On Wednesday evening Mrs. W. held a levee, which always disarranges. The
season has thus far been one of gaiety. Parties have been numerous. Late hours
I do not like, but I have a greater dislike to late dinners. The dinner parties
of Washington are to be deprecated always by those who regard health.
The President has communicated his movements tending to peace. Jeff Davis
has published the letter of Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell. They do not
materially differ. The prospect of peace does not seem nearer than before the
interview took place, yet I trust we are approximating the much desired result.
There are ultras among us who do not favor the cessation of hostilities except
on terms and conditions which make that event remote. A few leading radicals
are inimical to the Administration, and oppose all measures of the
Administration which are likely to effect an immediate peace. They are
determined that the States in rebellion shall not resume their position in the
Union except on new terms and conditions independent of those in the proposed Constitutional
Amendment. Wade in the Senate and Winter Davis in the House are leading spirits
in this disturbing movement. It is the positive element, violent without much
regard to Constitutional or State rights, — or any other rights indeed, except
such as they may themselves define or dictate.
Not much was done to-day at the Cabinet. Some discussion of general
matters. Speed suggested what if one of the States, Michigan for instance,
should decline to send Senators or Representatives to Congress, or take any
action of themselves in the conduct of the federal government; or supposing
Michigan were to take such action or non-action, and the western peninsula of
that State, being a minority, should non-concur with the State but persist in
being represented in Congress. In the course of the remarks, I inquired what
would be said or done provided any State should choose to adopt a different
organization from any that we now have, — for instance, combine the executive,
legislative, and judicial powers in the same hands, elect perhaps ten men and
have one go out yearly. The subjects were novel. The President thought there
were implied obligations on the part of each State to perform its duties to the
general government which they could not neglect or refuse.
We get as yet no Secretary of the Treasury. Fessenden is locum tenens,
reluctantly, I apprehend. The place is one which he does not like and cannot
fill, and he is aware of it. Nor is he a very useful man to devise measures in
council. He has ability as a critic and adviser but is querulous and angular.
Some allowance must be made for infirm health, which has sharpened a sometimes
unhappy temper. On two or three occasions he has manifested a passionate and
almost vindictive ferocity towards Preston King which surprised me. His ability
is acute rather than comprehensive. My intercourse with him has been pleasant,
but not very intimate. We must soon know his successor. Of all the men named,
Morgan is probably the best, and my impression is that he will finally be appointed.
Some will object because Seward is from the same State, but that is a frivolous
objection. I am not certain who the radicals are pressing for the place. They
will not be pleased with Morgan if S. remains, but who their favorite is I do
not learn.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the
Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866,
p. 238-40
