William T. Sherman to Thomas Ewing Jr., May 11, 1860

LOUISIANA STATE SEMINARY of Learning and Military Academy,        

Alexandria, May 11, 1860.

DEAR TOM: I have received one or two Leavenworth papers reminding me of the place, which I have read with interest, and I see that you and McCook¹ are still at work. I hope business goes prosperously; I suppose the Democratic Party does not love Kansas or its memory, and that some pretext will be sought out and found to keep her out of the Union till after the presidential election. The adjournment of the Convention in Charleston without a platform or nomination looks like a break up of the Democratic Party, and I have my fears of the consequences.

I know that our general government has not the moral or physical power to subdue a rebellion, and should one be attempted by Alabama, South Carolina or other extreme states I fear the consequences. Of course I would advocate the policy of force, for if a state may at its pleasure withdraw, leaving a gap in the seacoast or frontier, the government would not be worth preserving.

People here are somewhat troubled, they regard the Republican Party as hostile to their paramount interests, and their politicians might stir them up to resistance in the case of the election of an extreme Republican. I hope that party will [not] nominate Seward, but take up some man as McLean or Bates, who though Republicans are moderate men. I suppose your political success being based on the Republican success you will go in heart and hand to sustain the Chicago nominee, be he whom he may. John is of course committed beyond hope. That the physical and political power remains with the North is now manifest, but I hope that moderate counsels will prevail until that fact be more fixed and conceded.

I am getting along here very well, we have sixty-two cadets. Vacation is fixed for August 20 to November 1. I think I shall go for Ellen in September and return in October. I have just contracted for a good house to be built by October 15. Our institution is acting up to the expectations of the most sanguine, and the belief is that next year we will have one hundred fifty a number about as great as we can accommodate.

Thus far with the exception of a couple of weeks in April our weather is cool and pleasant. I still wear woolen clothes and sleep under a pair of blankets, but this is unusual and the crops, sugar, cotton, and corn are very backward. . .

_______________

¹ Ewing and McCook were former law partners of Sherman. – ED.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 212-3

George L. Stearns to Mary Hall Stearns, May 8, 1860

[May 8, 1860.]

Yesterday a black man was kidnapped from this place, which set the people in some commotion, but the real abolitionists are the exception. Have seen most of the latter class. They are a sturdy race.

Ames, the United States marshal who was shot at Topeka, was the same who previously tried to arrest Montgomery and there has been no second attempt, as I supposed, to arrest him. All is quiet here, and I do not think there will be any trouble in this territory this year. It is generally understood that it was an attempt on the part of the marshal to get some money, instead of which he got a ball.

Conway is here, but will leave with us for Chicago to attend the convention. I never saw him in so good health as at present. I am glad I came out here, and hope some time to come again with you. I think in another year we can accomplish it. They are having a fearful drought here. It has hardly rained at all since last September. Their winter wheat all dried up, and the corn does not even swell in the ground. If it continues there will be a famine here.

Of course all is dust, but it is not troublesome to me, at least as it would be to you. I send you samples of it in this paper, which was clean when I began to write.

May 9. So busy last night that I forgot to put this in the mail. My visit has been eminently successful, but not exactly as I supposed. I stay here to-day to get letters from home. Hope to get one from you.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 224-5

Salmon P. Chase to Joseph H. Bannett, Esq.,* May 30, 1860

Columbus, May 30, [I860.]

My Dear Sir, Your letter of the 22d reached me some days ago and I thank you for it. I have never doubted your friendship. You have given proofs of it when it was important & timely.

But you will pardon me, I hope, if I am entirely candid. It does seem to me that there are influences about the Gazette Office which are, without any reason, unfriendly. Before your return from Chicago a paragraph was copied from the Times of a very mean character — the object of which seemed to be to depreciate & vilify Elliott & Mullett and through them to disparage me. Now whatever may be said of the discretion of some of the acts and words of these gentlemen, they are undoubtedly active, earnest and hardworking Republicans and as such deserve recognition and respect. That they are friends of mine is, I hope, no crime. I am sure it is not in your estimation. I shall be sorry to think it is in the estimation of any of those connected with the Gazette. They are friends and I am grateful for their friendship. It was given early — from no personal motives, — and has been long continued. It is earnest, sincere and faithful. It does not make me responsible for all they do or say, or require my approval of all or any of their sayings or doings. But it does require me to reciprocate their good will; to give them credit for honorable motives; and to desire that they have like credit with others. Hence I was so sorry to see that article in the Gazette. I saw no good to come from it — but harm rather.

And to-day I find in the Gazette an extract from some correspondent which says that “Guthrie is playing the part of Chase at Chicago, who really had no chance but would not allow his state to vote for any but himself.” Is it right to give such a reference to me a conspicuous place in the Editorial columns of the Gazette? It may be that I had no chance at Chicago; but I suppose that nobody doubts that had the Ohio delegation manifested the same disregard of personal preferences, which was exhibited by the New York, Illinois and Missouri delegations, and given to me, as the nominee of Ohio, the same earnest and genuine support which was given to Mr. Seward, Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Bates by those delegations respectively, that my vote on the first ballot would have largely exceeded Mr. Lincoln's; and there are those who felt themselves constrained to vote for other candidates in consequence of the division of the Ohio delegation, who do not hesitate to give it as their judgment that had our delegation acted towards me in the same generous spirit which was manifested by the other delegations towards the candidates presented by their states, the nomination would have been given to Ohio. Be this as it may — and I am not at all sorry that the nomination fell to another since that other is so worthy — the fling of the correspondent is as ungenerous as it is injurious. No man knows better than you that I never sought to prevent the delegation from voting for anyone but myself. All I desired was unity and good faith. True I wanted no merely complimentary vote. When the Republicans of Ohio nominated me they contemplated no such child's play, hiding something; not much like child's play, for such play under such circumstances cannot be innocent. You saw, I presume, my letter to Mr. Eggleston. It expressed my real sentiments. The Convention had named me in good faith. There was no such reason to suppose that I could not be elected if nominated, as would make an earnest effort to give effect to the preference of the Ohio Convention, unpatriotic. Justice to me, I am not afraid to say that boldly — justice to me, no less than good faith to the Republicans of Ohio, demanded such — an effort. It is useless to discuss the causes why it was not made. Far however from desiring to control the delegation or any member of it in adhering to me, I should never have allowed my name to be presented at all had I anticipated the division which actually took place; so that in this as well as the other respect the allegation of the correspondent is as unjust as it is ungenerous. I repeat the expression of my regret that such things get into the Gazette.

I am ready to join with you in “endeavoring to remove all the old roots of bitterness growing out of diverse antecedents.” Such, in my administration of the State Government, was my constant endeavor. The result is seen in the present union and strength of the Republican Party in Ohio. Last winter and at Chicago however more of those “roots” were served up for my entertainment than suited either my palate or my digestion. I trust that as little similar entertainment may be offered hereafter as possible.

_______________

* From letter-book 7, pp. 66-68.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 286-8

Governor Salmon P. Chase to Senator Charles Sumner, February 14, 1860

Columbus, Feb. 14, I860.

Dear Sumner, Your congratulations, if not among the first, were by no means the least welcome; for I know the sincere & noble heart from which they came.

But I feel no pleasure in the thought of returning to the Senate. If circumstances warrant me in so doing I shall prefer to resign without taking my seat. These are days of too much concession to suit me.

We all remember you with love and admiration. Your picture hangs alone in my library over a framed autograph of Charles Carroll. It hangs with others, all of earnest men, in my dining room. I put them all up when I first opened my house, as a defiance to the proslavery men who would resist or debase republicanism — as symbols of my faith and my purposes.

Why should Seward retire from the Senate? Is he certain of the nomination at Chicago? I do not so read the signs exactly; but I shall not be disappointed, if such shall be the event. I look upon him as a great man, faithful to the cause of freedom & humanity, & worthy of any honor which can be conferred upon him. We don't agree in some views, but I should be ashamed of myself, if I could be moved to undervalue or decry him. On the contrary I heartily honor, & cheerfully praise &, if the Republicans choose him as their standard bearer, shall zealously support him.

Cordially your friend,

[SALMON P. CHASE.]

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 285-6

Governor Salmon P. Chase to Thomas Spooner, Esq.,* New York City, New York, December 18, 1859

Columbus, Dec 18, [1859.]

Dear Spooner: From what you say in yours of the 14th, I infer you had not received mine previously written to you. It was directed to Cincinnati, and perhaps it has since reached you.

I do not desire to be quoted as expressing any opinions as to time or place of holding the Convention, or as to the mode of its organization either in respect to membership or number of delegates — or mode of electing them. The reasons for my not desiring even to seem to influence members of the Convention are obvious.

You, as our Ohio member, have a right to my views, and I will give them to you briefly:

1st. The Convention should be held between the Alleghenys and the Mississippi. It would be best, I think, to hold it at Pittsburg, Wheeling, Cincinnati or Covington, but next best, to hold it at Columbus, Indianapolis, Springfield or St Louis. Among these next best places, my judgment would incline to Indianapolis.

2d. The Convention should be held soon after the Democratic. This, I think, would be best. No considerable harm would probably result, however, if not held till the 17th June, as in 1856.

3. The Convention should be composed of all who are opposed to the extention of Slavery beyond the limits of Slave States, and in favor of reform in National Administration. The call should be addressed to Republicans and all others, without distinction of party, willing to unite for these objects. A resolution should be adopted expressing the opinion of the Committee that the members of the People's party of New Jersey and Penn'a, and all citizens of other States holding similar political principles, are regarded as described in the call and invited to participate in the Convention, but the Call should not be addressed to those parties as such.

4. The Committees should apportion the delegates among the States by recommending the election of, say, four Senatorial delegates from each State, and one Representative from each Congressional District, and additional representatives from each Congressional District for each six or seven thousand votes cast for Republican candidates, and another for a majority fraction of that number. Votes for opposition or people's Candidates in New Jersey or Pennsylvania, and for Anti-Lecompton Democrats supported by the Republicans, should be counted the same as Republican votes.

5. The Committee should recommend, and strongly recommend, the election of Senatorial delegates by State Conventions, and of Representative Delegates by District Conventions.

I have no time to argue these views. I am, however, strong in the faith that their adoption would secure fairness and equal representation in the nomination — harmony and vigor in the support of the nominees — In what is now a duty — success not merely for our organization but for our principles — success, therefore, lasting and honorable.

Ashley, I understand, will represent Kentucky under Clay's proxy. You can show this letter to him and if you think proper to Mr. Willey or Mr. Howard of Connecticut. Let me hope that you and Ashley will act together. It is desirable, many ways.

_______________

* From letter book 7, pp. 61-62

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 283-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, January 22, 1864

Very little done at the Cabinet. Stanton, Usher, and myself were the only ones present. Some general talk and propositions. Last night the President gave a dinner to the members of the Cabinet, judges of the Supreme Court, and a few others, with their wives. It was pleasant. A little stiff and awkward on the part of some of the guests, but passed off very well.

The challenge of Fox has created some noise. When read in the Chamber of Commerce, Moses H. Grinnell appeared much disturbed, — said the Navy had no fast boats, the challenge was improper, undignified, etc. Moses unwittingly showed his true colors, — was drawn out. He has professed to be friendly, but I have not been deceived by him, for I have been satisfied that he was secretly inimical, though not with manly courage to avow it. Moses has been a successful merchant, and generous with his money in a certain way. He has some good and some weak qualities in his profession, but his great failing has been in political aspirations. With commercial party principles, no sound or correct knowledge of government, or of individual rights, he has hungered for office and believed that money ought to secure it. He has seen with envy the success of Morgan and some others, whom he believes no more capable or deserving than himself, and had hoped the change of administration would bring him into distinction. It had been his hope that Seward would have the nomination at Chicago, and he showed grief and great vexation as well as others over the result. When President Lincoln came to Washington, he was invited to, and did, breakfast with Moses at his house in New York. But these attentions failed to bring the coveted honors. He had been a large shipping merchant and why should he not be Collector or even take charge of the Navy. His friend Seward was in the Cabinet but from western New York. Moses lived in the city of New York, and was from New England. All did not answer. After the blockade was declared he came twice to Washington and wanted, evidently, to be consulted. On one, and perhaps both occasions, he brought with him C. H. Marshall, an old ship-master, opinionated, conceited, and infinitely worse than Grinnell. I treated them courteously, listened to their opinions, invited them to be communicative, but did not adopt their views. Marshall, however, declared himself well satisfied with what he understood to be the management of the Department, and Grinnell did not dissent. This was, I think, in May, 1861. Some two months, perhaps, later, Moses was again in Washington; wanted the Department to procure more vessels; urged the purchase of a fleet of merchant ships on which there might be placed a small armament to establish an efficient blockade. I gave but little attention to his advice or offers of service. Two good steamers in my opinion would be more effective than the sixty sailing vessels which he proposed to purchase. By the kindness of Mr. Seward he had an interview with the President and laid before him his plans. Charleston he would blockade with ten or a dozen ships lying off outside. I happened to enter the President's room about the time Grinnell was leaving, and he spoke quite oracularly about the “swash channel”'; repeated that expression several times. He knew the harbor and the “swash channel.” Could blockade it with ten or a dozen good ships. The President subsequently informed me of the plan of Mr. Grinnell, in the presence of the Secretary of State, and each of them kindly commended him. I told them I knew Mr. Grinnell well, but that my views did not correspond with his, and my arrangements were not such as would admit of employing him.

On several occasions since I have had the benefit of Mr. G.'s advice and promptings, but am not aware that I was ever benefited by either. His friend Marshall was sometimes artfully pushed forward and chafed into an abuse of me personally. It has been some time, however, since I have been assailed by him personally, and he does not appear to have united with Moses on this occasion.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 512-4

William Penn Clarke

WILLIAM PENN CLARKE was born in Baltimore, Maryland, October 1, 1817. At the age of fourteen he went to Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, and learned the printing business. In 1838 he came west on foot at the age of twenty-one and reaching Cincinnati established a daily newspaper, and later became editor of the Logan Gazette, in Ohio. In 1844 he went farther west and located at Iowa City where he was admitted to the bar in 1845. He was a ready writer and contributed frequently to the newspapers on the slavery issue, being a “free-soiler” in politics. He attended the Pittsburg National Convention which took the preliminary steps toward the organization of the Republican party in 1856, acting as one of the secretaries. At the National Republican Convention in 1860, Mr. Clarke was one of the delegates from Iowa and was chosen chairman of the delegation. He soon after purchased the State Press at Iowa City and took an active part in the antislavery contest leading to the Kansas war. As a member of the National Kansas Committee he sent a company of men to aid the citizens of that Territory in expelling the “Border Ruffian” invaders. He was for many years the keeper of a station on the “underground railroad” and was fearless in aiding fugitive slaves to freedom, cooperating with John Brown during his operations in Iowa. Mr. Clarke prepared the original ordinances for the government of Iowa City. He was reporter of the decisions of the Iowa Supreme Court for five years. As an influential member of the Constitutional Convention of 1857 he acted as chairman of the committee on judiciary. Early in the Civil War Mr. Clarke was appointed paymaster in the army, serving until 1866. He was then chosen chief clerk in the Interior Department at Washington, resigning when Andrew Johnson began his war on the Republican party, and returning to the practice of law in Washington, he died February 7, 1903.

SOURCE: Benjamin F. Gue, History of Iowa from the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the Twentieth Century, Volume 4, p. 52-3

Diary of John Hay: October 17, 1861

At Seward’s to-night we met Capt. Schultz who showed very bad taste by alluding to the Chicago Convention and Seward. The President told a good yarn.

One day in Springfield shortly after some of the lower counties had held meetings and passed Resolutions eulogistic of Trumbull, John Wentworth sitting near Lincoln at breakfast one morning, said: — “Lincoln, have you seen them Resolutions?” “I have seen what I suppose you refer to.”

“Them Trumbull fellers are going to trick you again.”

“I don't see any trickery about it, and if there was, there is no way to help the matter.”

“I tell you what, Lincoln,” said John, with a look of unutterable sagacity; “You must do, like Seward does — get a feller to run you.” It was vastly amusing to both the President and Secretary.

The Secretary of State talked about intercepted correspondence, and the double-dealing and lying of our English friends Fergusson and Bourke.

Going to McClellan’s with Banks, they talked about the campaign. McClellan thought the  enemy were massing at Manassas. He said he was not such a fool as to buck against that place in the spot designated by the foe. While there the President received a despatch from Sherman at Annapolis, asking for the 79th New York, the Highlanders. The President was vexed at this, and at Sherman’s intimation that the fleet would not sail before Sunday. McClellan was also bored  by the request, but Seward strongly seconded it. McC. said he would sleep on it.

We came away, the Tycoon still vexed at Sherman. At Seward’s door he turned suddenly and said: — “I think I will telegraph to Sherman that I will not break up McClellan’s command, and that I haven't much hope of his expedition anyway.”

“No,” said Seward, “You won't say discouraging things to a man going off with his life in his hands. Send them some hopeful and cheering despatch.”

The Tycoon came home and this morning telegraphed Sherman: — “I will not break up McClellan’s army without his consent. I do not think I will come to Annapolis.” This was all. I think his petulance very unaccountable.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 44-6; Tyler Dennett, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 28-30.

Joseph Casey to Leonard Swett, November 27, 1860

Harrisburg, 27 Nov. 1860.

Hon. Leonard Swett,

Dear Sir,

From some things that occurred when I was at Springfield, my mind has since been in doubt, as to whether Mr. Lincoln has been made fully acquainted with the conversations and understandings had between you & Judge Davis on the one side, & myself, on the other, at the Tremont House, the night before the nomination. That understanding of course, I was compelled to communicate to a few of Genl. Cameron's most initmate and confidential friends, in order to counteract other schemes, and overcome other inducements, proceeding from different quarters. Should the assurances I then gave, fail to be realized I should be utterly ruined, in the estimation of many of my most valuable friends. As some of them would probably prefer to believe that I had deceived them, instead of being disappointed in my own expectations. Feeling, as you may suppose, a nervous anxiety on this matter, I submit it, to the better judgment of yourself and Judge Davis, whether it would not be better, that Mr. L. if he is not now, should be put in possession of the whole matter before he finally acts in the premises. Having unlimited confidence in the honor and integrity of you both, as well as your prudence and discretion, I merely make the suggestion, leaving you to act in such way as you may deem best.

Since my return, I have been constantly occupied in Court, and will be for some weeks to come. But I can assure you, that outside of Phila. there is but one sentiment in this State, and even in the City, outside of a small, noisy, powerless clique the same feeling prevails

Let me hear from you soon —

Yours very truly

Jos Casey

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Joseph J. Lewis to Abraham Lincoln, January 9, 1861

West Chester Pa: Jany: 9. 1861

Dear Sir

Nothing short of considerations of imperative duty could induce me to trouble you with a letter at this time knowing as I do the anxieties which must necessarily be crowding upon you.

Let me beg you to reconsider your offer to Simon Cameron of a seat in your cabinet. I have known him for twenty years. He is not qualified for the position by talent or information. He is a mere politician and of the lowest sort. He has not a single idea of statesman. But that is not the most formidable objection. What his reputation for integrity is you can learn from the protest of the 28 members of the Pennsylvania legislature which accompanies this. Since 1854 when that protest was signed his reputation has not improved. It has been openly charged that he bought his present position by money. I do not verify the charge for I have no personal knowledge on the subject; but I trust it is enough for you to know that his character is subject to the most serious suspicions of the want of political integrity. I have some knowledge of the efforts that were made by him to obtain the nomination at Chicago, and you I think cannot be entirely ignorant of some of them. In my opinion they were such as no honourable man would stoop to. But they do not make a drop in the bucket in comparison with what is gravely alleged against him in a long political career, in which he was never elected to the people to any thing and has succeeded in making himself most odious to the most worthy and high minded of every political party to which he has become attached.

I voted for him on the first ballot at Chicago but that vote involves me in no inconsistency. His supporters earnestly desired a large complimentary vote for their chief, and in order to obtain that vote promised that after the first ballot they would cast their votes as a majority of the delegation would determine. Having ascertained how that majority would be, and that if the proposition was not acceded to, a large proportion of the Cameron men would vote for Seward I consented to cast a complimentary vote for Cameron on the distinct understanding that it should not be used as a lever to put him into the cabinet. It was said there that he would not accept a cabinet office, and the declaration was but a repetition of what he had said at Harrisburg, openly, and often, during the session of the state convention. It was under these circumstances I voted, and induced others to vote for Cameron, on the first ballot. But for this movement we should have nominated a candidate at Chicago whom the country wd not have sustained. For the Cameron men would certainly have executed their threats.

Mr Cameron is not popular in Penna. He has no strength with the people. He could not be elected on the state ticket to any office. Had he been nominated for the presidency he could not have received the vote of his own state. There are men and a good many of them that clamor for him, but divest him of his factious influence as a suposed dispenser of political favour, and there are not two them that would not deny all association with him and repel the imputation of it as disparaging and disreputable.

I beg leave to assure you that I feel no concern as to Mr Cameron's adverse influence in the distribution of the federal patronage. My sole object in writing is to warn you of the danger to your administration in making the proposed appointment.

with the highest respect

very truly yours

Joseph J Lewis.

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Leonard Swett to Abraham Lincoln, November 30, 1860

Bloomington

Nov 30, 1860

Dear Lincoln

I received, yesterday the enclosed letter from Sanderson I suppose it was intended for your eyes, more than mine, and therefore I forward it to you. I am annoyed, a little, that these applications of Cameron's friends are made so prominently through Judge Davis & myself. Yet, on the whole, from what occured at Chicago I think they have a right to do it. My objection is that it seemingly puts us in the advocacy of Cameron and leaves the inference of our interest to do so This is not the truth about it The truth is, at Chicago we thought the Cameron influence was the controlling element & tried to procure that rather than the factions The negotiations we had with them, so far as I can judge was one of the reasons, which induced the Cameron leaders to throw the bulk of that force to you. That having been done and a correspondence having been kept up by us with them, during the summer, they naturally seek the same channel to get back to you. This is all the only reason I know of, why they write to us.

While I arrogate to myself no might to my opinion, yet if they want it, opinions are cheap & in this instance certainly wont do harm.

This flurry at the South it seems to me can be got along with, but I dont think it ought to be helped with. The Country wants firmness & justice Cameron has the negative merit of not being offensive to them the South.

If it is conceded Penn. should have a Cabinet officer the weight of party there, all other things equal, should, I think, indicate him. Cameron would seem to satisfy the majority Reed, or any other man, only a minority A reason for this may be, that in adition to Cameron's real strength the politicians can heal their local differences by having two vacancies in the Senate to fill.

My belief is that no man, other that C. can be selected there without considerable dissatisfaction There is also the argument too that the Cameron influence, as much as any thing nominated you, while the other influences there did & could do you no considerable good The arguments against him I dont fully know, for my intercourse has been with his fends The only exception to this is Joseph Lewis of West Chester & I think he is a fussy old fellow who doesn't amount to much

Is not the fact that Seward may be satisfied with a mission to England worthy of consideration Tis true he undertands the foreign relations of the Gov & would be of great service but the domestic relation are the ones most complicated—

I understand that Cassius Clay is anxious to get into the Cabinet Does not this complicate matters It seems to me, he would be more odious to the South than any man but Seward[.] Putnam has written me two very long letters. He wants a second class foreign mission & has asked me at a proper time to name it to you

Yours Truly

Leonard Swett

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

Carson Dobbins Hay to Abraham Lincoln, March 27, 1860

Newton Jasper Co. Ills

March 27th 1860

Hon. A. Lincoln

Honored & Dear Sir

I have been highly delighted at Seeing the perfect Success of your tour East. It is very evident that nothing has transpired recently to so much advance your interest and elevate you in the minds of the people, as that short trip.

I regret you did not address the people of Pennsylvania & New Jersey. I see by the papers that you were urged by the people of those States to do so. Cant you do it yet? Those are two of the doubtful States, and we must have Pennsylvania or we are almost certainly defeated, and I believe there is no man can do as much to secure Penna. as yourself. After the meeting of the Chicago Convention it will probably be too late for you to Speak in Penna. as I think in all probability you will be chosen our Standard-bearer—

I saw one of the delegates to that Convn the other day from the Southern part of Indiana and he Said that the Indiana delegation would will go for Abraham Lincoln on the first balot. He said it was all a mistake about Indiana going for Bates. It is ascertained that the Germans are opposed to Bates, and this fact being once fully understood, will lay him on the Shelf.

I was of opinion some time since, that as it was so all important to carry Penna. it would be pollicy for us to place a Pennsylvanian at the head of the ticket, but I am now fully of the opinion that the Strongest ticket we can get is Abraham Lincoln for President and Simon Cameron for Vice P. –

I shall be at the Decatur Convention and hope to meet you there—

I must not close, without mentioning the fact that we have a little Abraham Lincoln at our house, about twenty four hours old– His arrival created something of a Stir in our little town as it got noised around that your Honor was at Mr Hays, and Several persons were on their way to call on you, when it was discovered that it was not the original, but only a namesake—

I hope you will not think I am trying to flatter you . . . What I write comes from the bottom of my heart –

Believe me very Sincerely and Truly Your Friend and Humb. Sevt.

C. D. Hay

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

Zaccheus Beatty to Abraham Lincoln, February 3, 1860

Republican Office

Knoxville, Ill. Feb. 3d, 1860

Hon. A. Lincoln

Sir – I enclose you an article, written by Davidson, and published in the Monmouth Review of to-day, not knowing that you will receive it from any other source. I suppose the extract is from your Kansas speech; and more, I think it is all right. The only importance I attach to it is, that it is the beginning of some infamous plot, concocted by the Democrats of Illinois and Missouri, intended to defeat your nomination in the Chicago Convention. I may be mistaken – but “forewarned,” &c.

Letters from some of my friends from at Washington, D. C., express strong desires for your nomination, and seek to strengthen the force already committed to your interest.

If Mr. Cameron will be content with the Vice Presidency, many of your friends suppose there will be but little difficulty in forming a ticket – Lincoln and Cameron. Hurrah!

But perhaps I am presuming too much upon the introduction I received to you in Peoria, at the time of your reply to Douglas, and bring this note to a close with my best wishes for your success.

Respectfully Yours,

Z. Beatty

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

Mark W. Delahay to Abraham Lincoln, February 6, 1860

Lawrence Feby 6th 1860

Dear Lincoln

Trumbull says in a Letter, that I recd yesterday, that he would be glad to serve me in any way he could; Do you know any of our members under the State Constitution, that you could say a word to for me, or could you not by writing to your friends at Washington for me, in that way do me a good service– Genl. Lane has just made this Latter suggestion to me– Trumbull, says two members of the Legislature has written to him asking his advise &c but that he gave not; now a word from you to Trumbull could get him to write those members in my behalf – You can loose nothing by it, But may do me a great benefit– Lane, is the only man that is prominently before the people for Senator; he can be elected without any combination, and he can designate his colleague, and I am that man of which he will assure you if it would be any source of satisfaction to you to have him do – I think we can show a Pretty Determined front for you at Chicago; The Bates movement has a little more prominency just at this time than I desire to see. – I think Cameron or Reed for Vice Pres & yourself would give is a certain success – hoping you are well and in good keeping, I Remain Truly & faithfully your friend

M W Delahay

P S

My health is not good, my duties are arduous, all my Clerks are raw hands, &c

D

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

Abraham Lincoln to Mark W. Delahay, March 16, 1860

Springfield, Ills– Mar–16, 1860

Dear Delahay–

I have just returned from the East. Before leaving, I received your letter of Feb. 6; and on my return I find those of the 17th. & 19th. with Genl. Lane's note inclosed in one of them.

I sincerely wish you could be elected one of the first Senators for Kansas; but how to help you I do not know. If it were permissable for me to interfere, I am not personally acquainted with a single member of your Legislature. If my known friendship for you could be of any advantage, that friendship was abundantly manifested by me last December while in Kansas. If any member had written me, as you say some have Trumbull, I would very readily answer him. I shall write Trumbull on the subject at this sitting.

I understood, while in Kansas, that the State Legislature will not meet until the State is admitted. Was that the right understanding?

As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I can not enter the ring on the money basis– first, because, in the main, it is wrong; and secondly, I have not, and can not get, the money. I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong; but for certain objects, in a political contest, the use of some, is both right, and indispensable. With me, as with yourself, this long struggle has been one of great pecuniary loss. I now distinctly say this. If you shall be appointed a delegate to Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expences of the trip. 

Present my respects to Genl. Lane; and say to him, I shall be pleased to hear from him at any time.

Your friend, as ever

A. LINCOLN.

P.S. I have not yet taken the newspaper slip to the Journal. I shall do that to-morrow; and then send you the paper as requested.

A. L.

SOURCE: Roy P. Basler, Editor, The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. 4, p. 31-2

Senator William H. Seward to Thurlow Weed, April 29, 1859

Washington, April 29, 1859.

Dear Weed, — The southern and western politicians have habits and usages different from ours. They come upon me with a directness which confounds me. I have two or three subjects submitted by them which I propose to you now, because in the hurry of preparing my business for departure for Europe I must save time. You can keep this letter at hand and refer to it at leisure.

Many southern gentlemen express to me a wish that the national convention may be held somewhere on the border. Without expressing any opinion about it as an abstract question, I think our friends ought to know that it was understood at Washington that Humphrey Marshall intends to go over to the Democrats. If Louisville should be suggested as the place, the committee would of course consider Mr. Marshall's position in connection with the subject. It might have a bearing against such a selection.

The Baltimore “———” is in trouble. Mayor Swayne, Judge Lee, Mr. Cole, and others there want to have the paper reorganized and brought into the position of an organ in that State and for the country south of the Potomac, of the Republican party. They had Simon Cameron over there a week or two ago to confer. They think they will need some funds from the North, but I am satisfied that if they only had the benefit of your advice and Cameron's, they would be able to subscribe all the funds they want, and would promptly do so. Cameron and I promised them that we would ask you to meet him there. Cameron knows them all, and he will go at any time.

Speaking of Cameron, I promised him when he left Washington to spend a day or so with him on my way home. He took me to his house, told me all was right. He was for me, and Pennsylvania would be. It might happen that they would cast the first ballot for him, but he was not in, etc. He brought the whole legislature of both parties to see me, feasted them gloriously, and they were in the main so generous as to embarrass me.

I have Stetson's letter to you. Corwin is uneasy and fidgety; but persons who live in Ohio have excuses. They are inheritors of a noble reversion, and they would like to extinguish the present estate without being able or willing to pay its cost. He wrote me a month ago, inclosing a pitiful piece of twaddle from a correspondent of the “Express,” saying that he was against me as everybody else was. He contradicted the allegation, and said that the Cincinnati “Gazette” would contain an authorized denial. . . .

You will find John S. Pendleton, of Virginia, bold enough and well disposed for anything. The man in the District of Columbia is Henry Addison, now Mayor of Georgetown. He is wise, honest, indomitable and unreserved. You may send him safely anywhere.

Yours faithfully,

William H. Seward.

SOURCE: Harriet A. Weed, Editor, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir, Volume 2, p. 256-7

Frederick T. Frelinghuysen to Abraham Lincoln, January 12, 1861

Newark. N J. Jan 12. 1861

Hon. Abraham Lincoln.

My Dear Sir.

Having been a delegate from this State to Chicago, I take the liberty, (tho' I have not the pleasure of your acquaintance) to write this line – I feel a deep interest in the prosperity of your approaching trying administration but a far deeper interest in the well-being of our afflicted country. This feeling prompts me to suggest Wm L. Dayton of N J as a man in my opinion eminently qualified, by his firmness of character – his abilities, his integrity, his consistent conservative record – his high order of statesman-ship by the hold he has on Republicans & by the position of his state, for a place in your cabinet—

You have no time to read long letters. I have known Mr Dayton many years, been engaged in the practice of the law with him at our bar, & am also personally intimate with him, and the qualities I have attributed to him are not stated without knowledge & reflection—

Hoping that our country under your administration may have a safe deliverance from her many troubles

I remain with great respect

Your Obt Svt.

Fredk T. Frelinghuysen

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

James Pollock to Abraham Lincoln, November 19, 1860

Milton Pa. Nov. 19. 1860

Hon Abraham Lincoln

Dear Sir

For reasons that you will appreciate, I have not written to you since your nomination & election as President of the U. States. As Governor of this Commonwealth, I experienced to the full, the annoyance of an overwhelming correspondence, & sympathising with you I have forborne to write, unwilling to add to your troubles. Now that the battle is over & the smoke cleared away, permit an old friend, to congratulate you & the Country on your triumphant election. Your nomination & election I regard as the triumph of the great conservative sentiment of the Nation – as National in its character & object; & designed, I humbly hope, to promote the peace, the honor and the prosperity of our beloved Country. As a National & conservative man, I heartily endorsed your nomination & labored in this State & New Jersey for your election. We have triumphed; ultraism & sectionalism have been rebuked; and now, my ardent aspirations are, that your administration may be eminently successful & honorable, alike to yourself & the Nation.

As you have now turned Cabinet Maker I have no doubt you have the offer of many Journeymen, to aid you in that business. In what I am going to say, I have no selfish object to promote – my only desire is the success of your Administration. It seems to be generally conceded that Pennsylvania, if she desires it, will be represented in your Cabinet. This I think would be right; and therefore, without attempting to control your free action in the premises, permit me to suggest the name of my friend, and our distinguished citizen Gen. Simon Cameron as a proper person to fill the office of Secretary of the Treasury. No man in our State is better qualified for that place – the appointment of no man would give greater satisfaction to our Citizens & more fully identify your Administration with the protective policy of the Country. Gen Cameron's tariff record is full & complete, & his selection for that place would give an assurance to Pennsylvania that would be of incalculable advantage to our party & your administration. He would be a safe Counselor – conservative – National & true to all the great interests of the Country. I know not whether he would accept the place, if offered to him, as I have had no communication with him on the subject; but as a Pennsylvanian, – as your personal & political friend, I hope you may, if consistent with your views of public policy, tender to him that place.

You will need, my dear Sir, all the wisdom – prudence & calm counsel that you can command. Ultra men should have no place in your cabinet– you will discard all such – your country & your whole country will be the object of your solicitude, & may your administration in its vigor, conservatism & nationality allay all excitement, restore peace & bring abundant prosperity to our Country.

Remember me kindly to Mrs Lincoln,

Yours very truly

Jas Pollock

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Hawkins Taylor to Abraham Lincoln, February 25, 1860

State of Iowa

Senate Chamber,

Des Moines, Iowa, Feb 25, 1860.

Dear Sir

I wrote you immediately after the Convention. As near as I can tell, I wrote you that our Delegates were not instructed but left free to act as they might think best when in Conventions at Chicago. I am not a Delegate but I probably had as much to do with making them as them any one else and am Satisfied that a large Maj of them would vote for Seward if their vote would elect him not that personally he is their special choice but because of the locofoco abuse of him but I do not think that any of the Delegate think that he ought to be the nominee of the Chicago Convention. If a vote had been taken by the Delegates when appointed, a large Maj of them with the lights then before them a large Maj would have voted for Cameron for President and Your Self for Vice President This vote would have been given under the impression that Cameron Could Carry Pa and that probably no other Person could. Now I hope in this we are Mistaken. And I hope that before the Convention Comes off Such will be Made Manifest. Our Delegates I am sure would rather vote for you than any other Man in the U. S. especially if the Arch Demagogue Douglass should be the Nominee of the South.

I received a letter from Col Curtis who thinks your chance for nomination as good at leat as Any other Man. But all will depend on Pa. New Jersey Ill & Ia At least I think so. Our Delegation will be influenced more by Col Warren than any other man in Iowa. Polatics change – and the influence of Men change. the Cols star is now in the ascendant. I hope that you will correspond with him if you have not already done so. Have you Seen his Article on Edward Bates address to the “Springfield Republican”? If you have not hunt it up. It was copied into the “Hawk Eye” and probably by other papers. If it does not use up Bates’ prospect I am mistaken.

I wish that you could write me the prospects of your Nomination for President. I shall be at the Chicago Convention.

I want you to be sure and correspond with Warren He will contribute a large a large Share towards the nomination of Some one. his acquaintance is extensive & he will take an active part in the canvass He will be one of the State Electors for Iowa

I have confidence to believe that no one in our State has more influence with him than I have. I go to Chicago as his guest And if there is any thing that I can do for you I am ready to do it all that I want is to know how to serve you

Please write to me and you had better direct to Keokuk as I will leave here in a few days

Yours truly

Hawkins Taylor

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

Hawkins Taylor to Abraham Lincoln, December 27, 1859

Keokuk Dec 27^th 1859

My Dear Sir

Our State Convention comes off soon probably too Soon for the appointment of delegates to the National Republican Convention. As the National Convention is so convenient I am truly sorry that our Convention was appointed so early, there may be great changes in public sentiment between now and next June. I do not expect to be a delegate to the Convention. I do not know how many delegates we may have but th[ere] will probably be one to each Judicial District appointed who will be appointed from our district it is hard to say. There is probably more than half the Political talent in the State in our Judicial District still I will fill my part in the appointment of Delegates at the State Convention and if alive and well I will be at the National Convention and I hope able to exert some influence and the Question is who is the Right Man to bear the Republican Banner In my opinion he should be Conservative yet thoroughly honest and above evry thing else a man of Iron Nerve And evry Kick a Republican. Let him say to the South keep your Slaves if you want to. You shall be fully protected in all your Constitutional Rights, but you must let all free Territory alone except as free setlers while it remains a Territory. You shall have all the Appointments both at home & abroad that your White population entitle you to but not one more. You must let the mails of the Country alone

In a word behave your selves as other people have to do and you Shall be treated as other people are

The candidate should be thoroughly in favor of the Homestead Bill and the Great Central National Road to the Pacific and a Good Tariff Man in feeling. With such a man there no danger of defeat. But without such a man victory would be a defeat worse than defeat itself

I would rather see you the candidate than any other man, but I am willing to see Camron & You the candidates or I am willing to see Bates and some Pensylvany Man the candidates. I have some doubts of Bates. I fear that there is too much “Old Line Whig” about him and besides I would rather see both the Candidates taken from Free States so that we could Show the conservative portion of the South that the Republican party can be a National & conservative party when in power and the Fire Eaters that they can & will be Hung by a Republican administration if they do not behave them selves. I hope & trust that Douglass is politically dead for the next four years at least so far as being a Candidate for President is concerned It is not worth while to disguise the fact he is Strong stronger than any other Man that could be nominated It would be next to impossible to keep him from getting Iowa & all of the Western States, over almost any body And very largely over such candidates as Seward, Chase, Banks, or any such men. The West will not vote for any but a Western Man against a Western Man. We Want and must have free Lands And a Pacific Road and if the National Republican Convention do not give us such a man they need not make a nomination with any hope of success, unless the Locos nominate Some fireeater Which they are sure not to do. They will give us a Third addition of the Polk & Pierce Dodge or I am mistaken

Write me fully when you receive this I am very anxious to hear from you before our State Convention

Yours truly

Hawkins Taylor

Hon. A. Lincoln

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.