Diary of Corporal David L. Day: March 13, 1862

THE LANDING AND MARCH.

The morning of the 13th was dark and rainy, and we made preparations to land. It always rains where we go; first at Hatteras, then at Roanoke and now here. I think we are rightly named a water division.

We landed in a mudhole, at the mouth of Slocum’s creek. Before noon the troops were all landed, and the march commenced. The 25th taking the advance, we marched up the river bank about a mile, the gun-boats shelling the woods in advance of us. We then struck into the woods, which presented a novel appearance. There was no undergrowth, but a short grass covered the ground, while masses of long gray moss hung in festoons from the branches of the trees, giving them a weird and sombre appearance. We soon came out to a cart road, or horse path, along which we followed for about a couple of miles, when we came to a deserted cavalry camp. I reckon when they heard the sounds of revelry on the river, there was mountings in hot haste, and they sped away to some safer locality. The clouds now broke and the sun shone out hot, which, together with the mud, made the march a toilsome one. A little further on, we came to the carriage road. Here Foster's brigade halted, to let Reno's and Parke's brigades move past us.

As Parke's brigade marched past us, we saw at the right of one of the companies in the 5th Rhode Island regiment, marching by the side of the orderly, a lady, dressed in a natty suit, with high boots and jockey hat, surmounted by a big ostrich feather. She was the observed of our whole brigade, and cheer after cheer went up along the line for the pretty woman. Continuing our march a little farther we reached some extensive earthworks, which were abandoned, but for what reason we of course were ignorant. But we reasoned that if they build works like these and then make no effort to hold them, it shows they are weak and have no confidence in their ability to successfully contend against us, and Newbern will fall an easy prey. The deep mud in the road, together with the heat, began to tell on the boys, and many of them were obliged to fall out by the way. Our march began to grow slower, and when about dusk, it commenced raining again, we turned into the woods at the right of the road, where we were to bivouac for the night. Scouting parties and pickets were sent out in order to give notice if anything unusual was about to transpire during the night. Here in the soft mud of the swamp, with the rain pouring down on us, was our hotel. Mrs. Hemans, in her song of the Pilgrims, said,

“Amidst the storm they sang.”

But there was no song in that swamp; too tired for supper the boys laid themselves down in the mud to sleep, and bitterly thought of the morrow. Stokes and I roomed together between a couple of logs. Taking our rifles and powder between us and covering ourselves closely in the blankets, we were soon fast asleep. But he kept the advantage of me all night, for he is a great fellow to pull blankets, and he came out in the morning all right and dry, while I had been catching the rain. The boys slept well, but woke up cold and wet. There was no time to make a cup of coffee, for we were close on the enemy, and the order was again to the battle. We caught a few hasty mouthfuls of cold meat and hardtack, and quietly fell into our places in line.

THE BATTLE.

We fellows who do the shooting are not counted as any great shakes ordinarily, but yesterday morning we seemed to be regarded as of very great importance, and it took a great amount of swearing and hurrying to and fro of aids and hoarse shoutings of officers to get us around where we were wanted. We were within a half mile of the enemy's line, and Reno's and Parke's brigades were deploying in front of them, on the centre and left of our line. Foster's brigade was to take the right, and the 25th led off up the road, followed by the 24th Massachusetts and the other regiments of the brigade. We soon came in sight of the enemy's works, which were only a short rifle-shot from us. Reno's and Parke's brigades had already opened the ball along the center and left. We filed out of the road to the right, moving towards the river. As we moved out we were honored with a salute from one of the enemy's batteries, but the shots passed harmlessly over our heads. The boys looked a little wild, but with steady step moved on until the 25th and 24th Massachusetts were in line on the right of the road; the 27th and 23d Massachusetts and the 10th Connecticut regiments were on the left.

Foster's brigade was now in line of battle and moving forward towards the edge of the woods next to the clearing. The howitzer battery now came up, took position in the road, between the 24th and 27th Massachusetts, and commenced firing. With the exception of the 25th, Foster's brigade then opened fire. We were on the extreme right and well towards the river, seeing nothing in front of us to draw our fire. The 24th Massachusetts kept up a scattering fire that kept the enemy well down behind their works.

We were ordered, if possible, to turn the enemy’s left. We advanced nearly to the edge of the woods, and only a short distance from the enemy's line. I was running my eye along it to see where and how it ended, expecting every moment to hear the order to charge, but just then the boats commenced throwing shell over us, towards the Confederate line. They had got a low range and their shells were coming dangerously near, splintering and cutting off the trees, and ploughing great furrows in the ground directly in front of us. In this condition of affairs we Were compelled to fall back. The boats, however, were soon notified of their mistake and ceased firing. We again advanced, going over and beyond from where we fell back, when all at once we received a galling flank fire from an unseen battery. We again fell back a few rods, dressing the line and again cautiously advanced. We now discovered that their works curved and connected with a large water battery, situated just in the edge of the woods and concealed by the trees. In the rear of this battery were mounted old 32-pounder marine guns, which gave them an enfilading fire of the clearing in front of their works. From these guns they fired grape shot, which weighed about four pounds each. To charge was hopeless, and in falling back we received another fire from this battery. From these we lost quite a number of men, killed and wounded. I had the honor of stopping one ball myself; it struck a tree, however, before it did me. Having got back from under the guns of this battery, Col. Upton reported the situation to Gen. Foster, who ordered him to move his regiment to the left of the 24th Massachusetts and support the howitzer battery. During all this time, however, the battle was raging furiously along the centre and left. While we were bothering around on the right, a little incident occurred, which perhaps is worthy of mention. Lieut. Draper of my company (B), but now attached to the signal corps, reported to Capt. Clark for duty. He said there was nothing more for the signal corps to do and he would like to take his place in the line. The captain told him he could do as he liked; he thereupon joined his company, and did duty with it the rest of the day. Although a young man of only 20 years of age, he has got the stuff in him of which soldiers are made. In front of our battery the enemy had a large gun which commanded the road, and which proved rather troublesome. This gun after each discharge was hauled around, and again back into position, by a pair of mules. After each discharge a young dare-devil of a marine lieutenant would run down the road almost to the gun, to see what they were up to. On one of these excursions he discovered one of the mules down, probably from a stray shot. He came running back up the road like a wild man, swinging his cap, and shouting at the top of his voice: “Come on, come on 1 for God's sake, come on. Now is your time!” The 25th, without any other order, sprang forward, followed by the 24th Massachusetts and all the line. On the charge they received a heavy fire from the enfilading battery, but on they went, scaling the ditch and parapet like blackbirds, but no enemy was there. Seeing us coming, they took that as a notice to leave, and acted on it immediately. Inside the works, I heard Gen. Burnside ask Gen. Foster who gave the order to charge. Foster replied he didn't know, but it made no difference so long as it was done. The 25th reformed, and, marching a short distance to the rear, charged across the railroad, into the swamp, capturing Col. Avery and his South Carolina regiment, who were covering the retreat. Thus, after five hours' hard fighting, ended the battle of Newbern. Victory had again perched upon our banners, and the cheers of the victors were ringing out on every side. Although the battle resulted as I wished, I certainly did not feel like glorying for who can compute the woe, anguish and sorrow of this day's work? I cannot get over my horror of a battle,

“Where the death angel flaps his broad wing o'er the field,

And human souls go out in agony.”

OUR ENTRANCE INTo NEwBERN.

Foster's brigade starts up the railroad for town, leaving Reno's and Parke's, brigades to take care of the field. Cautiously we moved along, thinking, perhaps, the enemy may have formed a second line and are awaiting our approach. It soon became apparent, however, that they were making the distance between them and us as long as possible. We then hurried along, arriving at the river where the railroad bridge was burned which crossed into town. The view from here was an appalling one. The railroad bridge, a fine structure upwards of 1500 feet in length, was in ruins and the town was on fire in several places. Dense clouds of smoke of inky blackness settled like a pall over the town, while every few moments the lurid flames, with their forked tongues, would leap above the clouds, and the bellowing of the gunboats on the river, throwing their large shells over the town after the retreating enemy, conspired to make a most hideous scene.

It was near the middle of the afternoon when the old ferry boat Curlew (which a few weeks before I had wished sunk) arrived. On board this, Major McCafferty, with a mixed company of about 100 men, with the colors, crossed the river and landed on the wharf at the foot of Craven street. These were the first troops and colors in the city. After landing we marched up Craven nearly to Pollock street, when we halted. The major did not appear to have any business on hand or instructions to make any, so we waited for further orders or for the regiment to join us.

Here was presented an indescribable scene. A town on fire, an invading army entering its gates, the terror-stricken inhabitants fleeing in every direction. The negroes were holding a grand jubilee, some of them praying and in their rude way thanking God for their deliverance; others, in their wild delight, were dancing and singing, while others, with an eye to the main chance, were pillaging the stores and dwellings. But in the midst of all this appalling tumult and confusion, the boys, true to the natural instincts of the soldier, were looking around to see what could be found in the line of trophies and fresh rations. They soon began to come in with their plunder, which the major told them to carry back, as he should allow no pillaging while he was in command. Presently Stokes comes along bringing a little package. The major asked, “What have you there?” “Sausages, sir!” “Go, carry them back where you got them from.” “I reckon not,” replied Stokes, “a lady out here gave them to me.” The major was incredulous, but Stokes offered to show him the lady and let her tell it, whereupon the former subsides, and Stokes, with a roguish twinkle of his eye, jams the package into my haversack, saying, “Sausage for breakfast.” I was proud of the boy, to see how well he was observing instructions, as I have told him from the start that to stand any sort of a chance as a soldier, he must learn to do a right smart job of stealing, and be able to lie the hair right off a man's head. He has certainly shown some smallness, and I doubt if a commissioned officer could have done any better. The regiment landed at the north side of the city, and about night rejoined us. Our hard day's work was at last finished, the regiment was dismissed and the companies quartered in any unoccupied buildings they might find. Generals Burnside and Foster, with soldiers, citizens and negroes, were putting out the fires and bringing order out of confusion. Company B was quartered in a small house on Craven street, and the boys, although hungry, tired and worn down by the fatigues of the day, made frolic of the evening and celebrated their victory.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 42-6

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: February 8, 1862

BATTLE OF ROANOKE ISLAND.

At daylight, the order to fall in was heard on all sides. Putting on my equipments and taking Spitfire and a big sweet potato, which I had with much labor succeeded in baking, I took my place in my company. The brigade all ready, Gen. Foster gave the order to march. He, with Col. Upton, took his place at the right of our regiment, marching by the flank into the woods. We soon came out to the pickets and the road that runs through the island. Here we filed to the left, marching up the road. Company A, Capt. Pickett, was thrown out as skirmishers. They soon fell in with the enemy's pickets and drove them in. The column moved up the road to within a short distance of the clearing, in front of the rebel works. On the right of the road the ground was hard and free from brush, but on the left was an almost impenetrable swamp, covered with a dense growth of tangle-blush and horse briars. The right wing of the regiment filed to the right, while the left plunged into the swamp, and with swords and jack-knives, succeeded in cutting a path until they had penetrated the swamp far enough to form our line. The regiment was now nearly all in the swamp, the right resting just across the road. The howitzer battery had taken position in the road, in front of our right wing. The 23d and 27th Massachusetts formed on our right, while the 10th Connecticut was held in reserve. We were now in line in the swamp, and facing to the front, commenced firing. The battery had already opened the ball, and were receiving the attention of the enemy in front. We could see nothing to shoot at, but taking our range by the smoke of the enemy’s guns we blazed away. We fired high, low and obliquely, thinking if we covered a wide range of ground, we might possibly lame somebody, and it seemed our shots must have proved troublesome, for they turned their attention to us, pouring musketry and canister shot without stint into the swamp. We were up to our knees in mud and water, so their shot passed over us without doing much damage. We were now ordered to cease firing and advance, but how to advance was the question. We could stand on a bog and cut away the briars in front of us and jump to another one; where they were not too large we could crawl through them, tearing not only our clothes but our hides as well. The officers rendered good service in cutting away the briars with their swords. In this way we could advance a few steps at a time and then fire a few rounds; the enemy all this time showing us marked attention. Capt. Foster of company D was the first man I saw hit. I was watching him as he stood on a bog, cutting away the briars with his sword, and thinking of him as colonel of the old 8th regiment Massachusetts volunteer militia, in which I used to muster. The shot struck him near the eye. He whirled round on the bog, and would have fallen had not three of his men caught him and led him to the rear. I was rather amused at the major's plan of rifle practice; he was practicing with a large revolver, shooting into the air at an elevation of about 80 degrees. Some one asked him what he was trying to act out. “Why,” replied the major, “you see my shots attain their summit directly over the enemy, and if one of those shot in falling should hit a man on top of his head, his goose is cooked just as effectually as though he had been hit with a cannon ball.” By cutting and crowding ourselves through the briars, we advanced to within about 300 yards of the enemy. Our ammunition being now exhausted and having been in the swamp about three hours we were ordered out. The 21st Massachusetts took our places and the 51st New York and 51st Pennsylvania regiments forced their way through to the left front; the three regiments succeeded in getting out on the enemy’s right flank. Seeing that all was now lost, the rebels took to their heels for the head of the island, followed by Reno's and Foster's brigades. At the head of the island, near the enemy's camp, was Gen. Burnside with the 24th Massachusetts regiment, to whom Col. Shaw, in command of the Confederate forces, surrendered. By this, about 3000 prisoners, with their arms, ammunition and stores, fell into our hands. But the greatest prize of all, old ex-Governor Wise, slipped through our fingers. Perhaps, having some premonitions of the fate which awaited his command, he wisely took himself off the island last night, leaving his command with Col. Shaw, of the 8th North Carolina regiment. The old governor probably acted on the principle of the militia captain who was about leading his company into action. He made them a little speech, telling them to be brave and valiant, not to run until actually forced to. “But,” he said, “in case that should happen, and I being a little lame, I think I had better start now.”

THOUGHTS.

During the action I had seen quite a number hit and led back to the rear, but I had little time to think much about it. After the chase commenced and we marched through the little redoubt and over the ground held by the enemy, and I began to see the mangled forms of dead and dying men, I was filled with an indescribable horror and wanted to go right home. I now began to realize what we had been doing, and thought that, if in this age of the world, with all our boasted civilization and education, men could not settle their differences short of cutting each other’s throats, we were not very far removed from barbarism. But I suppose so long as the nature of man is ambitious and selfish he will try to obtain by force what he cannot attain by other means. It was about night when we reached the Confederate camp, found the business had all been done, and Gen. Burnside was master of the situation. We now appropriated to our own use the log barracks of the enemy, leaving them to secure lodgings as best they could, as we had done the night before, with only this difference; they had a large body-guard over them, to see that they were orderly and kept the peace.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 34-6

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: December 2, 1861

THE TROOPS BRIGADED.

The troops encamped around here have been formed into three brigades, and will be commanded by Brigadier Generals Foster, Reno and Parke; the whole to be under command of Gen. A. E. Burnside and known as Burnside's coast division. Our regiment has been assigned the right of the first brigade, comprising the 25th, 23d, 24th and 27th Massachusetts and 10th Connecticut regiments, under command of Brig. Gen. John G. Foster, U. S. A. I think we are fortunate in our commander, as he appears to me like a man who understands his business. Gen. Foster is a regular army officer, ranking as captain of engineer!. He served in the Mexican war, and was with Major Anderson at the storming and surrender of Fort Sumpter. He has recently been commissioned brigadier general of volunteers. Judging from appearances, I have great faith in him as an able commander.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 13-4

Elizabeth Adams Lusk to Captain William Thompson Lusk, September 16, 1862

Norwich, Sept 16th, 1862.

My own dear Son:

I have very little reason to believe in the probability of your receiving my many letters, yet I continue to write with the bare possibility that they may some of them reach you. Last night came the news of a glorious victory for us, but alas! also came the sad and sickening news that another of our good and able Generals was killed. In the general rejoicing my heart is heavy, for my dear son was in Reno's command when I last heard, and I am looking with fear and dread for the terrible list to come from that battlefield. How my God is trying me, and how merciful he has been to preserve my precious son through so many appalling dangers! My heart was so full of sympathy for Mrs. Stevens. I wrote her a letter a few days ago. I saw that her husband was buried at Newport, and an extract from an address delivered on the occasion impressed me wonderfully. We are all occupied by the same train of thought, deepened in intensity of course with some of us, by the danger our loved ones are in. I received a very kind letter from Horace a few days since, wherein he dwells upon the birth of your reputation; he says at twenty-four you have won honors enough to suffice for a life time. You are not forgotten my own son, my heroic boy. Many hearts are watching, eager for every word from you. The extract from your letter in the N. Y. Post has attracted the attention of many who know you personally, or have heard of you. They say the account is interesting, and written too, by one who observes. . . .

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 197-8

Elizabeth Adams Lusk to Captain William Thompson Lusk, September 17, 1862

17th. To-day our rejoicing is somewhat subdued by the news of the surrender of our forces at Harper's Ferry. Burnside's corps is said to have fought splendidly at South Mountain; Reno's Command is highly complimented, not a man faltered. I am so longing for another letter from you. I see the 79th was in the recent engagements. It seems they are always where work is to be done. I saw too that Capt. Pier, of whom I have heard Dr. Elliott speak, was slightly wounded. I trust you have escaped unhurt, that God's good angels have guarded you, and brought you safely through. I noticed the names of one or two from Co. K, 79th, among the wounded. Uncle John's faith in Gen. Pope remains firm. Mine is lost, yet I wish all to receive full justice, and am very glad to discover merit among our officers; our men are almost beyond praise.

Miss Abby Bond (Dr. Bond's daughter) is to be married to-day, to a Mr. Adriance from St. Louis. Nannie Day has come up to attend the wedding. Hunt is in good spirits this morning; he sends love, thinks you are doing great things, and hopes the ball now in motion, will move until the great end for which it was started, is accomplished. He says he sees McClellan has been under a chiropodist, and he is glad to see so glorious a result.

Again, good-bye, my own dear son. I pray that you, so marvellously preserved as a soldier of our country, may likewise always remain a soldier of the Cross. God bless you, guard you, guide you, wherever you may be.

With much love from all, I remain, my precious son,

Always your loving

Mother.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 198-9

Elizabeth Adams Lusk to Horace Barnard, September 10, 1862

Norwich, Sept. 10th, 1862.

Dear Horace:

I received your letter on Sunday morning. I am satisfied that you will manage the business intrusted to you as well as may be during these horrible times, and hope for a better future. I am sad, sick, despairing. Fifteen months ago I gave my son, my only one, to serve his country as he best might. How faithful he has been his General has testified. He has fought in five large battles and in ten or twelve small ones, not a day's respite, always at the wheel, full of hope, full of energy, sacrificing home, University honors in Berlin, all that made life lovely, to serve his country in her hour of need. Look at the result. Gen. Stevens, his good friend, the best, the bravest, the truest patriot, the courageous soldier, the great man, is sacrificed, while blundering little men who can never fill his place are for political reasons reaping honors. My son is still performing the duties of an Assistant Adjutant-General, trying, as he says, to keep the concern in motion, but with gloomy prospects when the command passes into new hands. His regiment, the 79th, is reduced from its proud array of 1000 men to a regiment of cripples — only 230 men are left, wholly, I fear hopelessly, demoralized. Oh, my God, has he not one friend who can lift a hand to help? Are his services of no value? Loyal as I have ever been, loyal as I am still, now that his kind appreciative General is gone, I would, if I could, withdraw him from the army, where the faithful servant is unnoticed, and the scheming politician receives the honors.

I have received two letters since the battles on the Rappahannock, in all of which he was engaged, through which, my God, “The God of the widow,” preserved him alive. He was “Acting A. A. General,” full of love and admiration for his General, and honored in return by his loving confidence. I now quote from his letter regarding his last battle: “Whenever anything desperate was to be performed, Kearny and Stevens were always selected, with this difference though, that Stevens was rarely credited with what he did, while Kearny's praises were very properly published. On Monday's fight, the General's son and I were walking together in the rear of the 79th Regiment, when Capt. Stevens was wounded. Finding that he was able to move off without assistance, I continued to follow the Regiment. Soon the General came up on foot. 'Have you seen your son?' I asked him. 'Yes,' said he, I know that he is wounded,' and then added, 'Capt. Lusk I wish you would pass to the left of the line, and push the men forward in that direction.' I did as I was ordered and on my return found the Gen. had been killed, and the troops badly slaughtered. The General you have read was shot while holding the flag of the 79th Regiment in his hand. There were five shot holding the same flag in about 20 minutes time. I found the sixth man standing almost alone at the edge of some woods, still clinging hopelessly to the colors. I drew him back to the crest of a hill a couple of hundred yards, and gathered a few of the 79th about it. Kearny then came riding up, and asked the name of the little band. On being told, he said, 'Scotchmen you must follow me.' They told him they had not a round of ammunition left. 'Well,' said he then, 'stand where you are, and it may be you will be able to assist my men with the bayonet.' The soldierly form moved on and it too, soon was dust. Stevens was a great man, and Kearny a courageous soldier.”

If these incidents would interest the public, and Mr. Godwin is inclined to publish them I have no objection; you may do as you like. I wish the country knew all that occurred on those battlefields. The truth is beginning to dawn. I have written a long letter. Will is still at the Headquarters of the 1st Division, Reno's Command. He shudders at the thought of returning to his Regiment. The General and all the best friends of the 79th felt that it had suffered so much from constant active service, was so terribly decimated, and so demoralized from the loss of officers, it should be recalled from the service. If my son has friends who can help, beg them to think of him now — his General killed, his intimate friends wounded, Major Matteson, his tried friend, dead of typhoid fever — his cup is more than full, and my heart is ready to burst with its grief for him.

Well, good-bye; give much love to all who care for us, and believe me,

Truly yours,

E. F. Lusk.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 193-5

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, September 4, 1862

Headquarters 1st Div. Reno's Command,

Near Alexandria, Sept. 4th, 1862.

Dear Mother:

Once more, after a lapse of nearly five weeks, am I able to write you again. During this time we have been cut off from all communication with our friends, we have been busily employed, and have suffered much. I have lost my good friend, Genl. Stevens, who has been sacrificed by little men who can poorly fill his place. Whenever anything desperate was to be performed, Stevens and Kearny were always selected, with this difference though, that Stevens rarely was credited with what he did, while Kearny's praises were properly published. On Monday's fight, the General's son and I were walking together in the rear of the 79th Regiment, when Capt. Stevens was wounded. Finding that young Stevens was able to move off without assistance, I continued to follow the Regiment. Soon the General came up on foot. “Have you seen your son?” I asked him. “Yes,” said he, “I know he is wounded,” and then added, “Capt. Lusk, I wish you would pass to the left of the line, and push the men forward in that direction.” I did as I was ordered, and on my return, found the General had been killed, and the troops badly slaughtered. The General you have read was shot while holding the flag of the 79th Regiment in his hand.

There were five shot holding the same flag in about twenty minutes time. I found the sixth man standing almost alone at the edge of some woods still clinging hopelessly to the colors. I drew him back to the crest of a hill a couple of hundred yards back and gathered a few of the 79th about it. Kearny then came riding up, and asked the name of the little band. On being told, he said, “Scotchmen, you must follow me.” They told him they had not a round of ammunition left. “Well,” said he then, “stand where you are and it may be you will be able to assist my men with the bayonet.” The soldierly form moved on, and it too soon was dust. Stevens was a great man and Kearny a courageous soldier. It is not every man of whom this last can be said, though the country may have placed him high in power. I suppose I must not tell all I have seen in the last few days fighting, but I have seen enough to make it no matter of wonder at the extent of our disaster. I have read little truth as yet in the papers, though I see the people are beginning to feel the truth. So long as the interests of our country are entrusted to a lying braggart like Pope, or a foolish little Dutchman like Sigel, we have little reason to hope successfully to compete with an army led by Lee, Johnston and old "Stonewall" Jackson. Carl Schurz, our lately returned minister to Spain, I found blundering horribly. Schenck was a laughable instance of incompetence, and so with others. You must be careful to whom you repeat these things, and yet there is much which it were better were known, for our soldiers are not deceived by lying reports. They feel whom they can trust, and are not willing to fight for men like McDowell and that ilk. McClellan's reappointment gives great satisfaction to the soldiers. Whether right or wrong they believe in him.

I expect to get my back letters to-day, and then what a treat. I am still very much fatigued by the last month, and like to rest all I can.

Good-bye. Kisses and love to all.

Affec'y.,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 180-1

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes: September 10, 1862

Camp Northwest Of Brookville, Maryland,

September 10, 1862.

Dearest: — We are now about twenty-five or thirty miles northwest of Washington, about thirty miles from Baltimore, in Maryland. The army is gradually moving up to operate against the Rebels who have crossed the Potomac. We march about eight to twelve miles a day — General Cox's Division always near the front, if not in front. We are now in front. Captured a Rebel patrol last night. We subordinates know less of the actual state of things than the readers of the Commercial at home. Order is coming out of chaos. The great army moves on three roads five or eight miles apart. Sometimes we move in the night and at all other hours, moving each subdivision about six or eight hours at a time in each twenty-four hours. Some large body is moving on each road all the time. In this way the main body is kept somewhere in the same region. General Burnside is our commander. I have not yet seen him. He was cheered heartily, I am told, yesterday when he met his troops below here. His Yankee regiments are much the best troops we have seen East. “The Grand Army of the Potomac” suffers by comparison with General Cox's or General Burnside's men. It is not fair, however, to judge them by what we now see. They are returning [from] a severe and unfortunate service which of necessity has broken them down.

We march through a well-cultivated, beautiful region — poor soil but finely improved. I never saw the Twenty-third so happy as yesterday. More witty things were said as we passed ladies, children, and negroes (for the most part friendly) than I have heard in a year before. The question was always asked, “What troops are those,” or “Where are you from?” The answers were “Twenty-third Utah,” “Twenty-third Bushwhackers,” “Twenty-third Mississippi,” “Drafted men,” “Raw Recruits,” “Paroled prisoners,” “Militia going home,” “Home Guards,” “Peace Men,” “Uncle Abe's children,” “The Lost Tribes,” and others “too numerous, etc.” Nearly all the bands are mustered out of service; ours therefore is a novelty We marched a few miles yesterday on a road where troops have not before marched. It was funny to see the children. I saw our boys running after the music in many a group of clean, bright-looking, excited little fellows.

What a time of it they have in Cincinnati? I got a dispatch from Mr. Clements yesterday saying I was discharged ten days ago by the War Department to take command of the Seventy-ninth, but I get no official notice of it, and at present can't get leave to go and see to it. If the place is not filled by somebody else I shall join the new regiment before the end of the month, I suspect. I have no particular preference or wish about it, but having said that I will join if leave is given, I shall do so unless in the meanwhile some change in affairs takes place to justify a different course.

I can hardly think the enemy will carry his whole or main force into Maryland and risk all upon a battle here. If not he will probably withdraw on the approach of our army. If he does, I can then get leave of absence.

Kisses and love to all the boys. Love to Grandma and the dear friends you are among. I feel very grateful for their kindness to you and the boys. I think of you now almost as constantly as you do of me.

I have very little care or responsibility. The men behave well, and are always ready. I got into an angry altercation with Major-General Reno who was in a passion and abusive to some of my men; the men cheered me as he rode off, which made a little difficulty, but I am told he is ashamed of it, and it led to no trouble.

Good-bye, darling. “I love you so much.”

Affectionately, yours ever,

R.

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 350-1

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, September 8, 1862

Camp Fifteen Miles North Of Washington, In

Maryland, September 8, 1862.

Dear Uncle: — I write you about a difficulty I had yesterday .with Major-General Reno, not because it gives me any trouble or anxiety but fearing that false and partial accounts of it may get into the Eastern papers and give you trouble.

As we were camping last night, the general rode into my regiment in a towering passion, using most abusive language to my men for taking a little straw to put on the hard, rough, ploughed ground they were to lie on. I defended the men and in respectful language gave him my opinion of the matter. He gradually softened down and the affair seemed to end pretty well. But the men cheered me, and this he seems to lay up against me. He couples this with a remark I made that, “I trusted our generals would exhibit the same energy in dealing with our foes that they did in the treatment of their friends,” and has talked of putting me in irons, as is said. General Cox, Colonel Scammon, and all the Ohio colonels and troops sustain me fully and justify the cheering, saying the men have the same right to cheer their colonel that they have to cheer General McClellan. I think it will stop where it is, except in the newspapers. Whatever is reported, you may feel safe about the outcome. They are doing some hasty things at Washington, but I have no doubt in any event that Governor Chase and the President will see justice done at the end to all our Ohio men.

We are supposed to be here in readiness to operate against the enemy invading Maryland. At present we are in General Reno's Corps, General Cox's Division, Colonel Scammon's Brigade, of General Burnside's Army. On the march, the Ohio troops have shown the best discipline and the most endurance of any body. New England furnishes the next best. Some of the Yankee troops are capital, all are good. The Middle States (New Jersey, New York, and Pennsylvania) are many of them abominable.

I have seen Colonel Ewing, who called on General Reno. He says General Reno was “cut to the quick” by the remark I have quoted, and is exceedingly “bitter” about it. Well, it's all in a lifetime. General Cox means to get us transferred if possible to General Sigel's Corps, on the ground that General Reno has given such offense to the Ohio troops that they will serve under him with reluctance.

Things have a bad look just now, but I still think they will mend before any crushing calamity comes. They will, if proper system and energy is adopted.

Sincerely,

R. B. Hayes.

P. S. — You may send this to Platt to set him right if he hears any lies about it. — [R.]

S. Birchard.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 348-9

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Monday, September 8, 1862

Camp near Leesboro, Maryland. — Nothing new this morning. Men from Ohio all in a talk about General Reno's abusive language. It is said that when talking with me he put his hand on his pistol; that many standing by began to handle their arms also! I am sorry the thing goes so far.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 347

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Sunday, September 7, 1862

Washington City. — Left the suburbs of Washington to go on Leesboro Road about twelve to fifteen miles. Road full of horse, foot, and artillery, baggage and ambulance waggons. Dust, heat, and thirst. “The Grand Army of the Potomac” appeared to bad advantage by the side of our troops. Men were lost from their regiments; officers left their commands to rest in the shade, to feed on fruit; thousands were straggling; confusion and disorder everywhere. New England troops looked well; Middle States troops badly; discipline gone or greatly relaxed.

On coming into camp Major-General Reno, in whose corps we are, rode into the grounds occupied by General Cox's troops in a towering passion because some of the men were taking straw or wheat from a stack. Some were taking it to feed to horses in McMullen's Battery and to cavalry horses; some in the Twenty-third Regiment were taking it to lie upon. The ground was a stubble field, in ridges of hard ground. I saw it and made no objection. General Reno began on McMullen's men. He addressed them: “You damned black sons of bitches.” This he repeated to my men and asked for the colonel. Hearing it, I presented myself and assumed the responsibility, defending the men. I talked respectfully but firmly; told him we had always taken rails, for example, if needed to cook with; that if required we would pay for them. He denied the right and necessity; said we were in a loyal State, etc., etc. Gradually he softened down. He asked me my name. I asked his, all respectfully done on my part. He made various observations to which I replied. He expressed opinions on pilfering. I remarked, in reply to some opinion, substantially: “Well, I trust our generals will exhibit the same energy in dealing with our foes that they do in the treatment of their friends.” He asked me, as if offended, what I meant by that. I replied. “Nothing — at least, I mean nothing disrespectful to you.” (The fact was, I had a very favorable opinion of the gallantry and skill of General Reno and was most anxious to so act as to gain his good will.) This was towards the close of the controversy, and as General Reno rode away the men cheered me. I learn that this, coupled with the remark, gave General Reno great offense. He spoke to Colonel Ewing of putting colonels in irons if their men pilfered! Colonel Ewing says the remark “cut him to the quick,” that he was “bitter” against me. General Cox and Colonel Scammon (the latter was present) both think I behaved properly in the controversy.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 346-7

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: September 24, 1862

Still no official account of the Sharpsburg fight, and no list of casualties. The Yankee loss in generals very great — they must have fought desperately. Reno, Mansfield, and Miles were killed; others badly wounded. The Yankee papers say that their loss of “field officers is unaccountable;” and add, that but for the wounding of General Hooker, they would have driven us into the Potomac!

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 157

Major-General George B. McClellan to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, September 14, 1862 – 9:40 p.m.

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC,

Three miles beyond Middletown, Md., Sept. 14, 1862 – 9.40 p.m.

(Received 1 a.m., 15th.)

Major-General HALLECK,

General-in- Chief:

After a very severe engagement, the corps of Hooker and Reno have carried the heights commanding the Hagerstown road. The troops behaved magnificently. They never fought better. Franklin has been hotly engaged on the extreme left. I do not yet know the result, except that the firing indicated progress on his part. The action continued until after dark, and terminated leaving us in possession of the entire crest. It has been a glorious victory. I cannot yet tell whether the enemy will retreat during the night or appear in increased force in the morning. I am hurrying up everything from the rear, to be prepared for any eventuality. I regret to add that the gallant and able General Reno is killed.

GEO. B. McCLELLAN,

[Major-General.]

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 19, Part 2 (Serial No. 28), p. 289

The Burnside Expedition --- The Actual Facts

To the Editor of the New York Times

Upon my arrival at Fortress Monroe, I gave without any compensation, the facts relating to the Burnside Expedition to the Associated Press.  In that report I nothing extenuated, nor set down aught in malice.  I stated the facts without commentary.  The official dispatch distinctly states that only one vessel was lost and that Gen. Burnside says so.  I know that he did not.  I know that Gen. Burnside freely and openly spoke to the Correspondents of his position, of his misfortunes, and his responsibilities, and that when he was advised to place an espionage over the Press, he said, “I am in the hands of the public.  I have been deceived but I will bear the blame.”  Freely, and with generosity, in the face of counsel opposed to him he allowed the correspondents to send their dispatches.

The facts stated and published by these gentlemen have verified my original statement, but now that some official parties have seen fit to contravene the primary statements which the public received, perhaps it would be well to reiterate and state the facts.

An expedition called the Burnside Expedition which had long been in preparations, and which consisted of one hundred and twenty five vessels of all descriptions sailed on the 4th of January from Fortress Monroe.  Slight storms and head winds retarded us on our progress, but we arrived, either outside or inside the bar, on the 13th or 15th of this month.  Gen. Wool advised the departure, the pilots agreed with him, and thus we saved meeting a storm which would have buried one half of the worthless hulks on the sandy bottom of the sea.  The vessels comprising the expedition were bought under the understanding that they should draw a certain depth of water.  The correspondent of the Evening Post states in one case: At least one steamer was sworn to draw but six feet six inches when laden and actually draws when lightened as near as possible, eight feet.  From the World’s correspondent: ‘I shudder when I look back to a week ago yesterday, and recount the train of casualties which has followed us and were I to present them in the order they occurred your readers would certainly presume this an ill starred expedition.’

All the daily papers add testimony to these statements.  I will not enter into particulars already published.  The terrible storms almost unparalleled, the rapid current sweeping with resistless force from Pamlico sound to the wild ocean at the rate of five miles an hour and returning.  The high tides washing over the sandy beach of Hatteras and preventing the landing of soldiers or the serene quiescent gouty state of the Commodore who lounged on his divan while the whirlwind and the rough ocean tore and shattered the City of New York’s elegant proportions into driftwood and an unseemly object when a hauser from a tug boat might have saved her.

I will sate facts.  The City of New York with 400 kegs of gunpowder, 1,700 Enfield rifles, with bombs &c., was lost through neglect, and her Captain and crew in full sight of the fleet remained in the rigging forty hours exposed to the mercy of the elements.  The Zouave gunboat, armed with one 32 pound Parrott gun, two Wiard guns, rifled, dragged her anchors, stove a hole in her stern and sunk.  The troops were saved and so were the guns.  The vessel is lost.

The Grapeshot bomb-vessel went down at sea.

The Pocahontas, an old steamer, was charted for horses.  The pilot stated to the General on board the Spaulding that her owner was utterly opposed to her going on the expedition. – The pilot also stated that the boilers leaked and they drove wooden plugs in the boiler, that the iron grates fell out (See Times correspondent) and she went ashore because they and no sail!  The Pocahontas lost 80 Rhode Island Battery horses and 15 staff officers’ horses.

The bark Volligeur, with a portion of the Eleventh Connecticut is hard ashore with 500 troops.

The Admiral who carried Gen. Burnside and the Massachusetts Twenty-fourth and which were sent ashore, stuck in the Swash three days but is now over.

The steamer Northerner, the headquarters of Gen. Reno, broke her anchor and was ashore three days.

The Eastern Queen went hard ashore.

The Louisiana, a large paddle-wheel steamer, (Herald correspondent says,) broke her back.

A schooner went ashore near the light-house, with oats for horses, and went to pieces.

Another schooner went ashore with coal, and lost six men, four of whom were buried by Col. Stevenson of the Twenty-fourth Massachusetts, and two by the Eleventh Connecticut.

The ships purchased for the Expedition never could have stood a storm at sea.  Old freight boats from Poughkeepsie and Albany were fitted up as gunboats, painted black to look formidable, two of them, the Lancer and Pioneer, carried 500 troops each.  When in the trough of the sea they rolled fearfully and a Captain in the navy who was on board the Lancer, stated that in case of a storm, nothing could prevent her from bilging and going down.

The contractor who furnished the water casks for the expedition has committed an outrage on our soldiers which should only entitle him to John Brown’s fate.  The casks used to put water in were old whisky, kerosene oil and camphene barrels furnished by the Union city of Baltimore.  The sufferings endured from this source was terrible, men could not drink it, it was too nauseous.

Another contrast.  Ice would have been a luxury to the soldiers – it was only $5 a ton. – Water we were short of.  Coal we were short – it was only $4.50 a ton.  Stone was worth 25 cents.  All of these most excellent ballast.  Yet would it be believed that we took on board pig iron at $20 a ton as ballast, knowing when we started we should have to cast it overboard. – Yes such is the fact.  The gunboat Lancer arrived at Hatteras Inlet short of coal and water, and yet she threw over 75 tons of iron - $1,750 worth.  In all $3,600 worth of iron was cast overboard, yet we were short of water.

The pilots, we are all told, were all Union, Hatteras Inlet was Union, and New York subscribed $8,000 for the inhabitants because they were all Union.  Yet one of the pilots hired by us one went over to the enemy and informed them of everything, and as for the inhabitants of Hatteras Inlet, they are too ignorant to know the difference between Union and Secession.  It is all nonsense, experience teaches us that, there are no Union men there, and that the 3,000 rifles asked for, if they had been granted, would now be on Roanoke Island, and that the $8,000 sent to North Carolina for the benefit of the Union men, was all lost to us.  The south are in earnest and we are at play.  We had to pay $800 in secret service money to those self-same Union men, to know whether Roanoke Island was occupied or not.

Briefly reiterating the facts contained in my first dispatch, and calling attention to the rascalities of the first steamboat contractors, and other contractors, and asking the public to pause in the contemplation of a set of scoundrels who have allowed the lives and health of 15,000 men to be periled by their life boats and their water casks, I will conclude by stating the position of affairs.

The naval gunboats have crossed the “swash.”  One half of Gen. Burnside’s vessels have done likewise.  Seven thousand troops are safely over.  Those vessels which cannot cross will be relieved of their troops, and will cross on other vessels.  Vessels may be injured.  Water was scarce for a time.  The rations were rather slight.  But the whole army of 15,000 men have confidence in their General.  He is ever ready to relieve the wants of a shipwrecked crew or the privations of the soldier.  In the storm in his top boots, his old gray flannel shirt and Kossuth hat, the American Garibaldi is loved by all.  They have faith in his bravery – they have confidence in his judgment – and their experience teaches them that Gen. Burnside will never bring back the star on his shoulder dimmed by defeat, but rather that it will shine resplendent in victory.

W. R.

FIFTH AVENUE HOTEL, Tuesday, January 30th, 1862.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 8, 1862, p. 2

Washington News, Rumors &c.

WASHINGTON, Feb. 20. – Yesterday the Senate confirmed Cassius M. Clay as Major-General, and Jesse L. Reno, of Burnside’s column, as Brigadier-General.  It also rejected Quartermaster Charles Lieb for the second time, the Military Committee stating that he had a million of dollars unaccounted for.

Mr. Vallandigham was much agitated while speaking on Mr. Hickman’s resolution.  When he concluded only two members went to him, Cox and Pendleton.  The Kentucky members are evidently against him.

Mr. Washburne, of Ill., pushed the House in Committee of the Whole through all the Senate’s amendments to the Treasury note bill at a gallop, cutting off a number of long-winded speeches.  The vote concurring in the amendment paying interest in cash was, ayes 76, nays not counted.  The sinking fund amendment was rejected on the unanimous recommendation of the Ways and Means Committee, though opposed by the Homestead, because it devotes to this fund the proceeds of sales of public lands.

The Richmond Examiner of Saturday contains an editorial commencing with the following: – From the valiant Senator down to the timid seamstress, the question on every tongue in Richmond is, whether the enemy are likely to penetrate with their gunboats to this quarter.

The House District of Columbia Committee will report a bill abolishing slavery and incorporating Pennsylvania Avenue.

Assistant Secretary Seward was examined by the Judiciary Committee on censorship of telegraph yesterday.  The investigation is drawing to a close.

A report was made in the Senate Executive Secession yesterday on Mexican affairs by the Committee on Foreign Affairs.  It has been ordered printed.

Mr. Rice of Minnesota, from the Senate Committee on Military Affairs, reported yesterday a joint resolution giving authority to the President to appoint a Lieutenant General by brevet.  The same committee reported in favor of an appropriation to purchase and distribute silver medals to privates and non-commissioned officers, in both army and navy, for distinguished services during the present war.  They also decide not to grant brevet commissions except for gallant conduct in the face of the enemy.

All stories purporting that Gen. Fremont has received a clean bill of health from the Committee on the Conduct of the War, or that he has been assigned to a new command, are without foundation, at least premature.  What may be done eventually depends on the Committee.

The Committee on Conduct of the War has recently been inquiring into the case of Dr. Ives and into the blockade of the Potomac.  On the first matter Mr. Hudson, managing editor of the New York Herald, and on the 2^nd, Capt. Dahlgren were examined.

The Navy Department will issue proposals for steam men of war.  Construction of gunboats will be pressed.

No more titles by brevet will be given, except for distinction in battle.

Mr. Trumbull said in the debate on the army deficiency bill to-day, that he had received authentic information that there were only 28,000 Union soldiers under Gen. Grant at Fort Donelson, instead for 40,000 or 50,000, as reported.

In the House Mr. Voorhes of Indiana made a thorough secession speech, declaring that the people of Indiana were in favor of compromise with the rebels.

Mr. Washburn of Illinois replied to him, saying that the people of Illinois were in favor of Gen. Grant’s compromise with Buckner, viz: immediate and unconditional surrender.  (Loud applause on the floor and galleries.)

Thirty transports ran the Potomac blockade unharmed Tuesday and Wednesday nights.

Gen. Thomas Williams is released from command at Hatteras, and will have command under Gen. Butler, now at Ship Island.

Butler’s New England department has been abrogated, and his authority to raise and equip troops and make contracts revoked.

Governors of States are hereafter to be the only persons authorized to raise regiments.

Mr. Richardson of Illinois, from the House Military Committee, reported a resolution urging that no rebels who have been in the civil, military or naval service of the United States, be exchanged, with the design of keeping and punishing them as ringleaders.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 22, 1862, p. 3

From Virginia

NEW MARKET, April 24.

To Hon. E. M. Stanton, Sec’y War:

Our advance guard, Col. Donelly Commanding, took three prisoners to-day, at a point nine miles beyond Harrisonburg. – One of them says he belongs to the 10th Virginia regiment. This regiment has been on the Rappahannock, the prisoner says, but has now joined Jackson, at his present location near Stannardsville.

(Signed) N. P. BANKS.


HEADQUARTERS DEPT. OF VIRGINIA,
April 24, 1862.

To Hon. E. M. Stanton, Sec’y War:

Assistant Surgeon Warren, unconditionally released with 17 prisoners and 4 attendants, arrived this evening from Norfolk. The were all wounded and left on the field in the affair of the South Mills. The troops of the United States consisted of 3,000 men, under command of Gen. Reno. The surgeon says the rebels reported only a Georgia regiment and three pieces of artillery as being used in the engagement.

The Norfolk Day Book reports a heavy bombardment at Fort Jackson on the Mississippi. Gen. Lovett is represented as saying it was terrific. It was still continued at the latest advices.

(Signed) John E. Wool, Maj. Gen.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, April 26, 1862, p. 1

The Battle at Elizabeth City

WASHINGTON, April 23. – Capt. Cutting of Gen. Burnside’s staff, arrived here to-day with dispatches to the Government. He states that Gen. Reno commanded the National forces at the lat reconnaissance to Elizabeth City.

Capt. Cutting gives the following particulars of the affair:

On the 17th inst. Gen. Reno left Newbern and proceeded to Roanoke Island, from which place he took about 2,000 men and proceeded to Elizabeth City (which is situated on the Pasquotank river) where a strong rebel force was reported to be entrenching themselves. On Saturday an advance was made upon the rebels. The enemy opened fire with artillery as soon as our troops made their appearance, and from all appearances thought they had us in a trap of our own making. Our troops immediately formed and charged on the enemy, who ran at the first fire. We immediately took possession of the town, and after remaining a few hours, retired to the main army.

Our force was about 2,000 under Gen. Reno, and three boat howitzers under Col. Zoard. – The force of the rebels consisted of a Georgia regiment of 1100 men, a portion of Wise’s Legion, and batteries or artillery. The enemy was totally routed, with a loss of about 60 men. Our loss is about 12 killed and 48 wounded. – Col. Hawkins of the N. Y. Zouaves received a slight flesh wound in the arm. His adjutant was reported killed.

Information received from Union sources is that the guns of the national forces under Gen. Burnside were probably opened on Fort Macon yesterday or to-day.

Gen. Porter commands our forces.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 3