Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, Saturday, March 8, 1862

The weather is now fine & the roads are drying up. Troops are coming into the City and crossing over the River. Rumors afloat of fighting today near Mt Vernon. Nothing is published and little is known publicly of War operations. The prospect now is that there will be a desperate Battle near here soon. The Rebels will try to retrieve their recent losses, and will fight with desperation. M^cClellan is well prepared and has an immense army near here all ready and anxious for a fight. Went up to Franklin Square with wife & the boys after dinner. Wife & myself continued our walk to Lafayette Square pass [sic] Genl M^cClellans home. He was standing at the Window. I did not go down to the Av^e tonight, got a “Tribune” of the news boy & read Carl Shurze Speech at the Cooper Institute NY.

SOURCE: Horatio Nelson Taft, The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865. Volume 1, January 1,1861-April 11, 1862, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington D. C.

German Republican Documents.

The speeches of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Hon. Owen Lovejoy, Hon Galusha A. Grow, and Mr. Carl Schurz in the German language, published by the New York Deomkrat, can be obtained of Messrs. Erbe and Kapprueier, No. 63 Clark street.

SOURCE: “German Republican Documents,” The Press and Tribune, Chicago, Illinois, Wednesday, May 16, 1860, p. 4, col. 6

Major-General Henry W. Slocum to Major-General George G. Meade, December 30, 1863

HDQRS. TWELFTH CORPS, ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND,        

Tullahoma, Tenn., December 30, 1863.

Maj. Gen. GEORGE G. MEADE,
        Commanding Army of the Potomac:

GENERAL: I inclose herewith the report of General T. H. Ruger of operations of the First Division, Twelfth Corps, at the battle of Gettysburg, together with the reports of his brigade and regimental commanders. General Ruger, width a large portion of his division, was ordered to New York City soon after the battle, and immediately after his return from New York the corps was ordered to this department. The reports of General Williams and myself were delayed with the hope of receiving General Ruger's report in time to forward it with them.

I deeply regret the necessity which compelled me to send my report and that of General Williams unaccompanied by any report of the operations of the First Division, for although an account of the operations of this division was given in the report of General Williams, who commanded the corps during the battle, I think the absence of Ruger's report may account for some of the errors contained in your report as to the operations of the Twelfth Corps.

I inclose a letter from General Williams, calling my attention to these errors, to which I respectfully invite your attention, and if anything can be done at this late day to correct these errors, I trust you will do it. Your report is the official history of that important battle, and to this report reference will always be made by our Government, our people, and the historian, as the most reliable and accurate account of the services performed by each corps, division, and brigade of your army. If you have inadvertently given to one division the credit of having performed some meritorious service which was in reality performed by another division, you do an injustice to brave men and defraud them of well-earned laurels. It is an injustice which even time cannot correct. That errors of this nature exist in your official report is an indisputable fact.

You give great credit to Lockwood's brigade for services on the evening of July 2, but state that this brigade was a portion of the First Corps, while it never at any time belonged to that corps, but was a portion of the Twelfth Corps, and was accompanied in its operations on the evening of July 2 by General Williams in person. A portion of this brigade (the One hundred and fiftieth New York) is still in General Williams' division.

I copy the following statement from your report:

During the heavy assault on our left, portions of the Twelfth Corps were sent as re-enforcements. During their absence, the line on the extreme right was held by a very much reduced force. This was taken advantage of by the enemy, who, during the absence of General Geary's division, of the Twelfth Corps, advanced and occupied part of the line. On the morning of the 3d, General Geary, having returned during the night, attacked at early dawn the enemy, and succeeded in driving him back and reoccupying his former position. A spirited contest was maintained all the morning along this part of the line. General Geary, re-enforced by Wheaton's brigade, of the Sixth Corps, maintained his position, and inflicted severe losses on the enemy.

From this statement it would appear that Geary's division marched to the support of your left; that Williams' division did not; that his (Williams') division, or a portion of it, was guarding the intrenchments when the enemy gained possession; that General Geary returned, and with his division drove the enemy back; that the engagement on the following morning was fought by Geary's division, assisted by Wheaton's brigade. This I know is the inference drawn from your history of those operations by every person unacquainted with the truth. Yet the facts in the case are very nearly the reverse of the above in every particular, and directly in contradiction to the facts as set forth in the report of General Geary, as well as that of General Williams. Geary's division did not march even in the direction of your left. Two of his brigades, under his immediate command, left the intrenchments under orders to move to the support of your left, but through some unfortunate mistake he took the road leading to Two Taverns. Williams' entire division did move to the support of your left, and it was one of his brigades (Lockwood's), under his immediate command, which you commend, but very singularly accredit to the First Corps.

Greene's brigade, of the Second Division, remained in the intrenchments, and the failure of the enemy to gain entire possession of our works was due entirely to the skill of General Greene and the heroic valor of his troops. His brigade suffered severely, but maintained its position, and held the enemy in check until the return of Williams' division. The “spirited contest maintained by General Geary, re-enforced by Wheaton's brigade,” was a contest for regaining the portion of our intrenchments held by the enemy, and was conducted under the immediate command of General Williams, and was participated in by the entire Twelfth Corps, re-enforced not by Wheaton's but by Shaler's brigade.

Although the command of the Twelfth Corps was given temporarily to General Williams by, your order, and although you directed him to meet at the council with other corps commanders, you fail to mention his name in your entire report, and in no place allude to his having any such command, or to the fact that more than one corps was at any time placed under my command, although at no time after you assumed command of the army until the close of this battle was I in command of less than two corps. I have now in my possession your written orders, dated July 2, directing me to assume command of the Sixth Corps, and, with that corps and the two then under my command (the Fifth and Twelfth), to move forward and at once attack the enemy.

I allude to this fact for the purpose of refreshing your memory on a subject which you had apparently entirely forgotten when you penned your report, for you have not failed to notice the fact of General Schurz and others having held, even for a few hours, commands above that previously held by them. I sincerely trust that you will endeavor to correct as far as possible the errors above mentioned, and that the correction may be recorded at the War Department.

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

H. W. SLOCUM,        

Major-General of Volunteers, Commanding.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 1 (Serial No. 43), p. 763-5

William P. Smith to Edwin M. Stanton, September 27, 1863 – Received 12:50 p.m.

CAMDEN STATION,          

Baltimore, Md., September 27, 1863.

(Received 12.50, p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War:

Our agent at Grafton has orders, he says, to hold all the Third Division, Eleventh Corps there until General Schurz arrives. May I suggest that this kind of thing will cripple your whole movement? I have therefore given a peremptory order to our agent that the trains shall not be so held unless his order comes from you.

W. P. SMITH.

(Same to General Hooker.)

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 1 (Serial No. 48), p. 167

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General Carl Schurz, September 27, 1863 – 9:40 p.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

September 27, 1863 — 9.40 p.m.

Maj. Gen. CARL SCHURZ,

Fairmont:

Major-General Hooker has the orders of this Department to relieve you from command and put under arrest any officer who undertakes to delay or interfere with the orders and regulations of the railroad officers in charge of the transportation of troops.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 1 (Serial No. 48), p. 169

Major-General Carl Schurz to Edwin M. Stanton, September 28, 1863 – Received 10:55 a.m.

BENWOOD, W. VA., September 28, 1863. 

(Received 10.55 a.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War:

Am I to understand from your dispatch that I am relieved from command? By the displacing of trains and cars at several depots, the different commands have become so mixed up that it would have been highly desirable, and rather expedite matters instead of causing delay, if they should be put in order. No train has been delayed so far, but the above difficulty is causing great inconvenience, which I desire to remedy. An answer to above question is respectfully solicited.

C. SCHURZ,

Major-General.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 1 (Serial No. 48), p. 172

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General Carl Schurz, September 28, 1863 – 1:35 p.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

September 28, 1863 — 1.35 p.m.

Maj. Gen. CARL SCHURZ,

Benwood, via Wheeling:

General Hooker is authorized to relieve from command any officer that interferes with or hinders the transportation of troops in the present movement. Whether you have done so, and whether he has relieved you from command, ought to be known to yourself. The order will certainly be enforced against any officer, whatever his rank may be, who delays or endangers transportation of troops.

EDWIN M. STANTON.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 1 (Serial No. 48), p. 172

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, September 6, 1862

Headquarters 1st Division,

9th Army Corps, Meridian Hill, Washington, D. C.

Sept. 6th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

Now that our General is dead, a Colonel commands the old Division temporarily, and I continue to superintend the office, running the old machine along until different arrangements can be made, when I suppose I shall be set adrift with no pleasant prospects before me. I would resign, were I permitted to do so, and would gladly return to my medical studies this winter, tired as I am of the utter mismanagement which characterizes the conduct of our public affairs. Disheartened by the termination of a disastrous campaign — disasters which every one could and did easily foresee from the course pursued — we find as a consolation, that our good honest old President has told a new story apropos of the occasion, and the land is ringing with the wisdom of the rail-splitting Solomon. Those who were anxious and burning to serve their country, can only view with sullen disgust the vast resources of the land directed not to make our arms victorious, but to give political security to those in power. Men show themselves in a thousand ways incompetent, yet still they receive the support of the Government. Politicians, like Carl Schurz, receive high places in the army without a qualification to recommend them. Stern trusty old soldiers like Stevens are treated with cold neglect. The battle comes — there is no head on the field — the men are handed over to be butchered — to die on inglorious fields. Lying reports are written. Political Generals receive praises where they deserve execration. Old Abe makes a joke. The army finds that nothing has been learned. New preparations are made, with all the old errors retained. New battles are prepared for, to end in new disasters. Alas, my poor country! The army is sadly demoralized. Men feel that there is no honor to be gained by the sword. No military service is recognized unless coupled with political interest. The army is exhausted with suffering — its enthusiasm is dead. Should the enemy attack us here however, we should be victorious. The men would never yield up their Capitol. There is something more though than the draft needed to enable us to march a victorious host to the Gulf of Mexico. Well, I have been writing freely enough to entitle me to accommodations in Fort Lafayette, but I can hardly express the grief and indignation I feel at the past. God grant us better things in future.

I had said my own prospects are somewhat gloomy. When the changes are made in this command, and new hands shall take charge of it, I will have to return to the 79th Regiment — a fate at which I shudder. The Regiment has been in five large battles, and in ten or twelve smaller engagements. While adding on each occasion new luster to its own reputation, it has never taken part in a successful action. The proud body that started from the city over a thousand strong, are now a body of cripples. The handful (230) that remains are foreigners whose patriotism misfortunes have quenched. The morale is destroyed — discipline relaxed beyond hope of restoration. The General and all the true friends of the Regiment were of the opinion that it should be mustered out of the service. After performing hard duties in the field for fifteen months I find there is nothing left me, but to sink into disgrace with a Regiment that is demoralized past hope of restoration. This for a reward. I am writing this from the old scene of the mutiny of last year. A strange year it has been. God has marvellously preserved my life through every danger. May he be merciful to my mother in the year to come. My old friend Matteson is dead. He was a Major in Yates' Regiment of Sharpshooters which distinguished itself at Corinth. He died at Rosecrans' Headquarters, of typhoid fever.

We are going to move from here to-morrow, but your safest direction will be Capt. W. T. Lusk, A. A. A. G., 1st Div. 9th Army Corps, Washington (or elsewhere). All the letters sent me since I left Fredericksburg have miscarried, and I am very anxious for news.

Affec'y.,

WILL.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 188-90

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, September 4, 1862

Headquarters 1st Div. Reno's Command,

Near Alexandria, Sept. 4th, 1862.

Dear Mother:

Once more, after a lapse of nearly five weeks, am I able to write you again. During this time we have been cut off from all communication with our friends, we have been busily employed, and have suffered much. I have lost my good friend, Genl. Stevens, who has been sacrificed by little men who can poorly fill his place. Whenever anything desperate was to be performed, Stevens and Kearny were always selected, with this difference though, that Stevens rarely was credited with what he did, while Kearny's praises were properly published. On Monday's fight, the General's son and I were walking together in the rear of the 79th Regiment, when Capt. Stevens was wounded. Finding that young Stevens was able to move off without assistance, I continued to follow the Regiment. Soon the General came up on foot. “Have you seen your son?” I asked him. “Yes,” said he, “I know he is wounded,” and then added, “Capt. Lusk, I wish you would pass to the left of the line, and push the men forward in that direction.” I did as I was ordered, and on my return, found the General had been killed, and the troops badly slaughtered. The General you have read was shot while holding the flag of the 79th Regiment in his hand.

There were five shot holding the same flag in about twenty minutes time. I found the sixth man standing almost alone at the edge of some woods still clinging hopelessly to the colors. I drew him back to the crest of a hill a couple of hundred yards back and gathered a few of the 79th about it. Kearny then came riding up, and asked the name of the little band. On being told, he said, “Scotchmen, you must follow me.” They told him they had not a round of ammunition left. “Well,” said he then, “stand where you are and it may be you will be able to assist my men with the bayonet.” The soldierly form moved on, and it too soon was dust. Stevens was a great man and Kearny a courageous soldier. It is not every man of whom this last can be said, though the country may have placed him high in power. I suppose I must not tell all I have seen in the last few days fighting, but I have seen enough to make it no matter of wonder at the extent of our disaster. I have read little truth as yet in the papers, though I see the people are beginning to feel the truth. So long as the interests of our country are entrusted to a lying braggart like Pope, or a foolish little Dutchman like Sigel, we have little reason to hope successfully to compete with an army led by Lee, Johnston and old "Stonewall" Jackson. Carl Schurz, our lately returned minister to Spain, I found blundering horribly. Schenck was a laughable instance of incompetence, and so with others. You must be careful to whom you repeat these things, and yet there is much which it were better were known, for our soldiers are not deceived by lying reports. They feel whom they can trust, and are not willing to fight for men like McDowell and that ilk. McClellan's reappointment gives great satisfaction to the soldiers. Whether right or wrong they believe in him.

I expect to get my back letters to-day, and then what a treat. I am still very much fatigued by the last month, and like to rest all I can.

Good-bye. Kisses and love to all.

Affec'y.,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 180-1

Diary of John Hay: May 11, 1861

This afternoon the Marine Band played on the south lawn, and Carl Schurz sat with Lincoln on the balcony. After the President had kissed some thousand children, Carl went into the library and developed a new accomplishment. He played with great skill and feeling, sitting in the dusk twilight at the piano until the President came by, and took him down to tea. Schurz is a wonderful man. An orator, a soldier, a philosopher, and exiled patriot, a skilled musician! He has every quality of romance and of dramatic picturesqueness. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 34; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 23.

Diary of John Hay: May 10, 1861

Carl Schurz loafed into my room this morning, and we spoke of the slaves and their ominous discontent. He agreed with me that the Commandants at Pickens and Monroe were unnecessarily squeamish in imprisoning and returning to their masters the fugitives who came to their gates begging to be employed. . . . Schurz says that thousands of Democrats are declaring that now is the time to remove the cause of all our woes. What we could not have done in many life-times the madness and folly of the South had accomplished for us. Slavery offers itself more vulnerable to our attack than at any point in any century, and the wild malignity of the South is excusing us before God and the world.

So we talked in the morning.

But to-night I saw a letter from Mrs. Whitman stating that Thomas Earl , T. W. Higginson, the essayist of Boston, and young John Brown, were “going to free the slaves.” What we were dreaming of came over my mind with horrible distinctness, but I shrank from the apparition. This is not the time nor are these the men to do it. They should wait till the government gives some kind of sanction to the work. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 33; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 22-3.

Diary of John Hay: April 30, 1861

Three Indians of the Pottawatomies called to-day upon their great father. . . . The President amused them greatly by airing the two or three Indian words he knew. I was amused by his awkward efforts to make himself understood by speaking bad English: e. g. — Where live now? When go back Iowa?

Frederick Hassaurek and I dined together. He seems stung by the inaction which his lameness, besides his foreign duties, imposes upon him. He evidently chafes with generous emulation of the coming glories of Schurz in the field. He is a delicate-souled and thoughtful genius, but has not the vigor and animal arrogance that help Schurz bully his way through life. H will probably indulge his bent for literature in the high solitude of Quito. He intimated a course of articles in the Atlantic and an ultimate book.

Coming home from the theatre I met Blair, Schurz and Fox coming out of the audience chamber. Going in, I saw the great map of Virginia, newly hung, and fronted by conscious-looking chairs. The air is full of ghastly promises for Maryland and Virginia. Meanwhile the north is growing impatient. Correspondents talk impertinently, and the N. Y. Times advises the immediate resignation of the Cabinet, and warns the President that he will be superseded. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 27-8; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 14-5;

Diary of John Hay: April 29, 1861

Going into Nicolay’s room this morning, Carl Schurz and Jim Lane were sitting. Jim was at the window, filling his soul with gall by steady telescopic contemplation of a secession flag impudently flaunting over a roof in Alexandria. “Let me tell you,” said he to the elegant Teuton, “we have got to whip these scoundrels like hell, Cairl Schurz.  They did a good thing stoning our men at Baltimore and shooting away the flag at Sumter. It has set the great North a howling for blood, and they'll have it.”

“I heard," said Schurz, "you preached a sermon to your men yesterday."

“No, sir! this is no time for preaching. When I went to Mexico there were four preachers in my regiment. In less than a week I issued orders for them all to stop preaching and go to playing cards. In a month or so, they were the biggest devils and best fighters I had.”

An hour afterward Carl Schurz told me he was going home to arm his clansmen for the wars. He has obtained three months’ leave of absence from his diplomatic duties, and permission to raise a cavalry regiment. I doubt the propriety of the movement. He will make a wonderful land pirate; bold, quick, brilliant and reckless. He will be hard to control and difficult to direct. Still, we shall see. He is a wonderful man.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 26-7; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 13-4; Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors; Inside Lincoln's White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 13-4

Diary of John Hay: April 26, 1861

Massachusetts and Rhode Island troops in large numbers arrived to-day. . . . I called on Sprague, the Governor of Rhode Island, with Nicolay. A small insignificant youth, who bought his place; but who is certainly all right now. He is very proud of his company, of its wealth and social standing.

Carl Schurz was here to-day. He spoke with wild enthusiasm of his desire to mingle in this war. He has great confidence in his capability of arousing the enthusiasm of the young. He contemplates the career of a great guerilla chief with ardent longing. He objects to the taking of Charleston and advises forays on the interior states. . . .

The Seventh Regiment band played gloriously on the shaven lawn at the south front of the Executive Mansion. The scene was very beautiful. Through the luxuriant grounds, the gaily dressed crowd idly strolled, soldiers loafed on the promenades, the martial music filled the sweet air with vague suggestion of heroism, and Carl Schurz and the President talked war.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 25-6; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 12; Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors; Inside Lincoln's White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 12

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Tuesday, September 16, 1862

Bannister at Breakfast. Went to Department, and from Department with Deputation of Friends from Mt. Pleasant, O., and Wilmington, Del., to the President and introduced them. Asked for Bishop McIlvain, the appointment of Revd. Mr. Telford as chaplain at Camp Chase — which the President directed.

Went to Navy Department and advised Expedition up the James River; and said if Gen. Wool or other good General could be sent I would go myself as Volunter Aid. Mr. Welles seemed pleased with the idea; and said the “Ironsides” and “Passaic” would be ready by the time troops could be, and might take Richmond as preliminary to Charleston. — Spoke to the Secretary of Commodore Barbheads remark to Harrington, that the Government ought to be superseded by McClellan. — Went to War Department. Surrender of Harpers Ferry is confirmed. McClellan's victory of Sunday was probably over the rear of Longstreet's Division, which made a stand.

Weed called with Morgan, who wished to enquire about Texas Bonds issued under authority of the Rebel Government. Told him they would not be recognized and promised him copies of papers relating to the subject, from files and records of the Department. Told Weed that we must have decided action and that he could ensure it. Was going to Meeting of Heads of Departments not to Cabinet. Went over to White House. Met Seward, who said the President was busy with Gen. Halleck and there would be no meeting.

Returned to Department. Rode out to Sigel's Camp, by way of Chain Bridge, with Harrington and Dr. Schmidt. Saw Sigel and Schurz. They want to have corps organized for operations in the field. Sigel said scouts returned from Drainesville report large rebel force at Leesburgh.

Home to late dinner. — Harrington with me. Sent message to War Department for news.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 84-5

Brigadier General Carl Schurz to Abraham Lincoln, November 20, 1862

HEADQUARTERS 3D DIV., 11TH CORPS,

CENTREVILLE, Nov. 20, 1862.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Dear Sir: Your favor of the 10th inst. did not reach me until the 17th. If there was anything in my letter of the 8th that had the appearance of presumption I ask your kind indulgence. You must forgive something to the sincerity of my zeal, for there is no living being on this continent, whose wishes for the success of your Administration are more ardent than mine. The consciousness of perfect good faith gave me the boldness to utter my honest convictions without reserve. I do not know how many friends you have sincere enough to tell you things which it may not be pleasant to hear; I assure you, they are not the worst. In risking the amenities of undisturbed private relations they fulfil a duty, which many, who call themselves friends, have not the courage to understand and appreciate. In this spirit I wrote to you, with full confidence in the loftiness of your own way of thinking. If the opinions I expressed were unjust, it will be a happy hour for me when I shall be able conscientiously to acknowledge my error. But whatever I may have said it was but a mild and timid repetition of what a great many men say, whose utterances might perhaps nave more weight with you than mine.

I fear you entertain too favorable a view of the causes of our defeat in the elections. It is of the highest importance, that, amidst the perplexities of your situation and the enormous responsibilities of your office, you should sift the true nature of the disaster to the very bottom. I throw myself upon your patient kindness in replying to some of your statements.

That a large proportion of Republicans have entered the Army, and that thereby the party vote was largely diminished, cannot be doubted. But you must recollect, that at the commencement of the war you were sincerely and even enthusiastically sustained by the masses of the people, and that the "Administration party" was not confined to the old Republican ranks. You had the people of the loyal States with you. This immense Administration party did not insist upon your regulating your policy strictly by the tenets of any of the old party platforms; they would have cheerfully sustained you in anything and everything that might have served to put down the rebellion. I am confident, you might have issued your emancipation manifesto, you might have dismissed your generals one after the other, long before you did it — and a large majority of the people would have firmly stood by you. All they wanted was merciless energy and speedy success. You know it yourself, there are now many prominent Democrats supporting you, who go far beyond the program of the Chicago platform.

Whatever proportion of Republicans may have entered the Army, — if the Administration had succeeded in preserving its hold upon the masses, your majorities would at any moment have put the majorities of 1860 into the shade and no insidious party contrivances could have prevailed against you. But the general confidence and enthusiasm yielded to a general disappointment, and there were but too many Republicans, who, disturbed and confused by the almost universal feeling of the necessity of a change, either voted against you or withheld their votes. I know this to be a fact.

That some of our newspapers “disparaged and vilified the Administration” may be true, although in our leading journals I have seen little else than a moderate and well-measured criticism. I know of none that had ever impeached your good faith or questioned your motives. If there were no real and great abuses, the attacks on your Administration were certainly unjustifiable. But if there were, then, I think, the misfortune was not that the abuses were criticised, but that the responsible individuals were not promptly and severely held to account. It is my opinion, and I expect I shall hold it as long as I live, that a party, in order to remain pure and efficient, must be severe against its own members; it can disarm the criticism of its opponents by justly criticising and promptly correcting itself. But however that may be, I ask you in all candor, what power would there have been in newspaper-talk, what power in the talk of demagogues based upon newspaper-talk, had the Administration been able to set up against it the evidence of great successes?

I feel that in regard to one important point I have not been quite clear in my letter of the 8th. When speaking of “your friends,” I did not mean only those who in 1860 helped to elect you; I did not think of old, and, I may say, obsolete political obligations and affinities. But I meant all those, who fully understanding and appreciating the tendency of the revolution in which we are engaged, intend to aid and sustain you honestly in the execution of the tremendous task which has fallen to your lot. Nor did I, when speaking of the duty and policy of being true to one's friends, think of the distribution of favors in the shape of profitable offices. But I did mean that in the management of the great business of this revolution only such men should be permitted to participate, who answer to this definition of “friends” and on whose sympathies you can rely as securely as upon their ability.

I am far from presuming to blame you for having placed old Democrats into high military positions. I was also aware that McClellan and several other generals had been appointed on the recommendation of Republican governors and Members of Congress. It was quite natural that you appointed them when the necessities of the situation were new and pressing and everybody was untried. But it was unfortunate that you sustained them in their power and positions with such inexhaustible longanimity after they had been found failing — failing not only in a political but also in a military sense.

Was I really wrong in saying, that the principal management of the war has been in the hands of your opponents? Or will anybody assert, that such men as McClellan and Buell and Halleck and others of that school have the least sympathy with your views and principles, or that their efficiency as military leaders has offered a compensation for their deficiency of sympathy, since the first has in eighteen months succeeded in effecting literally nothing but the consumption of our resources with the largest and best appointed army this country ever saw; — since the second by his criminal tardiness and laxity endangered even the safety of the metropolis of the Middle States, and since the appearance of the third on the battlefield of Shiloh served suddenly to arrest the operations of our victorious troops and to make shortly afterwards the great Army of the West disappear from the scene as by enchantment, so as to leave the country open to the enemy? Has it not been publicly stated in the newspapers and apparently proved as a fact, that the enemy from the commencement of the war has been continually supplied with information by some of the confidential subordinates of so important an officer as Adjutant-General Thomas? Is it surprising that the people at last should have believed in the presence of enemies at our own headquarters, and in the unwillingness of the Government to drive them out? As for me, I am far from being inclined to impeach the loyalty and good faith of any man; but the coincidence of circumstances is such, that if the case were placed before a popular jury, I would find it much easier to act on the prosecution than on the defense.

You say that our Republican generals did no better; I might reply, that between two generals of equal military inefficiency I would in this crisis give a Republican the preference. But that is not the question. I ask you most seriously — what Republican general has ever had a fair chance in this war? Did not McClellan, Buell, Halleck and their creatures and favorites claim, obtain and absorb everything? Were not other generals obliged to go begging merely for a chance to do something for their country, and were they not turned off as troublesome intruders while your Fitzjohn Porters flourished?

No, sir, let us indulge in no delusions as to the true causes of our defeat in the elections. The people, so enthusiastic at the beginning of the war, had made enormous sacrifices. Hundreds of millions were spent, thousands of lives were lost apparently for nothing. The people had sown confidence and reaped disaster and disappointment. They wanted a change, and as an unfortunate situation like ours is apt to confuse the minds of men, they sought it in the wrong direction. I entreat you, do not attribute to small incidents, the enlisting of Republican voters in the Army, the attacks of the press etc., what is a great historical event. It is best that you, you more than anybody else in this Republic, should see the fact in its true light and acknowledge its significance: the result of the elections was a most serious and severe reproof administered to the Administration. Do not refuse to listen to the voice of the people. Let it not become true, what I have heard said: that of all places in this country it is Washington where public opinion is least heard, and of all places in Washington, the White House.

The result of the elections has complicated the crisis. Energy and success, by which you would and ought to have commanded public opinion, now form the prestige of your enemies. It is a great and powerful weapon, and, unless things take a favorable turn, troubles may soon involve not only the moral power but the physical existence of the Government. Only relentless determination, heroic efforts on your part can turn the tide. You must reconquer the confidence of the people at any price.

One word in vindication of myself, the writer of this letter. I pray you most earnestly not to attribute the expressions of grief and anxiety coming from devoted men like myself to a pettish feeling of disappointment in not “seeing their peculiar views made sufficiently prominent.” When a man's whole heart is in a cause like ours, then, I think, he may be believed not to be governed by small personal pride. Besides, the spectacle of war is apt to awaken solemn and serious feelings in the heart of one who has some sympathy with his fellow-beings. I command a few thousands of brave and good fellows, entitled to life and happiness just as well as the rest of us; and when I see their familiar faces around the camp-fires and think of it, that to-morrow they may be called upon to die, — to die for a cause which for this or that reason is perhaps doomed to fail, and thus to die in vain, and when I hear the wailings of so many widows and orphans, and remember the scenes of heartrending misery and desolation I have already witnessed — and then think of a possibility that all this may be for nothing — then I must confess my heart begins sometimes to sink within me and to quail under what little responsibility I have in this business. I do not know, whether you have ever seen a battlefield. I assure you, Mr. President, it is a terrible sight. I am, dear sir,

Truly your faithful friend.

SOURCE: Frederic Bancroft, editor, Speeches, correspondence and political papers of Carl Schurz, Volume 1, p. 213-9

Abraham Lincoln to Brigadier General Carl Schurz, November 24, 1862

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, Nov. 24, 1862.

Gen. Carl Schurz

My dear Sir:

I have just received, and read, your letter of the 20th. The purport of it is that we lost the late elections, and the administration is failing, because the war is unsuccessful; and that I must not flatter myself that I am not justly to blame for it. I certainly know that if the war fails, the administration fails, and that I will be blamed for it, whether I deserve it or not. And I ought to be blamed, if I could do better. You think I could do better; therefore you blame me already. I think I could not do better; therefore I blame you for blaming me. I understand you now to be willing to accept the help of men, who are not republicans, provided they have “heart in it.” Agreed. I want no others. But who is to be the judge of hearts, or of “heart in it”? If I must discard my own judgment, and take yours, I must also take that of others; and by the time I should reject all I should be advised to reject, I should have none left, republicans, or others — not even yourself. For, be assured, my dear Sir, there are men who have “heart in it” that think you are performing your part as poorly as you think I am performing mine. I certainly have been dissatisfied with the slowness of Buell and McClellan; but before I relieved them I had great fears I should not find successors to them, who would do better; and I am sorry to add, that I have seen little since to relieve those fears. I do not clearly see the prospect of any more rapid movements. I fear we shall at last find out that the difficulty is in our case, rather than in particular generals. I wish to disparage no one — certainly not those who sympathize with me; but I must say I need success more than I need sympathy, and that I have not seen the so much greater evidence of getting success from my sympathizers, than from those who are denounced as the contrary. It does seem to me that in the field the two classes have been very much alike, in what they have done, and what they have failed to do. In sealing their faith with their blood, Baker, an Lyon, and Bohlen, and Richardson, republicans, did all that men could do; but did they any more than Kearney, and Stevens, and Reno, and Mansfield, none of whom were republicans, and some, at least of whom, have been bitterly, and repeatedly, denounced to me as secession sympathizers? I will not perform the ungrateful task of comparing cases of failure.

In answer to your question “Has it not been publicly stated in the newspapers, and apparently proved as a fact, that from the commencement of the war, the enemy was continually supplied with information by some of the confidential subordinates of as important an officer as Adjutant General Thomas?” I must say “no” so far as my knowledge extends. And I add that if you can give any tangible evidence upon that subject, I will thank you to come to the City and do so.

Very truly your friend

A. LINCOLN

SOURCE: Frederic Bancroft, editor, Speeches, correspondence and political papers of Carl Schurz, Volume 1, p. 219-21; Roy P. Basler, Editor, The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. 5, p. 509-10; a copy of this letter can be found in the Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress;

Special to New York Papers

(Tribune’s Despatch.)

NEW YORK, April 2. – It is said the Senate Military Committee dissents from the rule that the Volunteer officers must rank for promotion in their own branch of service – only they think vacancies in the regular army should be filled by experienced men from the Volunteer regiments.

Mr. Arms, of the Chickopee manufactory, has present Flagg Officer Foote with a sword, and Lieut. Worden a cutlass.

(Times Correspondence.)

Prisoners taken in the recent reconnoissance to the Rappahannock state that the rebel force in that vicinity consists of eight regiments of infantry, two of cavalry, and six pieces of artillery.  Gen. Ewell of Drainsville notoriety, was in command.

On the return of our forces to Warrenton Junction, the rebels hover around the outskirts of our army and frequently succeed in packing off small parties of our men who, contrary to commands, go out on foolhardy foraging expeditions.

Information has just been received from the Times correspondent on the lower Potomac that contrabands from Fredericksburg report that town now occupied by thirty regiments of the enemy, the main part of which have arrived there within the last three days.  They report the steamer St. Nicholas and one other, which formerly plied to different points on the Rappahannock, as being held in readiness to transport rebel troops down the Rappahannock to some point.  Other rebel troops are reported as having gone down York river to reinforce the enemy’s position at the mouth, where the rebels have batteries.

A small detachment of rebel cavalry still occupy Acquia Creek and as far up as Dumfrees.

Another magazine has been found at Shipping Point containing a large quantity of shells.

(Herald’s Despatch.)

About one and a half millions of six per cent certificates were issued to-day chiefly of the denomination of one hundred dollars.  The checks and warrants now in all amount to about ten millions.

Yesterday the Jacob Ball and Stone visited Evansport.  A boat crew from each vessel was sent on shore; they visited mostly all the batteries in that vicinity, including one on a hill about half a mile back of Evansport, where was found the gun that Capt. Roland had attempted unsuccessfully to burst it, it is a 32-pounder.  This battery aided by field pieces was intended to cover the retreat of the rebels through the woods in the rear in the event of their being driven from the lower batteries.  It was well defend[ed] by rifle pits.  Several men went a considerable distance into the country, but there were no signs of rebel troops nor inhabitants.  Both parties of seamen subsequently returned on shore in command of Lieutenant Commanding McGraw of the Jacob Ball, proceeding inland where they found five rebel store houses containing hay, cutting machines, platform scales and other useful implements. – They set fire to the buildings which were entirely consumed.

A citizen of Cambridge, Massachusetts, who went to Bull Run to recover the remains of his brother, who belonged to a Boston company, gives a melancholy account of the sacrilege committed upon the graves of our soldiers by the rebels.  About twenty of the Boston company and Chelsea company had been buried near each other, but every skull had been taken away, and nearly all the principal bones of the bodies were gone, some of the bodies had been dug out and others pressed out of the graves with levers, and in some cases the sleeves of uniforms were slit to obtain the bones of the arms.

(Tribune’s Dispatch.)

WASHINGTON, April 2. – A reporter sent to the other side of the Potomac informed us this morning that Secretary Stanton had issued an order forbidding newspaper correspondents, as well as all others not directly connected in some way or other with the service, from accompanying any of the corps de armie.

Many correspondents are now within the army, and it is understood that an order was dispatched yesterday that the whole of them be cleared out and sent back under the penalty of immediate arrest and confinement if they attempt to stay.

Blenker’s brigade has been assigned to Fremont’s command.

Carl Schurz is to have command of a division under Fremont.

Col. Van Allan resigned his command of the New York Cavalry yesterday.  Lieut. Col. Mix will succeed him.

(Times Correspondence.)

It is not yet positively determined who will succeed Carl Schurz as Minister to Spain, and no nomination will be made to the Senate by the President until Schurz is confirmed as Brigadier General.  Hon. Geo. Ashman of Mass., is talked of for the place.

Major Donaldson, chief of the Quartermasters Department in New Mexico arrived at Washington to-day.  He brings much important information in regard to the rebel raid into that territory.  He says the rebels hold every position of value except Forts Craig and Vrain, the latter which is the most important fort in the far west, contains millions of dollars worth of Government stores, is now safe beyond peradventure, and garrisoned by fifteen hundred soldiers, has water within the fortifications and provisions for a long siege.  It will be the rallying point for the ample Union forces now marching to expel the invaders.  Maj. Donaldson relates many incidents of the late battle near Fort Craig, he says that Major Lockridge of the Nicaragua filibusters fell dead at the head of the Texas Rangers in the terrible charge upon McRea’s battery.

Secretary Stanton will proceed to Fortress Monroe to-morrow to give matters there his personal attention.

(Herald’s Dispatch.)

NEW YORK, April 3. – It is rumored here to-day that the Rebel Cabinet has decided to burn the city of Richmond on the approach of the Union army.

Business was never so brisk on the line of the Orange and Alexandria Railroad as it now is.

Since the affair in the Sickles Brigade, where a master shot at his servant, Gen. Hooker has positively refused passes to go into the camps of his division to hunt contrabands.

Lieuts. J. H. Hall and W. McGungle have been ordered to report to Flag Officer Foote.

The number of sick soldiers in the Government Hospitals in the District, at the last weekly report was 2,314.  Of those 536 are from N. Y. regiments.

Slight skirmishing continues to be the order of the day along our front, each army lying in sight of each other, enlivening each other with occasional artillery practice and cavalry charges.

Yesterday Col. Geary captured a number of rebels after a spirited skirmish, in which several of the enemy were killed.

The completion of the railroad to within the immediate neighborhood of the advance, places many of our forces in a much more advantageous position and will be doubtless greatly accelerate the movements of our advancing army.

The rebel cavalry continues to make incursions through the country beyond Manassas Junction.

Woodstock, 2. p. m. – The rebels, when retreating yesterday, attempted to burn a bridge over the creek near its narrow passage, but it was extinguished.  The Magentic Railroad bridge, one hundred feet high, over the same stream, was burned by Jackson, when retreating from Gen. Shields.

The gray stallion said to be Col. Ashley’s was shot yesterday near this town.  The ball must have wounded the rider in the left thigh.  The current report, however, that Ashley was wounded is not credited at head quarters.

Some of Ashley’s scouts made their appearance this morning early, on the high wooden ridge, on the opposite side of Stoney Creek, beyond Edenburg.  They were fired upon by some of the 29th  Penn’a, when Ashley unmasked four guns and threw several shells into the camp – He subsequently retreated under the fire of our guns.  During the day they frequently interfered with our bridge builders, by shelling them at long range.  The foot of the bridge, however has been completed, and our skirmishers and some of the shop shooters are now on the other side, beyond the town.

Lieut. Doll and two privates of Ashley’s cavalry were captured yesterday while carrying dispatches, but refused to divulge the contents or tell who they were from.

A late intercepted letter from a rebel line officer, speaks of the anticipated negro rebellion in Maryland, but this is regarded as one of the means resorted to by secession leaders to dupe their followers.

Ashley’s artillery was reinforced to-day by two guns with which he practiced on us along our line.  Gen. Banks is here and General Shields at Strasburg.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 3

Specials to the New York Papers

(Special to Tribune.)

WASHINGTON, March 25. – The senate Committee on Foreign Relations reported a bill to-day requiring the allegiance of Americans in Europe who may select passports from our Consuls and Ministers.

The debate on Slavery both in the Senate and House was very bitter to-day. Republicans generally voted against taxing slaves.

Mr. Blenker was to-day restored to his position.  This is a victory over Schurz, who desired his place.

The Tax bill was only amended to-day by placing license on dentists of ten dollars per year.

The circulation of the National Republican and Tribune has been forbidden among the regular troops of the army of the Potomac on the ground that articles against McClellan are calculated to incite an insurrectionary spirit.

The commanding officers of various companies have issued official orders to-day that no boats will be allowed to visit Mount Vernon.

The Committee on Naval Affairs determined to-day to report a bill for the construction of iron-clad steamers.

The City Council made an earnest remonstrance against the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia.

The victory at Winchester turns out to be one of the most brilliant of the war.

(Times’ Despatch.)

WASHINGTON, March 25. – It appears that Secretary Stanton, late on Monday night, concluded to forego his purpose to order the arrest of the editors of certain New York and Boston papers.

Advices received from Fortress Monroe are quite conclusive that the Merrimac is out of the dry dock and prepared to run out when she chooses.  The Monitor is on hand.

(World’s dispatch.)

The main body of the rebel army cannot be very far distant as it is known that scouting parties have been discovered within the past 24 hours but a short distance from Manassas Junction.

Appearances indicate that the enemy are strongly fortified behind the line of the Rappahannock.

(Herald’s dispatch.)

Gen. Sumner has issued an important order, prohibiting acts of marauding.  He assures the people of Virginia that their only safety is the General Government, and that it will be his constant endeavor to protect them in their lives and property to the extent of his power.

The General has also determined to accept no resignations in his corps during the campaign.

(Tribune Special.)

WASHINGTON, March 26. – Gen. Halleck’s commissioners appointed to visit the Ft. Donelson prisoners at Chicago had reported the names of one thousand rebels as adverse to taking the oath of allegiance, but Schuyler Colfax protested against their release on these or any other terms, and the President revoked the commission and prohibited the discharge of any more rebels.

(World Specials.)

A gentleman named Pollock reach here to-day having come from Culpepper, Va., near where the rebel army now lies.  He is known in Washington as a reliable and intelligent gentleman.  Mr. Pollock states that in the vicinity from which he came there is a loyal insurrection among the white people who are bitter in their opposition to the rule of Jeff Davis.  The people he says feel that the rebel cause is hopelessly lost since the retreat from their stronghold at Manassas.  The rebel defeat at Winchester has also depressed them.  Though every effort was made to conceal the news from the public and that portion of the army which were not engaged in the fight, he doubts whether the rebels will have pluck to make a stand if they are attacked at Gordonsville.

(Post Specials.)

A few days since the pickets along the lower Potomac and the Chesapeake Bay were driven by Gen. Hooker.  The rebel sympathizers in tory Maryland took this as an indication that the U. S. forces were about to leave and immediately commenced to send their slaves to Virginia for the rebel service.  This perfidy did not escape the vigilance of the General who immediately ordered the arrest of some six our eight of the ringleaders, who were among the most prominent citizens of that section of Maryland.  They will be handed over to the authorities at Washington with the evidence against them, which is said to be of the most conclusive character.

The following nominations by the President were referred to the Military Committee: Ward B. Burnett, of N. Y., Carl Schurz of Wis., M. S. Haskell of Ind. John W. Geary of Pa., Horace Warden of Ill., J. T. Bradford of Ky., James D. Hutchins of Ky., Alonzo J. Phelps of Ohio, and S. M. Hamilton of Ill.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 3

What Carl Schurz Says

From a letter of the Hon. Carl Schurz, published in the New Yorker Demokrat, we learn that in a conversation with Mr. Schurz and several members of the Congress, had with Mr. Secretary Stanton on the 8th inst, that the Secretary publicly stated that a council of war had been held the day before, at which twelve generals were present, when four voted for an immediate advance of the army of the Potomac, while eight voted against it, General Blenker, the commander of the German division, being one of these eight.  At the same time, Mr. Stanton spoke in terms of sharp severity of General Blenker on account of this vote, adding that all the gentlemen present were authorized to repeat what he had said.

This letter of Mr. Schurz, is drawn forth by a previous incorrect report of the conversation referred to.  It thus appears positively that Mr. Stanton – as every intelligent person has long well understood – has never been in favor of delay in the advance of the Potomac army.  Had his policy prevailed earlier, we dare say that Gen. Joe Johnston’s brilliant and successful retreat from Manassas would have been entirely prevented. – {N. Y. Tribune.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 22, 1862, p. 3