When the most valuable privileges of a people are invaded,
not only by open violence, but by every kind of fraud, sophistry, and cunning,
it behooves very individual to be on his guard, and every member of society,
like beacons in a country surrounded by enemies, to give the alarm, not only
when their liberties in general are attacked, but separately, lest a precedent
in one may affect the whole; and to enable the collective wisdom of such people
to judge of its consequences, and how far their respective grievances concern
all, or should be opposed, to preserve their necessary union.
Every laudable attempt of this kind by the good people of
this Colony, in a Constitutional manner, hath been hitherto frustrated by the
influence and authority of men in office, and their numerous dependents, and in
every other natural and just way, by the various arts they have put in
practice.
We, therefore, the representatives of the extensive district
of Darien, in the Colony of Georgia, being now assembled in Congress by the
authority and free choice of the inhabitants of the said district, now freed
from their fetters, do resolve
First, That the unparalleled moderation, the decent, but
firm and manly conduct of the loyal and brave people of Boston and
Massachusetts Bay, to preserve their liberty, deserve not only the applause and
thanks of all Americans, but also the imitation of all mankind. But to avoid
needless repetition, we acquiesce and join in all the resolutions passed by the
Grand American Congress in Philadelphia, last October. We thank them for their
sage counsel and advice, and most heartily and cheerfully accede to the
association entered into by them, as the wisest and most moderate measure that
could be adopted in our present circumstances to reconcile and firmly unite
Great Britain and the colonies, so indispensably necessary to each other, by
the surest and best basis, mutual interest. But as the wisest counsels upon
earth are liable to the errors of humanity, and notwithstanding our reverence
and partiality for that august Assembly, we beg leave to differ from them in
opinion, charging the unjust measures of the present and preceding ministry to
a person qualified rather for a private than a public station; and as the
resentment of his countrymen on a former occasion was raised by the illiberal
and unjust abuse of them indiscriminately, for the faults of that man, we
humbly presume the renewing it at this time, on so little foundation, at least
impolitic, being confident that every member of that late wise, patriotic, and
truly honourable Congress, from a principle of candour and justice, will rather
commend than blame our honest and well-meant freedom.
Second, That in shutting up our land offices, with the
intention of raising our quit-rents, and setting up our lands at public sale,
representations of the Crown tract have not been duly considered and attended
to in all its consequences to this vast continent; that it is a principal part
of the unjust system of politics adopted by the present ministry to subject and
enslave us, and evidently proceeds from an ungenerous jealousy of the colonies,
to prevent as much as possible the population of America, and the relief of the
poor and distressed in Great Britain, and elsewhere, for whom a kind Providence
has opened a new world from the merciless oppressors, when the old is overcome
with such monsters.
That monopolizing our lands into few hands, is forming and encouraging
petty tyrants to lord it over us, or to reside in any other part of the world
in extravagance, luxury, and folly, by the fruit of our labour and industry.
Such oppressors neither we nor our fathers were able to bear, and it drove us
to the wilderness, and that all encouragement should be given to the poor of
every nation by every generous American.
Third, That ministerial mandates, under the name of
instructions, preventing the legal representatives of the people to enact laws
suiting their own respective situations and circumstances, are a general
grievance, and more especially to this young colony, where our internal police
is not yet well settled; and as a proof of the intention of these restrictions,
when time and opportunity offer, we point out particularly, amongst many others
of like nature, the not suffering us to limit the term of our Assembly, or
passing a quit-rent law to ascertain and fix the most valuable part of our
property.
Fourth, That an over proportion of officers for the number
of inhabitants, and paying the salaries from Britain, so much cast up to us by
Court parasites, and for which we are so often charged with ingratitude, are,
in truth, real and great grievances, rendering them insolent and regardless of
their conduct, being independent of the people, who should support them
according to their usefulness and behaviour, and for whose benefit and
conveniency alone they were originally intended. That besides these exorbitant
salaries, which enable them all to act by deputies, whilst they wallow in
luxury themselves, their combining to raise their exorbitant and illegal fees
and perquisites by various acts upon the subject to an alarming height, are
more dangerous to our liberties than a regular army, having the means of corruption
so much in their power, the danger of which is exemplified in the present
unhappy state of our brethren and fellow-subjects in Great Britain. To prevent,
therefore, as much as in us lies, these direful effects, we do resolve never to
choose any person in public office, his deputy, deputies, or any expectant, to
represent us in Assembly, or in any other public place in our election, hoping
the example will be followed throughout this colony, and in all America.
Fifth. To show the world that we are not influenced by any
contracted or interested motives, but a general philanthropy for all mankind,
of whatever climate, language, or complexion, we hereby declare our
disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural practice of slavery in America
(however the uncultivated state of our country, or other specious arguments may
plead for it)—a practice founded in injustice and cruelty, and highly dangerous
to our liberties (as well as lives), debasing part of our fellow-creatures
below men, and corrupting the virtue and morals of the rest; and is laying the
basis of that liberty we contend for (and which we pray the Almighty to
continue to the latest posterity) upon a very wrong foundation. We therefore
resolve at al times to use our utmost endeavors for the manumission of our
slaves in this Colony, upon the most safe and equitable footing for the masters
and themselves.
Sixth, That we do hereby choose Messrs. to represent us for
this district in the Provincial Congress at Savannah, the 18th instant, or at
any other time and place appointed hereafter, for the space of one year from
this day, and that a copy of these resolutions be given them, as expressing the
sense of this district of public grievances, which will serve for their
direction and instructions; and it is further our desire that our said deputies
shall use their endeavours to send two delegates to the General Continental
Congress, to be held at Philadelphia next May.
ASSOCIATION.
Being persuaded that the salvation of the rights and
liberties of America depend, under God, on the firm union of the inhabitants in
its vigorous prosecution of the measures necessary for its safety, and
convinced of the necessity of preventing the anarchy and confusion which attend
the dissolution of the powers of governments, we, the freemen, freeholders, and
inhabitants of the Province of Georgia, being greatly alarmed at the avowed
design of the Ministry to raise à revenue in America, and shocked by the bloody
scene now acting in the Massachusetts Bay, do in the most solemn manner resolve
never to become slaves, and do associate, under all the ties of religion,
honor, and love of country, to adopt and endeavor to carry into execution
whatever may be recommended by the Continental Congress or resolved upon by our
Provincial Convention that shall be appointed for the purpose of preserving our
Constitution, and opposing the execution of the several arbitrary and
oppressive acts of the British Parliament, until a reconciliation between Great
Britain and America on Constitutional principles, which we most ardently
desire, can be obtained; and that we will in all things follow the advice of
our General Committee to be appointed, respecting the purposes aforesaid-the
preservation of peace and good order and the safety of individuals and private
property.
SOURCES: George White, Historical Collections of Georgia, p.554-6; Daniel Reaves Goodloe, The Birth of the Republic, p. 340-2; Peter Force, American Archives: Fourth Series, Volume 1, p. 1135-7
