “Old Rosy” to Missionary Ridge with Grant: The Fall 1863 Struggle for Chattanooga and the Press, by Ethan S. Rafuse.
  • “What I am Doing I do not Consider Desertion”: Trans-Mississippian Reactions to Chickamauga and Chattanooga, by Charles D. Grear.
  • A Chattanooga Plan: The Gateway City’s Critical Role in Civil War Battlefield Preservaiton, by Timothy Smith.


Two of the best chapters in the book are “What Happened on Orchard Knob” by Brooks Simpson which gives a very detailed explanation of who did, or rather who did not, order the charge on Missionary Ridge.  And second, “What I am doing I do not Consider Desertion,” by the books co-editer, Charles D. Grear, which discusses the emotional toll, and consequences, of the battles of Chickamauga and Chattanooga on the Confederate forces in the Trans-Mississippi theater of war.

With its ten chapters written by ten authors “The Chattanooga Campaign,” complete with maps and photographs, at once gives you a breakdown of the various stages and battles of the campaign, and the differing perspectives and approaches made by its authors gives its reader a more comprehensive, 360° view of it, and to a smaller degree the war in the West.

ISBN 978-0809331192, The Southern Illinois University Press, © 2012, Hardcover, 256 pages, Maps, Photographs, Illustrations, Notes & Index. $29.95.  To Purchase this book click HERE.

Friday, March 22, 2013

Major General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, December 29, 1863

LANCASTER, OHIO, Dec. 29, 1863.

My Dear Brother:

 . . . I hear you have gone on to New York, and therefore I must go off without seeing you. I have been off the line of communication since leaving Memphis, save a few hours at Bridgeport, during which I had hardly time to put my official signature to papers demanding my hand. I have made a report of our movements up to the return to Bridgeport and enclose it with this, a copy which I brought here, and which you may keep, only, of course, under the confidence of absolute secrecy until the War Department thinks proper to make the original public. . . .

I suppose you will read this report, and I invite attention to the part referring to the assault on Tunnel Hill. I know that Grant in his report will dwell on this same part. I was provoked that Meigs, looking at us from Chattanooga, should report me repulsed, and that Mr. Stanton should publish his letter as semi-official. Meigs apologized to me for using Thomas's name instead of mine throughout, which he charged to a copyist, but made no amends for the repulse. The whole philosophy of the battle was that I should get, by a dash, a position on the extremity of the Missionary Ridge, from which the enemy would be forced to drive me, or allow his depot at Chickamauga station to be in danger. I expected Bragg to attack me at daylight, but he did not, and to bring matters to a crisis quickly, as time was precious, for the sake of Burnside in East Tennessee, Grant ordered me to assume the offensive. My report contains the rest. Again, after the battle, Granger was ordered to push for Knoxville, but his movements were so slow that Grant, impatient, called on me, and my move was the most rapid of the war and perfectly successful. I could have gone on after Longstreet, but Burnside ranked me, and it was his business, not mine. So I reinforced him all he asked, and returned.

The Fifteenth Corps, now Logan's, and Dodge's division of the Sixteenth Corps are now at work on the railroad from Nashville to Decatur, and from Decatur to Stevenson, thus making a triangle of railroad which it is estimated will relieve the great difficulty of supplies which has paralyzed the Army of the Cumberland. This will take five weeks. I leave my headquarters at Huntsville, and go in person down the Mississippi to strike some lateral blows, to punish the country for allowing guerillas to attack the boats. I go on Friday to Cincinnati, and thence to Cairo, where with Admiral Porter I will concert measures to produce the result. I expect to send one expedition up the Yazoo, and go myself with another up Red River, levying contributions to make good losses to boats, and punish for deaths and wounds inflicted. I think we can make people feel that they must actually prevent guerillas from carrying out their threats that though we have the river, it will do us no good. My address will be Memphis, for a month, and Huntsville after. We can hardly fashion out the next campaign, but it looks as though we should have to move from the Tennessee River. I should prefer to take Mobile and the Alabama as well as the Chattahoochee, and move east from Montgomery and Columbus, Miss.

I wish you would introduce a bill in Congress increasing the number of cadets on this basis — one from each congressional district per annum. In districts not represented, vest the appointments in the Secretary of War out of boys not over eighteen in the armies in the field, to be selected in any manner that may be prescribed by law, or by the regulation of the President. This would hold out to young fellows the prospect of getting a cadetship. Last summer we were called on to recommend candidates, and I was amazed to find so many worthy applicants. All who came forward for examination preferred West Point to a commission. The great want of the army is good subordinate officers. The army is a good school, but West Point is better. It is useless to deny that a special preliminary education is necessary to the military officers, and the cheapest school is now at West Point and is susceptible of infinite increase. . . .

I think the President's proclamation unwise. Knowing the temper of the South, I know that it but protracts the war by seeming to court peace. It to them looks like weakness. I tell them that as they cool off, we warm to the work. That we are just getting ready for the war, and I know the effect is better than to coax them to come back into the Union. The organization of a Civil Government but complicates the game. All the Southern States will need a pure military Government for years after resistance has ceased. You have noticed the debate in Richmond, on the President's proclamation. That is a true exhibit of the feeling South. Don't fall into the error that the masses think differently. Of course property-holding classes South deplore the devastation that marks the progress of their own and our armies, but the South is no longer consulted. The Army of the Confederacy is the South, and they still hope to worry us out. The moment we relax, they gain strength and confidence. We must hammer away and show such resistance, such bottom that even that slender hope will fail them.

I still am opposed to all bounties. The draft pure and simple, annual, to fill vacancies in the ranks. Pay of men in the front increased to even forty dollars a month, and that of men at depots and to the rear diminished to a bare maintenance if not less. Four hundred dollars bounty is an absurd commentary where two-thirds draw bounty and remain absent from their rank and are discharged for disability without hearing a shot. Deal with the army as you would if you were hiring men for special work. Pay those who do the work high; those who are sick, unfortunate, or shirking, pay little or nothing. The same of officers from the major-general to lieutenant. The President must make vacancies for the rising officers, the "creations" of the war. I am willing to quit if a younger and better man can be found for my place. . . .

Your affectionate brother,
W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 216-9

Friday, November 16, 2012

Major General Ulysses S. Grant to Congressman Elihu B. Washburne, December 2, 1863

Chattanooga, Tennessee,
December 2, 1863.

FOR the last three weeks I have not only been busy, but have had company occupying my room, making it almost impossible for me to write anything. Last week was a stirring time with us, and a magnificent victory was won. I am sorry you could not be here. The spectacle was grand beyond anything that has been or is likely to be on this continent. It is the first battlefield I have ever seen where a plan could be followed and from one place the whole field be within one view. At the commencement the battle line was fifteen miles long. Hooker on our right soon carried the point of Lookout Mountain, and Sherman the north end of Missionary Ridge, thus shortening the line by five or six miles and bringing the whole within one view. Our troops behaved most magnificently, and have inflicted on the enemy the heaviest blow they have received during the war. . . 11
__________

11 “After having broken the impedimenta which closed the passage of the Mississippi, it is again Grant,” writes the Count of Paris of the victory at Chattanooga, “who has just opened the doors of Georgia.  The Federal armies have at last found the warrior worthy to lead them. The bold and skilful manoeuvres which began in the valley of Lookout Mountain, and terminated a month later near the spot where Bragg and Davis had contemplated a Union army besieged at their feet, enhance the glory of the conqueror of Vicksburg. He has proved that his mind, powerful to conceive, firm to execute, is fertile in resources at the critical time.”

SOURCE: James Grant Wilson, Editor, General Grant’s Letters to a Friend 1861-1880, p. 31, 115-6