The Darien [Georgia] Resolutions, January 18, 1775

IN THE DARIEN COMMITTEE,        

Thursday, January 18, 1775.

When the most valuable privileges of a people are invaded, not only by open violence, but by every kind of fraud, sophistry, and cunning, it behooves very individual to be on his guard, and every member of society, like beacons in a country surrounded by enemies, to give the alarm, not only when their liberties in general are attacked, but separately, lest a precedent in one may affect the whole; and to enable the collective wisdom of such people to judge of its consequences, and how far their respective grievances concern all, or should be opposed, to preserve their necessary union.

Every laudable attempt of this kind by the good people of this Colony, in a Constitutional manner, hath been hitherto frustrated by the influence and authority of men in office, and their numerous dependents, and in every other natural and just way, by the various arts they have put in practice.

We, therefore, the representatives of the extensive district of Darien, in the Colony of Georgia, being now assembled in Congress by the authority and free choice of the inhabitants of the said district, now freed from their fetters, do resolve

First, That the unparalleled moderation, the decent, but firm and manly conduct of the loyal and brave people of Boston and Massachusetts Bay, to preserve their liberty, deserve not only the applause and thanks of all Americans, but also the imitation of all mankind. But to avoid needless repetition, we acquiesce and join in all the resolutions passed by the Grand American Congress in Philadelphia, last October. We thank them for their sage counsel and advice, and most heartily and cheerfully accede to the association entered into by them, as the wisest and most moderate measure that could be adopted in our present circumstances to reconcile and firmly unite Great Britain and the colonies, so indispensably necessary to each other, by the surest and best basis, mutual interest. But as the wisest counsels upon earth are liable to the errors of humanity, and notwithstanding our reverence and partiality for that august Assembly, we beg leave to differ from them in opinion, charging the unjust measures of the present and preceding ministry to a person qualified rather for a private than a public station; and as the resentment of his countrymen on a former occasion was raised by the illiberal and unjust abuse of them indiscriminately, for the faults of that man, we humbly presume the renewing it at this time, on so little foundation, at least impolitic, being confident that every member of that late wise, patriotic, and truly honourable Congress, from a principle of candour and justice, will rather commend than blame our honest and well-meant freedom.

Second, That in shutting up our land offices, with the intention of raising our quit-rents, and setting up our lands at public sale, representations of the Crown tract have not been duly considered and attended to in all its consequences to this vast continent; that it is a principal part of the unjust system of politics adopted by the present ministry to subject and enslave us, and evidently proceeds from an ungenerous jealousy of the colonies, to prevent as much as possible the population of America, and the relief of the poor and distressed in Great Britain, and elsewhere, for whom a kind Providence has opened a new world from the merciless oppressors, when the old is overcome with such monsters.

That monopolizing our lands into few hands, is forming and encouraging petty tyrants to lord it over us, or to reside in any other part of the world in extravagance, luxury, and folly, by the fruit of our labour and industry. Such oppressors neither we nor our fathers were able to bear, and it drove us to the wilderness, and that all encouragement should be given to the poor of every nation by every generous American.

Third, That ministerial mandates, under the name of instructions, preventing the legal representatives of the people to enact laws suiting their own respective situations and circumstances, are a general grievance, and more especially to this young colony, where our internal police is not yet well settled; and as a proof of the intention of these restrictions, when time and opportunity offer, we point out particularly, amongst many others of like nature, the not suffering us to limit the term of our Assembly, or passing a quit-rent law to ascertain and fix the most valuable part of our property.

Fourth, That an over proportion of officers for the number of inhabitants, and paying the salaries from Britain, so much cast up to us by Court parasites, and for which we are so often charged with ingratitude, are, in truth, real and great grievances, rendering them insolent and regardless of their conduct, being independent of the people, who should support them according to their usefulness and behaviour, and for whose benefit and conveniency alone they were originally intended. That besides these exorbitant salaries, which enable them all to act by deputies, whilst they wallow in luxury themselves, their combining to raise their exorbitant and illegal fees and perquisites by various acts upon the subject to an alarming height, are more dangerous to our liberties than a regular army, having the means of corruption so much in their power, the danger of which is exemplified in the present unhappy state of our brethren and fellow-subjects in Great Britain. To prevent, therefore, as much as in us lies, these direful effects, we do resolve never to choose any person in public office, his deputy, deputies, or any expectant, to represent us in Assembly, or in any other public place in our election, hoping the example will be followed throughout this colony, and in all America.

Fifth. To show the world that we are not influenced by any contracted or interested motives, but a general philanthropy for all mankind, of whatever climate, language, or complexion, we hereby declare our disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural practice of slavery in America (however the uncultivated state of our country, or other specious arguments may plead for it)—a practice founded in injustice and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our liberties (as well as lives), debasing part of our fellow-creatures below men, and corrupting the virtue and morals of the rest; and is laying the basis of that liberty we contend for (and which we pray the Almighty to continue to the latest posterity) upon a very wrong foundation. We therefore resolve at al times to use our utmost endeavors for the manumission of our slaves in this Colony, upon the most safe and equitable footing for the masters and themselves.

Sixth, That we do hereby choose Messrs. to represent us for this district in the Provincial Congress at Savannah, the 18th instant, or at any other time and place appointed hereafter, for the space of one year from this day, and that a copy of these resolutions be given them, as expressing the sense of this district of public grievances, which will serve for their direction and instructions; and it is further our desire that our said deputies shall use their endeavours to send two delegates to the General Continental Congress, to be held at Philadelphia next May.

ASSOCIATION.

Being persuaded that the salvation of the rights and liberties of America depend, under God, on the firm union of the inhabitants in its vigorous prosecution of the measures necessary for its safety, and convinced of the necessity of preventing the anarchy and confusion which attend the dissolution of the powers of governments, we, the freemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of the Province of Georgia, being greatly alarmed at the avowed design of the Ministry to raise à revenue in America, and shocked by the bloody scene now acting in the Massachusetts Bay, do in the most solemn manner resolve never to become slaves, and do associate, under all the ties of religion, honor, and love of country, to adopt and endeavor to carry into execution whatever may be recommended by the Continental Congress or resolved upon by our Provincial Convention that shall be appointed for the purpose of preserving our Constitution, and opposing the execution of the several arbitrary and oppressive acts of the British Parliament, until a reconciliation between Great Britain and America on Constitutional principles, which we most ardently desire, can be obtained; and that we will in all things follow the advice of our General Committee to be appointed, respecting the purposes aforesaid-the preservation of peace and good order and the safety of individuals and private property.

Signed by

Lach’n Mcintosh,

Geo. Threadcraft,

Charles Mcdonald,

John Mcintosh,

Raymond Demere,

Jiles Moore,

Samuel Mocleland,

Richard Cooper,

Seth Mocollugh,

Isaac Hall,

Thomas King,

John Roland,

P. Shuttleworth,

Josep. Slobe,

James Newson,

A. D. Cuthbert,

John Hall,

Jno. Mccullugh, Sen.,

Peter Sallers, Jun.,

James Clark,

Jno. Witherspoon, Jun'r,

Jno. Witherspoon,

Jno. Fulton,

Samuel Fulton,

Isaao Cuthbert,

Jno. Mccolluga, Jun'r,

Wm. Mccollugh,

R. Shuttleworth,

John Mccleland,

SOURCES: George White, Historical Collections of Georgia, p.554-6; Daniel Reaves Goodloe, The Birth of the Republic, p. 340-2; Peter Force, American Archives: Fourth Series, Volume 1, p. 1135-7

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 21, 1863

To-day we have an account of the burning of Darien, Ga. The temptation is strong for our army to retaliate on the soil of Pennsylvania.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 357

Major Charles Fessenden Morse: November 28, 1863

Tullahoma, Tenn., November 28, 1863.

We are in the midst of exciting news from the front, yet we have had no particulars. It is evident, however, that we have taken several thousand prisoners and a large quantity of artillery.*

Since the fight at Wauhatchie, there has been no slurring of the Army of the Potomac men. That little affair was a great thing for us. By our own and rebel accounts, there is no doubt that our men fought most gallantly there against superior numbers of their old antagonists.

Every train that comes from the South brings a load of prisoners or wounded men, and rumors that fighting is still going on at the front. It seems to me, now, for the first time since the war began, that the rebellion is nearly crushed. They have not met with any very decisive success for nearly six months, and are now contracted into the smallest territory they have ever occupied.

Atlanta is our important point now; get that, and we have again cut the Confederacy in two, and in a vital place What a glorious thing it would be if we could wind up this rebellion before our original three years are out! It would exceed all my expectations to do this.

Thanksgiving Day was a very pleasant one, warm and bright as May. I took an escort of half a dozen cavalry and rode down to the regiment, which is about ten miles from here. I found them camped very comfortably just outside strong earthworks built to command the railroad bridge over the Elk river. Colonel Coggswell is in command of the post and has a battery in addition to his regiment. lie has made himself very strong, and could defend the place against a large force.

I took a very quiet dinner with the field and staff. Of course we could not help thinking of our other Thanksgiving Days in the regiment, and it brought up many sad memories. At our first dinner at Seneca, Maryland, all our old officers were present; last year there had been many changes, but there were still left a goodly number of the old stock, and we were knit closer together by our losses. This year I couldn't help a feeling of desolation as I remembered that, of all my friends in the regiment, very few were left. How little I thought, when we left Camp Andrews, that we should have such a sad experience!

In looking over his trunks for a photograph, Colonel Coggswell found a letter that had come for me while I was in Massachusetts; he gave it to me, and I found the address was in Bob Shaw's writing. You can imagine how glad I was to get it. I always thought it a little strange that he had not answered my last letter. I opened it the first chance I got. It was mostly a description of his movements to Darien and other places; but at the close he spoke in a very feeling way of our friendship and intimacy, and of his happiness since his marriage. It was written on the 3rd of July; in it he asked to be remembered to Robeson, Mudge, and Tom Fox; little did he think that, at the moment he wrote, one of them was lying dead on the field of battle, and the other two suffering with mortal wounds.

The men of the regiment had a very pleasant day; they had plenty of geese and turkeys for dinner, and in the evening the brigade band came down from Tullahoma, and gave them some music. I am glad that our men have each been able to keep this day somewhat as if they had been at home.

I stayed next morning and saw guard mounting done as it is done nowhere else, and then rode back here again.

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* The battles of Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 158-60

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to William Whiting, June 26, 1863

Camp Near Poolesville,

Headquarters 2d Mass. Cavalry, June 26,1863.

Hon. William Whiting, Solicitor Of War Department:

Dear Sir, — Have you seen in the newspapers (our own and the rebel) the account of the destruction of Darien by our black troops, — a deserted town burned in apparent wantonness? If this were done by order, I cannot think that the effect of such orders has been duly considered. I know how constantly you have been in favour of employing negroes as soldiers, and how much you have done to aid it, and I write in the hope that, if you find my views just, you may some time help to prevent the repetition of such expeditions.

If burning and pillaging is to be the work of our black regiments, no first-rate officers will be found to accept promotion in them, — it is not war, it is piracy more outrageous than that of Semmes.¹ Without first-rate officers (and even with them) expeditions in which pillaging is attempted by order will infallibly degenerate into raids in which indiscriminate pillaging will be the rule, and, instead of finding ourselves at the end of the summer with an army of disciplined blacks, we shall have a horde of savages not fit to fight alongside of our white troops, if fit to fight at all. Public opinion is not yet decided in favour of black troops; it is merely suspended, in order to see the experiment tried. I do not believe it can be made favourable to their employment if it sees only such results as these: unfavourable public opinion will still further increase the difficulty of getting good officers, — and so on ad infinitum.

Of the absolute right and wrong of the case, I say nothing, — and of the effect upon the black race, — for those are outside questions: but in a military point of view, I think the net result of Darien expeditions will be against us. Expeditions to help off negroes and to interfere with corn crops are too important a mode of injuring the rebels to be neglected: if made by well-disciplined blacks, kept always well in hand, they could be carried far into the interior and made of great service; but troops demoralized by pillage and by the fear of retaliation, which would be the natural consequence of such pillage, will not often venture out of sight of gunboats. I have done what I could for the coloured regiments by recommending the best officers of my acquaintance for promotion in them, and I was very sorry to see that one Company of our Fifty-Fourth Regiment (in which I had taken an especial interest) was at Darien: I can fancy the feelings of the officers. This is written in haste, and is written loosely, but I wanted to call your attention to the matter. Always with respect and regard,

Your obedient servant,

C. R. Lowell, Jr.

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¹ Semmes commanded the rebel privateer Alabama, which did enormous mischief to our commerce, by burning ships at sea.

Colonel Lowell was, in the following year, obliged, under orders of Grant and Sheridan, to take part in the wholesale destruction of crops and factories, and driving off of cattle in the Shenandoah Valley, but this was an important strategic measure to cut off supplies from a great storehouse and highway of the Confederate armies.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 265-7, 427-8

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, June 24, 1863

June 24, Near Rockville, 9 P. M.

I wish I had received your letter of Monday three hours earlier. I would certainly have called on Stanton and made a strong case against land piracy. I went into town on business and had just time to call on Henry Higginson (who is going home to-morrow) when I learned that orders had been sent me to move camp to Poolesville, and picket the Potomac from the mouth of the Monocacy to Great Falls. I got your letter about an hour before starting. Poor Rob, — it is very trying indeed. I think Governor Andrew might easily be persuaded to remonstrate against such usage of Massachusetts troops. I have not quite decided whether or no, as an officer of the army much interested in black troops, I might not properly write to Stanton on the strength of what I have seen in the paper about Darien.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 264

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, June 20, 1863

Camp BrIghtwood, A. M., June 20, 1863.

I look for a general action soon, — and shall not be surprised if Lee has Washington by August 1st. Don't think me gloomy, — I should regard the loss of Washington as the greatest gain of the war.

I don't wonder Rob feels badly about this burning and plundering, — it is too bad. In stead of improving the negro character and educating him for a civilized independence, we are re-developing all his savage instincts. I hope when the Fifty-Fifth goes down there, they may be able to make a change in negro warfare. Such a gentle fellow as Rob must be peculiarly disturbed about it.¹

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¹ One company of the Fifty-Fourth Massachusetts Regiment had been part of a force under Colonel Montgomery, an old Kansas fighter, which had burned the village of Darien, Georgia. See Colonel Lowell's letter of June 26, to Hon. William Whiting of Massachusetts.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 261-2