Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, March 5, 1866

The Reconstruction Committee have reported a resolution for admitting Tennessee Members. It is, in its phraseology and conditions, in character with the dissimulating management and narrow, unpatriotic partisanship of those who control the action of Congress. Tennessee is pronounced to be in a condition to exercise all the functions of a State, therefore she shall not send Representatives until she complies with certain conditions which Congress exacts but has no authority to impose, and which the people of that State cannot comply with and preserve their independence, self-respect, and the right guaranteed to them by the Constitution. How intelligent and sensible men, not opposed to our government and the Constitution itself can commit themselves to such stuff I am unable to comprehend, but the madness of party, the weakness of men who are under the discipline of an organization which chafes, stimulates, threatens, and coaxes, is most astonishing.

In conversation with Senator Grimes, Chairman of the Naval Committee, I regret to see he still retains his rancor towards the South, though I hope somewhat modified. He is unwilling to make needful appropriations for the navy yards at Norfolk and Pensacola because they are in the Rebel States. Yet a navy yard at Pensacola is important, it may be said necessary, to the protection of the Gulf Coast and the Mississippi in time of war. A foreign power can blockade that region, the whole valley of the Mississippi be locked up; and Western Members would permit this rather than expend a small sum for necessary purposes in a navy yard at the South. But Grimes is not so intensely wrong as others living in the Mississippi Valley. He will not, however, avail of the opportunity of procuring a magnificent site at Hampton Roads for the Naval School, because it is in Virginia.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 444-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, March 8, 1866

Myers of Philadelphia had a long conversation with me in regard to the "admission" of Tennessee. I told him, as I have others, that Tennessee had been admitted more than seventy years ago. Well, he said, he did not mean admission, but to permit her to send Representatives. I told him he did mean admission and nothing else, and that permission to send Representatives was quite as offensive as his first position. The Constitution secured her that right when the State was admitted and made part of the Union, and Congress could neither deprive nor grant her the privilege of representation. Much more of like tendency passed between us—pleasantly. He expects to make a speech on the subject.

Governor Dennison called this evening to see whether he, McCulloch, and myself had not best consult with the President in regard to the welfare of the Republican Party and endeavor to bring about a reconciliation with the factious majority in Congress. I told him I could see no benefit that would result from such an effort; that the President's policy was well defined; that when Congress assembled, the Members well understood that policy, and that they, the Radicals, had promptly organized to oppose and defeat it; that this hostility or antagonism had gone forward for three months, Congress doing nothing, accomplishing nothing towards a restoration of the Union, but on the contrary had devoted its time and energies to prevent it. What, I asked him, could the President do under these circumstances? He cannot abandon his honest, rightful convictions, and to approach or attempt to approach these Radical leaders in their present state of mind would be misconstrued and retard rather than promote the work. The Republican Party had evidently about accomplished its mission. Slavery was abolished and the Rebellion suppressed. Perhaps it would result beneficially to take a new departure. He appeared to acquiesce in my suggestions.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 446-7

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Murat Halstead, February 2, 1866

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.        

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 2, 1866.

DEAR H—: — I want to preach you a short doctrinal sermon. Text, “The Equalization of Representatives.” — Commercial, January 31. I voted for Schenck's form, but the debates. satisfied me that the committee's plan would do as well, perhaps better. It sheds water in all directions. No objection sticks. You quote Shellabarger's six points against it. The Constitution as practically construed is equally liable to the objection indicated by numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, and 6. Read them, and you'll see it. Number 5 is that the provision may be evaded. Let that go for what it is worth. By Schenck's amendment the foreign-born, who are not naturalized, are lost to the North and West worth ten to fifteen members. Missouri, Maryland, and other States lose by the disfranchisement of Rebels, etc., etc., and upon the whole you will, I think, be satisfied with the amendment adopted. It gives Ohio one more and Massachusetts one less than Schenck's amendment would do. The figures prove it.

But all this is, of course, not what worried me into worrying you. You say: “We would not make the adoption of this amendment a condition precedent to the admission of the Southern Representatives.” I move a reconsideration of that opinion. The amendment never can be got except as a condition. The South will never give up its power if admitted with it. I would be disposed, I think, to let in the loyal Tennesseeans when their State adopts it. The Rebel States will always be represented (during our day, at least) by repudiators—by men willing to assume every sort of claim payable South. Twenty-two Senators added to the twelve or fifteen now there, and the political power of four millions and a quarter of negroes in the House and the Electoral College, is a serious thing. It deserves reconsideration that idea of yours.

Do you want any books, apple seeds, or oats? I am in that trade now.

Yours,

R. B. HAYES.

P. S. without a break. Harmony is rather up just now. We may get through.

MR. MURAT HALSTEAD,
        Cincinnati, Ohio.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 16-7

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Guy M. Bryan, February 15, 1866

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 15, 1866.

DEAR GUY:— Enclosed you will find Stephen's papers. The reason I didn't write again [was that] I discovered on another visit after writing you that you had previously been pardoned.

There is really no reason to feel any uneasiness because of the delays in acting upon the cases of the different Southern States. Those which send Union men will be represented in Congress, and fully restored without any severe or degrading conditions. There is a great deal of nonsense on all sides, but no substantial interests are likely to be sacrificed. I am told that the Committee on Reconstruction will report favorably on Tennessee at an early day.

I really can't tell about land sales. We hear some hard stories about the treatment Northern people get in many parts of the South. This for a time will naturally discourage the purchase of lands.

I am in much haste. Love to yours.

As ever, your friend,

R. B. HAYES.

GUY M. BRYAN,
        Texas.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 17-8

Jefferson Davis to Governor Isham G. Harris, September 13, 1861

RICHMOND, September 13, 1861.

Governor HARRIS, Nashville, Tenn.:

Movement to Columbus was reported to me as a defensive measure, rendered necessary by the descent of Federal troops. As a necessity it was sanctioned. If they can be safely withdrawn, it would conform to my declared policy of respect for the neutrality of Kentucky. General A. S. Johnston has been directed to confer with you at Nashville. Security to Tennessee and other parts of the Confederacy is the primary object. To this all else must give way.

 JEFFERSON DAVIS.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 4 (Serial No. 4), p. 190

Brigadier-General Felix K. Zollicoffer to Governor Beriah Magoffin, September 14, 1861

KNOXVILLE, September 14, 1861.

His Excellency Governor MAGOFFIN, Frankfort, Ky.:

SIR: The safety of Tennessee requiring it, I have occupied the mountain passes at Cumberland Ford and the Three Log Mountains, in Kentucky. For weeks I have known that the Federal commander at Hoskins' Cross-Roads was threatening the invasion of East Tennessee, and ruthlessly urging our people to destroy their own railroad bridges. I postponed this precautionary measure until the despotic Government at Washington, refusing to recognize the neutrality of Kentucky, had established formidable camps in the central and other parts of the State, with a view first to subjugate our gallant sister and then ourselves. Tennessee feels, and has ever felt, towards Kentucky as a twin sister. Their people are as one people, in kindred, sympathy, valor, and patriotism. We have felt, and still feel, a religious respect for Kentucky neutrality. We will respect it as long as our safety will permit. If the Federal forces will now withdraw from their menacing position, the forces under my command shall instantly be withdrawn.

Very respectfully,

F. K. ZOLLICOFFER,        

Brigadier-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 4 (Serial No. 4), p. 195

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: March 17, 1864

Bright, clear, and pleasant; frosty in the morning.

Letters from Lieut.-Gen. Hood to the President, Gen Bragg, and the Secretary of War, give a cheering account of Gen. Johnston's army at Dalton. The men are well fed and well clothed. They are in high spirits, “and eager for the fray.” The number is 40,000. Gen. H. urges, most eloquently, the junction of Polk's and Loring's troops with these, making some 60,000,—Grant having 50,000,—and then uniting with Longstreet's army, perhaps 30,000 more, and getting in the rear of the enemy. He says this would be certain to drive Grant out of Tennessee and Kentucky, and probably end the war. But if we lie still, Grant will eventually accumulate overwhelming numbers, and penetrate farther; and if he beats us, it would be difficult to rally again for another 'stand, so despondent would become the people.

Gen. Hood deprecates another invasion of Pennsylvania, which would be sure to result in defeat. He is decided in his conviction that the best policy is to take the initiative, and drive the enemy out of Tennessee and Kentucky, which could be accomplished to a certainty.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 173

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Wednesday, May 7, 1862

To-day Governor Yates visits the Seventh and makes them a speech, which is full of cheer, full of hope and life, right straight from Dick's big heart. He has come down to Tennessee to look after the sick and wounded Illinois soldiers. How fortunate it is for Illinois to have so good and noble a governor, during this bloody war. This afternoon our division has been reviewed; an imposing scene; such a uniformity of motion and so much vim convince the lookers on that the Second Division cannot be surpassed in the army.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 69

A New Lesson on Dying in the Last Ditch, September 15, 1864

Why didn’t Denmark die in the last ditch? Plucky as she has been she happens to be made of flesh and blood, and this sort of dying is not a thing for flesh and blood to do.  It may be talked about; all mankind has a weakness that way; but it never has happened, and never will.  Of course we refer to people collectively, and not to individuals.  A person here and there, seized with some sublime phrenzy may take death sooner than yield.  A people never dies thus, not even the bravest.  A man my commit suicide; a people cannot.  “Give me liberty, or give me death,” is a very fine sentiment, and ought, we suppose, to be universally adopted, and either lived, or died, up to.  But it isn’t done.  Men in general, somehow can’t overcome the instinct of self-preservation.  They’ll take any measure of wrong sooner than death.  “Better a living dog than a dead lion,” is a maxim that, we are afraid, commends itself to our pour nature now as much as ever.  Are there braver men on earth than Hungarians, or the Poles, or the Cireassians?  And yet have we not lately seen them all, as we now see the brave Danes, bow themselves to their conqueror, sooner than to fight to extermination?  They did this not in any want of courage.  They had courage enough.  It was precisely that no courage could help them that they stopped fighting.  Courage is of no avail without strength; and when their strength had been broken up by their enemies, submission came. Cowards yield because they won’t help themselves.  Brave men yield because they can’t help themselves.  That is just the difference between them.

The Danes never protested so loudly that they would fight to the death, as for a week or two before they gave in.  Nothing is more common than this.  We saw it in the late Crimean war.  When the reverses and discomfitures of two campaigns culminated in the overthrow of Sebastopol itself, Russia had nothing to answer but an order for a new levy of 100,000 men.  From the Czar to the lowest serf, there was an outburst of continued defiance, so imposing that even the cool Richard Cobden who had once declared in Parliament that “Russia might be crumbled up like a sheet of brown paper,” issued a pamphlet maintaining that Russia was unconquerable, and that peace must be made with her own terms.  Yet a month did not collapse before the Czar made known his readiness to accept terms which not only conceded all the points originally in dispute, but others of a yet more humiliating character.  Just so did the Mexicans.  One of their last acts before submission was to create a Dictator, with absolute power for everything except submission; and a proclamation to the provinces, declaring resistance to the death.  This access of new defiance just before succumbing is perfectly natural.  The pride of the worsted party is always the last quality to yield.  It rallies when the strength no longer can.  It is the return of the spirit upon itself when the arm droops—a self-assertion, or self-protest of the soul, Necessarily incident, perhaps to its superiority over the flesh, but for all that, perfectly useless.  We don’t call such exhibitions mere bravado.  They are not.  On the contrary, they are the most apt to be seen in those who are most truly brave.  The higher in the spirit, the sharper the recoil.  At no time have our rebels protested stronger that they will never submit than they are now doing.  Jeff. Davis said the other day with unusual emphasis that “We will have extermination or independence.”  He felt so, undoubtedly; but the truth is, he neither.  His people will not take the one, and we have no intentions to give the other.  Precisely as Tennessee and Louisiana, and Arkansas have neither extermination of independence, so will it be with all the remaining eight States of the so-called Confederacy.  The twenty five millions of loyal states have the ability to overcome the remaining strength of this rebellion.  They mean to do it.  When it is done these people will do precisely what every other people at war have done when their strength was gone—they will submit.  They will yield when exhausted—will stop fighting when they can fight no longer.  All this talk about “extermination” is natural enough, and, after a fashion, credible, but it amounts to nothing.  It will not give these rebels on breath the more or less.  “The thing which hath been, it is that which shall be, and there is no new thing under the sun”—not even under this remarkable southern sun of ours.  We attempt no prediction when this submission will come through it sometimes seems to us that it cannot be far at farthest.  If it is certain that the rebellion has been greatly weakened in fighting material, and that the disparity between its available force and our own is daily becoming greater.  There are those who believe that even now it is sustained only by the hope the last draft ordered by President Lincoln will not be sustained by the Northern people and that he himself will be repudiated at the election in November.  It is expected by some who call themselves close observers, that the rebels will give up the fight next Winter, if this hope of theirs is not realized.  The submission my occur than, and it may not.  It is impossible to tell.  But the particular time is of no essential consequence.  It is enough to know that it must come sooner or later: and just as soon as the warning strength of the rebels comes to the point of exhaustion.  It would appear that we ought to expect an earlier submission than in the other wars we have averted to, because that submission involves no hard terms—nothing but a resumption of equal rights under the same broad Constitution.  But perhaps this rational inducement may have no such effect.  We do not calculate upon it.  We simply affirm that these rebels will succumb sooner than be exterminated, and that this yielding will be preceded by strong talk, and be sudden when it comes.  N. Y. Times.

SOURCES: “A New Lesson on Dying in the Last Ditch,” Janesville Daily Gazette, Janesville, Wisconsin, Thursday, September 15, 1864, p. 2; “A New Lesson on Dying in the Last Ditch,” The Tiffin Tribune, Tiffin, Ohio, Thursday, September 22, 1864, p. 1, “Highly Pertinent,” Detroit Free Press, Detroit, Michigan, Saturday, August 27, 1864, p. 2.

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 9, 1863

The President's message is not regarded with much favor by the croakers. The long complaint against foreign powers for not recognizing us is thought in bad taste, since all the points nearly had been made in a previous message. They say it is like abusing a society for not admitting one within its circle as well as another. The President specifies no plan to cure the redundancy of the currency. He is opposed to increasing the pay of the soldiers, and absolutely reproaches the soldiers of the left wing of Bragg's army with not performing their whole duty in the late battle.

Mr. Foote denounced the President to-day. He said he had striven to keep silent, but could not restrain himself while his State was bleeding—our disasters being all attributable by him to the President, who retained incompetent or unworthy men in command, etc.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 112-3

Major-General Henry W. Halleck to Brigadier-General Don Carlos Buell, February 7, 1862

SAINT Louis, February 7, 1862.

Brig. Gen. D.C. BUELL, Louisville, Ky.:

GENERAL: My telegrams of to-day are so full that I have very little to add in answer to your letter of the 5th. You say you regret that we could not have consulted on this move earlier. So do I, most sincerely. I had no idea of commencing the movement before the 15th or the 20th instant till I received General McClellan's telegram about the re-enforcement sent to Tennessee or Kentucky with Beauregard. Although not ready, I deemed it important to move instantly. I believe I was right. We must hold. Fort Henry must be held at all hazards. I am sending there every man I can get hold of, without regard to the consequences of abandoning posts in this State. If the rebels rise, I will put them down afterwards. Grant's force is small—only 15,000. Eight thousand more are on the way to re-enforce him. If we can sustain ourselves and advance up the Cumberland or Tennessee, Bowling Green must be abandoned. I suppose the mud there, as it is here, is too deep for movements outside of railroads and rivers.

The enemy has the railroads, and we must use the rivers—at least for the present. Unfortunately our gunboats are badly disabled. They will be repaired as soon as possible. In the mean time we must push on with infantry and artillery on transports I have no train, and most of the regiments are without means of transportation on land. I hope you will help us all you can. I deem the holding of Fort Henry of vital importance to both of us.

I write in great haste, but you will understand the purport of what I wish to express.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

 H. W. HALLECK,   

 Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 593

Major-General Henry W. Halleck to Major-General George B. McClellan, February 7, 1862

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI,         

Saint Louis, February 7, 1862.

Major-General MCCLELLAN,

Washington:

Fort Henry is ours. The flag of the Union is re-established on the soil of Tennessee. It will never be removed.

H. W. HALLECK,    

Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 590

Major-General William T. Sherman to Edward M. Stanton, June 15, 1864 – 6:30 p.m.

IN THE FIELD, June 15, 1864—6.30 p.m.  

(Received 12 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Washington, D. C.:

I will have the matter of Sturgis critically examined, and, if he be at fault, he shall have no mercy at my hands. I cannot but believe he had troops enough. I know I would have been willing to attempt the same task with that force; but Forrest is the very devil, and I think he has got some of our troops under cower. I have two officers at Memphis that will fight all the time—A. J. Smith and Mower. The latter is a young brigadier of fine promise, and I commend him to your notice. I will order them to make up a force and go out and follow Forrest to the death, if it cost 10,000 lives and breaks the Treasury. There never will be peace in Tennessee till Forrest is dead. We killed Bishop Polk yesterday, and have made good progress to-day, of which I will make a full report as soon as one of my aides comes from the extreme right flank. General Grant may rest easy that Joe Johnston will not trouble him, if I can help it by labor or thought.

W. T. SHERMAN,    

Major-General, Commanding.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 38, Part 4 (Serial No. 75), p. 480

Major-General Henry W. Halleck to Major-General Don Carlos Buell, March 14, 1862

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSISSPPI,        

Saint Louis, March 14, 1862.

Major-General BUELL, Nashville:

A diving-boat will be sent up the Cumberland as soon as possible. The enemy has a large force at Island No. 10, and holds on with great tenacity. The position is turned, and will soon be attacked.

I am satisfied that the enemy's present line of defense extends from Decatur to Island No. 10. We must attack it in the center, say at Corinth or Jackson. General Smith has established himself at Savannah. I think all your available force not required to defend Nashville should be sent up the Tennessee. This seems to be the best line of operations, as it leads directly to the enemy's center, and is easily supplied. Give me your views.

H. W. HALLECK,    

Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 10, Part 2 (Serial No. 11), p. 38

George L. Stearns, writing from Nashville, Tennessee, September 6, 1863

I had a long talk with several influential men here last evening — I think it will result in an effort on their part to destroy slavery in Tennessee. They are in terrible earnest.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 309

Governor Isham G. Harris to Simon Cameron, April 17, 1861

NASHVILLE, TENN., April 17, 1861.

Hon. SIMON CAMERON,

Secretary of War:

SIR: Your dispatch of 15th instant, informing me that Tennessee is called upon for two regiments of militia for immediate service, is received. Tennessee will not furnish a single man for purpose of coercion, but 50,000, if necessary, for the defense of our rights and those of our Southern brethren.

ISHAM G. HARRIS,            

Governor of Tennessee.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 1 (Serial No. 122), p. 81

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, September 11, 1863

Camp White, September 11, 1863.

Dearest: — Glad to get letters both from you and Mother last night. Bless the boys, how they must enjoy their first family visit to their new home! I would be as happy as any of them to be there.

We hear good news from Burnside in Tennessee. If true it makes it more desirable that you should come here soon. If he moves along the railroad into southwestern Virginia, we are likely to push forward to cooperate, in which case we shall probably get too far into Dixie for our families to winter with us. I will notify you if anything occurs to make it imprudent for you to be here a couple of weeks hence. This is the month in which the Rebels can come into the valley with the least difficulty on the score of supplies, but I don't think they will come. If there is a probability of it, I will telegraph Uncle Scott in time to stop your coming, or have Captain Zimmerman stop you at Gallipolis. I do not decide against the boys coming, but as you will be compelled to come to Gallipolis by railroad and stage (steamers don't run on the Ohio now) and will perhaps only remain a fortnight or so, it will perhaps be as well not to bring them. If after you reach here it turns out that we shall winter in the valley, I shall send for Mother Webb and all the boys and keep house, or you can go back after them. In that case you can rent the house, or if you prefer to winter at Fremont or in Chillicothe, in case you can't do so here, you may rent the house at once.

My reason for wanting you to come here as soon as you are through visiting at Fremont, is, that perhaps we shall be ordered forward as soon as east Tennessee is firmly in our possession. I think, however, the chances are in favor of our wintering on the Kanawha.

Get me a lot of silk handkerchiefs and about three or four pair stockings, not very heavy, but so-so. You can get them at Fremont and do it before you forget.

Mrs. Comly is greatly pleased with the prospect of your coming so soon. Mrs. Ellen is expected soon. She is supposed to be on some sandbar between here and Cincinnati on the Ohio, praying for a rise of water. Mrs. Barrett is the only other officer's wife now here and she talks of going home in a fortnight. . . .

Let me know by telegraph when you will be at Gallipolis and the doctor or some one will come there after you.

Since writing we have further news of gratifying successes in east Tennessee. If all continues to go well there, it increases the chances of a forward movement here, and furnishes additional reason for you to come on soon before it is too late. — Love to all.

Affectionately,

R.

P. S. — You may get me a good pair of gloves — citizens’, not gauntlets — warm.

Mrs. Hayes,

Fremont, Ohio.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 434-5

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 16, 1863

No battle had occurred in Northern Virginia up to 10 o'clock yesterday morning, although there is a constant stream of prisoners being sent to this city daily, taken by our cavalry. At last accounts Meade's army was retreating toward Washington City, hotly pursued by Lee. They were near Manassas, the first battle-field of the war.

There is nothing new from the West, except some skirmishing of cavalry in Central and Western Tennessee, wherein our men have had the advantage, though sometimes falling back before superior numbers.

At Charleston a brisk cannonading is kept up between the batteries; and it is said more hostile transports are arriving, which may indicate active operations on land. Our 700-pounder Blakely No. 2 is there.

Judge Campbell is giving passports rapidly, sometimes binding the Jews not to engage in private operations, but to confine themselves, while in the United States, to the purchase of supplies for the Confederate States service! Some, however, are willing to go on these terms to avoid conscription, but will realize profit by selling information to the enemy.

Judge Hastings, of California, proposes to return thither and publish a pamphlet describing newly discovered gold mines, and organizing companies to work them, which shall be secessionists; and when organized, he will fall upon and destroy the United States troops, march into Arizona, and from thence pour reinforcements into Texas. The Secretary, in the absence of the President, sends a copy of this scheme to Lieut.-Gen. E. K. Smith, trans-Mississippi Department, and gives some encouragement to the judge; abstaining, however, for the present, from devoting any money to the project.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 72

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 6, 1863

Gen. Bragg and others recommend Gen. Hood for promotion to a lieutenant-generalcy; but the President says it is impossible, as the number authorized by Congress is full. And Gen. Bragg also gives timely notice to the Commissary-General that the supplies at Atlanta will suffice for but a few weeks longer. This, Commissary-General Northrop took in high dudgeon, indorsing on the paper that there was no necessity for such a message to him; that Bragg knew very well that every effort had been and would be made to subsist the army; and that when he evacuated Tennessee, the great source of supplies was abandoned. In short, the only hope of obtaining ample supplies was for Gen. Bragg to recover Tennessee, and drive Rosecrans out of the country.

The President has at last consented to send troops for the protection of Wilmington — Martin's brigade; and also Clingman's, from Charleston, if the enemy should appear before Wilmington.

I read to-day an interesting report from one of our secret agents — Mr. A. Superviele — of his diplomatic operations in Mexico, which convinces me that the French authorities there favor the Confederate States cause, and anticipate closer relations before long. When he parted with Almonte, the latter assured him that his sympathies were with the South, and that if he held any position in the new government (which he does now) he might say to President Davis that his influence would be exerted for the recognition of our independence.

Mr. Jeptha Fowlkes, of Aberdeen, Miss., sends a proposition to supply our army with 200,000 suits of clothing, 50,000 pairs of shoes, etc. etc. from the United States, provided he be allowed to give cotton in return. Mr. Randolph made a contract with him last year, of this nature, which our government revoked afterward. We shall see what will be done now.

It is positively asserted that Gen. Bragg has arrested Lieut. Gen. (Bishop) Polk and Brig.-Gen. Hindman, for disobedience of orders in the battle of Chickamauga.

Letter From President Davis. — The Mobile papers publish the following letter from President Davis to the "Confederate Society," of Enterprise, Miss.:

Jefferson Davis to J. W. Harmon, September 17, 1863

There is a revival in the city among the Methodists; and that suggests a recent expiring. In my young days I saw much of these sensational excitements, and partook of them: for how can the young resist them? But it is the Cesarean method of being born again, violating reason, and perhaps outraging nature. There was one gratifying deduction derived from my observation tonight, at the Clay Street meeting-house — the absence of allusion to the war. I had supposed the attempt would be made by the exhorters to appeal to the fears of the soldiery, composing more than half the congregation, and the terrors of death be held up before them. But they knew better; they knew that every one of them had made up his mind to die, and that most of them expected either death or wounds in this mortal struggle for independence. The fact is they are familiar with death in all its phases, and there is not a coward among them. They look upon danger with the most perfect indifference, and fear not to die. Hence there was no allusion to the battle-field, which has become a scene divested of novelty. But the appeals were made to their sympathies, and reliance was placed on the force of example, and the contagion of ungovernable emotions.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 62-4

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: September 15, 1863

Gov. Vance writes that he has reliable information that the 30,000 troops in New York, ostensibly to enforce the draft, are intended for a descent on North Carolina, and Gen. Whiting has said repeatedly that 3000 could take Wilmington. The Governor says if North Carolina be occupied by the enemy, Virginia and the whole Confederacy will be lost, for all communication now, by rail, is through that State.

Gen. Sam. Jones writes from Abingdon, Va., that from his information he does not doubt Cumberland Gap and its garrison capitulated on the 9th inst. He calls lustily for reinforcements, and fears the loss of everything, including the salt works, if he be not reinforced. Well, he will be reinforced!

Gov. (just elected) R. L. Caruthers (of Tennessee) begs that 20,000 men from Lee's army be sent out on Rosecrans's left flank to save Tennessee, which alone can save the Confederacy. Well, they have been sent!

There must be a “fight or a foot-race” soon in Northern Georgia, and also in Virginia, on the Rappahannock. May God defend the right! If we deserve independence, I think we shall achieve it. If God be not for us, we must submit to His will.

Major Huse is buying and shipping 2000 tons saltpetre, besides millions of dollars worth of arms and stores. If we can keep Wilmington, we can send out cotton and bring in supplies without limit.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 44-5