Showing posts with label Maryland. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Maryland. Show all posts

Sunday, April 14, 2024

Northern Sentiment

The following sweet morsel of her fierce defiance and blustering braggadocio appears in the Philadelphia Transcript, under the head of “Crush the Traitors.” It will be perused with more of pity than of anger toward the poor wretches whose ignorance would counsel its indorsement:

The Point has been reached where forbearance is a crime against our country. The seceding States, for five months past, have been perpetrating a continual series of outrages against the Constitution, against the common courtesy of nations and states, against all public decency and right. Whatever may have been their complaints or wrongs, they have resorted, not to any remedy of them, but to disgraceful violence, robbery, murder and treachery. They have spurned all offers of conciliation or adjustment; they have inaugurated wholesale schemes of revolution; they have made war upon the Union, simply because it attempted to victual its starving soldiers, and they have attacked and murdered volunteer troops peacefully marching to defend the capital. Virginia and Maryland are not out of the Union, and yet, instigated and applauded by the Cotton States, they commit monstrous acts of avowed treason. Baltimore has capped the climax by its cowardly assault upon unarmed men, and by its brutal murder of many of them.

Now the time has come to end all this. The slaveholding States must be taught a lesson that will never be forgotten—a lesson of fire and blood. Their threats, bluster, arrogance, and outrages must be forever terminated. They must be made to feel that they cannot and dare not arrest and assault our Union and our flag. They are as weak as they are insolent. The gigantic strength, the superior civilization, and the boundless resources of the free States are able to carry desolation from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The whole North, from Maine to California, although usually “slow to wrath,” patient and forbearing, is at last fearlessly aroused. The descendants of the heroes of Bunker Hill, Saratoga, Brandywine, Tippecanoe, Chippawa, and Fort Meigs, are flying to arms. Presently the continent will resound under the stern and steady tramp of unprecedented myriads of the free laborers and mechanics of the North.

Let them finish their enterprise. Let them plant the stars, stripes, and eagles of an indissoluble Republic on the steeples of Richmond, Charleston and New Orleans. Let the traitor States be starved out by blockade and given to the swords and bayonets of stalwart freemen. No matter at what cost of treasure, blood and suffering, the slaveholding States must be scourged into decency, good behavior and subjection.

The cannon is now the sacred instrument of union, justice, and liberty. The Union heretofore has been a smiling angel of benignity. Now it must be an angel of death, scattering terror and destruction among its enemies. If necessary, myriads of Southern lives must be taken, Southern bodies given to the buzzards, Southern fields consigned to sterility, and Southern towns surrendered to the flames. Our flag must wave in triumph, though it float over seared and blackened expanses, over the ruins of razed cities. Our Union must be maintained, and our Constitution respected, and the supremacy of Federal law vindicated, if it requires armies of millions of men.

So let no true man shrink or flinch. All duties, all occasions must be postponed, until the cannon and the musket have restored decency to the South, and peace and order to our country.

Our only desire is that just such fellows as the valorous editor of the Transcript may be sent on the above delightful “enterprise.”

SOURCES: “Northern Sentiment,” The Memphis Daily Appeal, Memphis, Tennessee, Thursday, May 2, 1861, p. 1; "Specimens of Northern Civilization," Nashville Union and American, Nashville, Tennessee, May 22, 1861, p. 2.

The New York “Tribune” has the following:

“We hold traitors responsible for the work upon which they have precipitated us, and we warn them that they must abide the full penalty. Especially let Maryland and Virginia look to it, for as they are greater sinners, so their punishment will be heavier than that of others. Virginia is a rich and beautiful State, the very garden of the Confederacy. But it is a garden that is doomed to be a good deal trampled, and its paths, its beds, and its boundaries are likely to be pretty completely obliterated before we have done with it. It has property in houses, in lands, in mines, in forests, in country, and in town, which will need to be taken possession of and equitably cared for. The rebels of that State and of Maryland may not flatter themselves that they can enter upon a war against the Government and afterward return to quiet and peaceful homes. They choose to play the part of traitors, and they must suffer the penalty. The worn-out race of emasculated First Families must give place to a sturdier people, whose pioneers are now on their way to Washington at this moment in regiments. An allotment of land in Virginia will be a fitting reward to the brave fellows who have gone to fight their country’s battles, and Maryland and Virginia, free states, inspired with Northern vigor, may start anew in the race for prosperity and power.”

SOURCE: “The New York ‘Tribune’ has the following,” Richmond Enquirer, Tuesday Morning, April 30, 1861, p. 2

Tuesday, December 13, 2022

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, July 26, 1865

Blair called on me in some trouble respecting the Maryland appointments, which have been violently contested. From some intimation he apprehends that his friend B—, the marshal, is in danger, and this touches him in a tender point. He therefore wished me to have an interview with the President. I went almost immediately to the Executive Mansion. General Slocum was with the President, but I waited till he was through, and then stated the case. He told me it was his intention to close the Maryland appointments to-day and get them off his hands, and asked if I really supposed Blair cared much about the marshalship. I assured him he did and was sensitive in regard to it. He reached over and took up a paper, which he examined closely. It convinced me that Blair's suspicions were right, and I spoke earnestly and zealously for the Blairs. We had a free conversation in regard to them, and as to the policy which should be pursued in Maryland. I did not hesitate to oppose the selection of opponents or doubtful friends, and to express my opinion that the friends were the reliable supporters of the Administration in that State.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 343-4

Thursday, January 27, 2022

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: July 13, 1864

Bright and pleasant.

The city is in great excitement and joy. Gen. Early has gained a victory in Maryland, near Frederick, defeating Gen. Wallace, capturing Gen. Tyler and Col. Seward (son of the Secretary), besides many prisoners. The slaughter was great, and the pursuit of the routed army was toward BALTIMORE.

Grant is certainly sending away troops.

Gen. Lee writes a particular letter to the Secretary (dated 9th inst.), desiring most specially that the papers be requested to say nothing of his movements for some time to come, and that the department will not publish any communication from him, which might indicate from its date his distance from Richmond. This is mysterious. He may be going to Maryland.

Gen. Johnston telegraphs from near Atlanta that the enemy holds several fords above, and a portion of his forces have crossed, and are intrenched. Some cannonading is going on—ineffective—aimed at the railroad depot. Some think Lee is going thither. Others that he is going to flank what remains of the Federal army in front of Petersburg.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 248

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: July 14, 1864

The drought continues here; but at some other places there has fallen heavy rain.

The excitement on the news of our successes in Maryland is intense, and a belief prevails that great results will grow out of this invasion of the country held by the enemy. Twice before but little if any benefit resulted from crossing the Potomac.

It is rumored to-day that Longstreet's corps has marched to Maryland, and that Lee is with it.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 248

Monday, December 13, 2021

Governor Henry A. Wise to John W. Garrett, October 20, 1859

Washington City, 20th Oct., 1859.
J. W. Garrett, Esq.,

Dear Sir:— I arrived here from Harper's Ferry this evening. The marines having been ordered away from that place and departed, I organized an armed police guard to patrol the Virginia border, to protect persons and property, and to keep watch on the ways to and from the Ferry. This was done partly at the request of an agent of your Railroad company, and because no guard and no watch has been organized by the Federal authorities. Some guard ought to be provided on the Maryland side. I leave it to your company to suggest the necessary steps to the Governor of your State.

I have to make a request that you will take the trouble of an important commission, touching the prosecution of the criminal Brown and his associates. A gentleman informed me that one of the Baltimore volunteers, whom I do not know, had captured a travelling or clothes' bag of papers at the Kennedy farm, which was in the occupancy of Brown. I obtained from various other persons a mass of important papers, but this evening I see in the Sun the publication of several not seen by me before, and which must have been obtained from the forementioned bag. Now the originals are essential—they may be found at the printing offices of your city,or the person who had them may be found. Will you please advertise for them, and see to this, to recover them if possible, and have them carefully sent to Andrew Hunter, Esq., Charlestown, Jefferson Co., Va., for the purpose of trial of the accused. Any expense you may incur, you will please send me an account of, at Richmond. I write hurriedly and hope I do not trouble you too much with a matter in which your company's interest, may form my excuse. With thanks for your prompt attentions to me, officially and personally, in this whole affair,

I am very truly yours,
HENRY A. WISE.

SOURCE: B. H. Richardson, Annapolis, Maryland, Publisher, Correspondence Relating to the Insurrection at Harper's Ferry, 17th October, 1859, p. 28-9

John W. Garrett to Governor Thomas H. Hicks, October 21, 1859

October 21st, 1859.
To His Excellency,
        Thomas H. Hicks,
                Governor of Maryland:

Sir: — I have just received from His Excellency, Henry A. Wise, Governor of Virginia, a letter having reference to the late outrages at Harper's Ferry, in which he states that he has organized an armed police guard to patrol the Virginia border, to protect persons and property, and to keep watch ways to and from the Ferry, expressing at the same time the opinion, that some guard ought to be provided on the Maryland side, and saying that he leaves it to the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Company to suggest the necessary steps to the Governor of Maryland.

I cannot respond to Governor Wise's letter better than by communicating to your Excellency, the steps which he has deemed necessary as the executive of our sister State. Looking to the now well ascertained purpose of the leaders of the late outbreak, it is seen at once that both Virginia and Maryland have the same motives for action irrespective of those which prompt to the supression of riot and disorder. And when your Excellency bears in mind the fact that the bed of the Potomac, and of course the bridge of this company which crosses it are within the limits of Maryland, and that this company is altogether powerless as a conservator of the peace, I feel confident that the suggestion of Gov. Wise will receive from your Excellency the consideration that it certainly deserves.

Any aid which this company may be able to afford your Excellency on this occasion will be promptly and very cheerfully rendered.

I have the honor to be,                        
With great respect,                
Your very ob't serv't,        
J. W. GARRETT, Pres't.

SOURCE: B. H. Richardson, Annapolis, Maryland, Publisher, Correspondence Relating to the Insurrection at Harper's Ferry, 17th October, 1859, p. 29-30

Saturday, September 26, 2020

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sophia Birchard Hayes, Sunday, July 17, 1864

Martinsburg, Virginia, July 17 (Sunday), 1864.

Dear Mother: — I am much obliged for your letter by Colonel Comly. Glad you still are in good health. We are pretty busy now trying to prevent the escape of the Rebel raiders who have plundered Maryland. . . . The weather is very warm but we have good breezes and excellent water in this region so that campaigning is not unpleasant.

I notice Mitchell's name is often mentioned in connection with Sherman's army. He has a fine position. I trust he will come safely out of it. — Love to all.

Affectionately, your son,
R.
Mrs. Sophia Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 483

Sunday, June 28, 2020

Brigadier-General John A. Rawlins, July 28, 1864

City Point, July 28, 1864.

. . . On my return yesterday from Washington I touched at Cherry Stone Point and there received your despatch, for which accept my thanks. . I find the General in my absence digressed from his true path. The God of Heaven only knows how long I am to serve my country as the guardian of the habits of him whom it has honored. It shall not be always thus. Owing to this faltering of his, I shall not be able to leave here till the rebel movement in Maryland is settled and also the fate of Atlanta.

SOURCE: James Harrison Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins, p. 249

Wednesday, June 24, 2020

Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant to Major-General Henry Wager Halleck, July 14, 1864

CITY POINT, VA., July 14, 1864.
Major-General HALLECK,
Washington, D.C.:

It would seem from dispatches just received from Mr. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, that the enemy are leaving Maryland. If so, Hunter should follow him as rapidly as the jaded condition of his men will admit. The Sixth and Nineteenth Corps should be got here without any delay, so that they may be used before the return of the troops sent into the Valley by the enemy. Hunter moving up the Valley will either hold a large force of the enemy or he will be enabled to reach Gordonsville and Charlottesville. The utter destruction of the road at and between these two places will be of immense value to us. I do not intend this as an order to bring Wright back while he is in pursuit of the enemy with any prospect of punishing him, but to secure his return at the earliest possible moment after he ceases to be absolutely necessary where he is.

Colonel Comstock, who takes this, can explain to you fully the  situation here. The enemy have the Weldon road completed, but are very cautious about bringing cars through on it. I shall endeavor to have it badly destroyed, and for a long distance, within a few days. I understand from a refugee that they have twenty-five miles of track yet to lay to complete the Danville road. If the enemy has left Maryland, as I suppose he has, he should have upon his heels veterans, militiamen, men on horseback, and everything that can be got to follow to eat out Virginia clear and clean as far as they go, so that crows flying over it for the balance of this season will have to carry their provender with them.

U.S. GRANT,            
Lieutenant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 37, Part 2 (Serial No. 88), p. 300-1

Sunday, December 29, 2019

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 7, 1863

Cold and clear. Gen. Longstreet telegraphs to-day from Rutledge, Tenn., some fifty miles northeast of Knoxville, and says he will soon need railroad facilities. He is flying from superior numbers, and may be gathering up supplies.

Governor Vance writes distressfully concerning the scarcity of provisions in certain counties of North Carolina, and the rudeness of impressing agents.

Lieut.-Gen. Hardee telegraphs from Dalton that 5000 cavalry, besides two brigades of Buckner's command, are with Longstreet, and that other troops ought to be sent him (H.) to compensate for these detachments.

Mr. L. S. White obtained another passport yesterday to go to Maryland, on the recommendation of Col. Gorgas, Chief of Ordnance.

There was a quorum in Congress to-day; but the message was not sent in.

A five-dollar gold piece sold at auction on Saturday for $140— $28 in Confederate notes for one of gold.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 112

Wednesday, December 11, 2019

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: December 10, 1861

A WALK INTO THE COUNTRY.

The weather holds warm and springlike. We have no need of overcoats, unless doing guard duty nights. The people here tell us it is an unusually mild fall, but that we shall get right smart lots of cold and snow before many days. I took a walk of a few miles into the country yesterday, on a tour of observation. I noticed what appeared to me a great extent of good land, but very badly improved. Occasionally I saw a farm where things seemed to be kept up snug and showed some evidences of thrift, but more of them looked as though the owners studied to see how shiftless they could be and still manage to live. Buildings and fences are going to decay; fields of corn are yet unharvested, the cattle and hogs running through and destroying them. I asked one man why he didn't harvest his corn. “Oh,” he said, “there is no hurry about that, I have got all winter to do it in, and the corn is just as well off in the field as anywhere.” I came to the conclusion that his plan of harvesting was about as fast as he wanted it to eat. I said to another man I met, “You have good land about here, sir; easy of cultivation and close to a market. I suppose you make a pile of money?” “Oh, no,” he said, “you are mistaken; right poor land about yere, one can hardly make a living on it, but you go over yere a few miles to some creek [the name of which I have forgotten], and you will find right good land; make as much again corn on it as you can on this.” I asked, “What do you value this land at?” “Well,” he replied, “we reckon the land around yere worth about $10 an acre; reckon some of it mought be bought for a little less, but the land around Annapolis is worth from $25 to $50 an acre.” I made up my mind that a man with an ordinary degree of enterprise, with our improved implements for farming and with hired labor, might take this land and make money on it. I am unable to see any profits from slave labor in Maryland; it is poor help at the best; besides they have to be clothed and fed several months in a year during which time they are net earning much, and there is always on a farm employing a dozen or more field hands, a lot of old men and women and small children who are not earning anything, but still have to be supported.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 14-5

Thursday, October 10, 2019

Mr. Thompson at Lynn, published June 13, 1835

[From the Lynn Record,]

This distinguished young friend and disciple of Wilberforce, and justly celebrated orator, who has been repeatedly invited by the Anti-Slavery Society of this town, arrived on Saturday afternoon last, and was received with great satisfaction and delight. The society had a meeting on business, at the Town Hall, at the close of which, Mr. Thompson addressed a large crowded assembly of people, ladies and gentlemen, nearly two hours, in a strain of eloquence and power, quite beyond any thing we ever heard, and equally beyond our power to describe. All were held, as if by enchantment, to the close. It would be difficult to decide in which he most excelled, matter or manner. He took a comprehensive and varied view of the enormous injustice and evil of slavery, and brought up and considered the most prominent and popular objections to the plan of immediate abolition, and exposed their hypocrisy and absurdity in his own peculiar and effectual manner of cutting sarcasm. The effect was evidently great.

After Mr. Thompson had closed, a stern Pharisaical looking man, who had been sitting near the speaker, announcing himself as a preacher of the Gospel, from the South, desired the privilege of putting a few questions to Mr. Thompson, which was readily granted, and the questions as readily answered, to the satisfaction of the audience generally. The object of the stranger was to cavil and carp at what had been said. But the tables were adroitly turned upon the poor man, in a manner least expected, and most mortifying to him. One of the questions, in substance at least, was—‘Do you consider every slaveholder a thief?’ ‘I consider every person who holds and claims the right of holding his fellow being, as property, A MAN STEALER.’

After several questions, captious in their nature, had been asked and answered, Mr. Thompson turned upon his assailant, ‘If you have now done, sir, I, in turn, should like to ask you a few questions.’

‘Do you consider slavery a sin?’
‘I consider slavery a moral evil.’
Do you consider slavery a sin?’
‘I do consider slavery a sin.’
‘Is the marriage of slaves legal in the Southern States?’
‘It is legalized in Maryland.’
‘Can the Slaveholder, by the laws of Maryland, separate husband and wife?’
‘He can,’ &c. &c.

The gentleman stranger, (who is said to belong to Springfield in this state, formerly from the South) appealed to the people, but finally withdrew his appeal, and declared himself ‘satisfied.’ Whether satisfied or not, we believe he had as much as he could digest, and as much as he could swallow, including the question and answer system.

On Sunday evening, Mr. Thompson delivered a lecture on Slavery, in a religious view, as opposed to the doctrines of the Bible. The meeting-house (Rev. Mr. Peabody's) was much crowded, and many went away unable to gain admittance.

On Monday evening, Mr. Thompson lectured on the sin of slavery, before a newly formed ‘Anti-Slavery Society, of the New England Conference of Methodist Episcopal Ministers, consisting of about 60 or 70 Ministers—(a glorious phalanx!) at the South street Methodist meetinghouse. The house was well filled; but owing to a misunderstanding by many, that the lecture was to be delivered at the Woodend Meeting-house, (which was otherwise engaged) all who went were enabled to get in. The lecture was a powerful and splendid production both in argument and in manner of delivery.

On Tuesday evening, Mr. Thompson lectured at the Friend’s meeting-house, which is very large, and was thoroughly filled. He was assisted by Rev. A. A. Phelps, one of the public Agents of the Society, whose address was able, and well received. Mr. Garrison and several other friends of the cause, from Boston and Salem, were present. Mr. T. took occasion to glance at the past history and conduct of the Friends in regard to slavery, the lively interest they had taken in the cause of the oppressed, and the liberal contributions they had made; and exhorted to a continuance in the ways of well doing.

There may be men in our own country of more learning and more depth of mind, and strength of reasoning, than Mr. Thompson, though, we think, rarely to be found; but for readiness and skill in debate, and splendor of eloquence, as an orator, we believe he stands unrivalled. His amiableness, mildness of temper, urbanity, and blandness of manners and deportment, are adapted to win the love and affection of all, who are honored with his acquaintance. That the haughty, and the envious, should whisper their malignant hints that something evil is lurking about his character, is no more than may be naturally expected; though they are most fully and satisfactorily refuted by his numerous and honorable testimonials of respect which we have seen, from benevolent societies and individuals in England, where he is well known. These all breathe the warm friendship and esteem which goodness and greatness of soul alone can inspire.

The independence of mind which Mr. Thompson possesses, is one of the most striking and important traits in his excellent character. He shrinks from nothing. He is ready to attack sin and wickedness in every shape—in high or low places: and his thrusts never miss—never fail of effect.

The name of ‘Mr. George Thompson’ was often associated in the public journals, with distinguished orators and philanthropists, at the various public meetings of benevolent societies in England, long before he embarked for this country. He was there ranked among the most able and popular orators. But here, in this country, there are certain would-be great men, who dare not meet Mr. Thompson in the open field, who vent their pitiful malice, and strive to induce others to treat him with that neglect, to which themselves are so well entitled; because he brings out and exposes to the light of day their works of darkness.

‘He is a foreigner—he has no right to come here interfering with our laws, our customs, and our private rights.’


Very fine, indeed! Capital! Who has a right to interfere, or say a word, if a man murders his wife and children, or sells them into bondage? It was all his own family concern. Who has a right to express an opinion of the Turks, when oppressing, starving, and murdering the Greeks, not only men, but helpless women and children : Who has a right to express an opinion against the Russians for similar conduct toward the Poles, under similar circumstances, as the latter were the vassals of the former, in both cases? Who has a right to send Gospel missionaries abroad among the benighted heathen, groping in darkness, in order to instruct and enlighten them in the way of truth? WE—we, the American people, the ‘sons of liberty,’ claim the right, and exercise it too; without once being asked, why do ye so We, the American people, claim and exercise the right, when the laws of God— the eternal laws of truth and justice, and humanity, are broken, to expose the sin, and to ‘reprove, rebuke and exhort the transgressor.

‘But slavery was brought to our shores and entailed on us by England, against our consent, when we were under her government; and now shall England send men here to complain of the injustice and cruelty of the act, when we should be glad to get rid of the evil, but cannot?’

Reason answers, Yes. If England did wrong, and afterward saw the evil, repented, and brought forth fruits meet for repentance, by liberating all their own slaves, was it not right—was it not a christian duty, to extend their acts of kindness to us also, whom they had led into error; to tell us what they had done, and how they did it ; and to aid and assist us to get out of the difficulty ? The law of God is universal. The law of Christians—the law of love, is universal; and requires the subjects of that law to oppose and expose sin and oppression wherever they are found. We send Ministers, political, religious, and masonic, to England and other places—to co-operate—to ask and give assistance, and mutually to benefit each other. But what can we, in the Northern States do? We can say, slavery is ‘a sin. We can enlighten public sentiment on the subject, and cause the sin of slavery—the greatest sin in the world, to become odious: and public sentiment in this country has the force of law, to correct any evil.

To assist us in these labors of love, Mr. Thompson has been sent among us, by the friends of humanity in England; and a most efficient and powerful co-worker he is, sweeping away the refuges of lies, and carrying his principles as a mighty sweeping torrent, wherever he goes. The advocates of slavery fear and hate him, the humane and philanthropic love him, and all respect and admire his talents, whatever they may pretend.

Mr. Thompson possesses all the requisites of an impressive and powerful orator—a fund of acquired knowledge, a brilliant imagination, natural pathos, a powerful voice, an elegant form, graceful gesticulation, a countenance capable of expressing any passion or emotion, and lastly, the most important of all, a benevolent heart—an expansive soul.

SOURCES: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 88-92; “Mr. Thompson at Lynn,” The Liberator, Boston, Massachusetts, Saturday, June 13, 1835, p. 3.

Thursday, August 1, 2019

Captain Charles Wright Wills: July 15, 1864

July 15, 1864.

This is a glorious place. The current in the river is very swift, and it is the nicest stream to bathe in imaginable. I've a mind to stay here and have my meals brought to me. Expect we will catch some nice fish after they get over being scared at having so many Yanks bobbing around with them. It is too hot to write, and altogether too hot to enjoy good health, except in swimming. We are all glad to hear of those raids into Pennsylvania and Maryland. Go in Imboden and Early.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 279

Monday, February 18, 2019

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: Constitutionality of Slavery, September 8, 1838

The second “unprovided-for difficulty” of the Keene Sentinel, in the way of the anti-slavery movement is, that “slaves are property.” We deny that they are property, or that they can be made so. We will not argue this, for it is self-evident. A man cannot be a subject of human ownership; neither can he be the owner of humanity. There is a clear and eternal incompetancy on both sides, — on the one to own man, and on the other to be owned by man. A man cannot alienate his right to liberty and to himself, — still less can it be taken from him. He cannot part with his duty to be free — his obligation to liberty, any more than his right. He is under obligation to God and humanity and his own immortality, to retain his manhood and to exercise it. He cannot become the property of another, any more than he can part with his human nature. It would be utterly repugnant to all the purposes of his creation. He is bound to perform a part, which is totally incompatible with his being owned by any body but himself; which requires that he keep himself free. He can't be property, any more than he can be a horse, or a literal ass. We commend our brethren of the Sentinel to the eighth Psalm, as a divine authority touching the nature and destination of man. He can't be property — he can't be appropriated. His mighty nature cannot be coped by the grasp of ownership. Can the Messrs. Sentinel be appropriated? We put it sternly to them, in behalf of their, and our own, and the slave's common nature, — for we feel that it is all outraged by their terrible allegation. Can the editors of the Sentinel become property? the goods and chattels, rights and hereditaments of an owner? If they can't, no man can. If any man can, they can. Can the Hon. Mr. Prentiss, with all his interesting qualities and relations, by any diabolical jugglery, be converted into a slave, so as to belong to one of his fallen, depraved fellow-men? Can he suppose the idea? Is he susceptible of this transmutation? He is, if any body is. Can he be transferred, by virtue of a few cries and raps of a glib-tongued auctioneer? Could a pedler sell him, from his tin cart? Could he knock him off, bag and baggage, to the boldest bidder? Let us try it. No disrespect to our esteemed senior. — We test his allegation, that a man is property. If one man can be, any man can — himself, or his stately townsman, Major-General Wilson, who would most oddly become the auction platform. If a man can be property, he can be sold. If any man can be, every man can — Mr. Prentiss, Gen. Wilson, Rev. Mr. Barstow — every man. Let us try to vendue the Sentinel. Advertise him, if you please, in the Keene paper. On the day, produce him — bring him on — let his personal symmetries be examined and descanted on — his sacred person handled by the sacrilegious man-jockey, — let him be ordered to shift positions, and assume attitudes, and display to the callous multitude his form and proportions — his points, as the horse-jockey would say. How would all this comport with the high sense of personal honor, wont to be entertained by the Sentinel? How would he not encounter a thousand deaths rather than submit to it? How his proud spirit, instinct with manhood, would burst and soar away from the scene! Who bids? an able-bodied, capable, fine, healthy, submissive, contented Boy, about fifty — sound wind and limb — sold positively for no fault — a field hand — come of real stock, — faithful, can trust him with gold untold — will nobody start him? — shall we have a bid? — will nobody bid for the boy? Now we demand of our respected brother, whose honor is as sacred in our regard as in his own, what he thinks of the chattelism of a slave, — for we indignantly lay it down as an immovable principle that the Hon. John Prentiss is as legitimate a subject of property and of sale, as any the lowest of his race.

We dispose of the position that “slaves are property,” by utterly and indignantly denying the possibility of it. We will rescue our brethren of the Sentinel from the imputation of this murderous idea, by erasing the semicolon after “property,” and making but one sentence of the second “difficulty,” turning it into an opinion that “slaves are property by the constitution and the laws;” throwing the infamy on to the old framers of the constitution, and all of us who have lived under it, with power to amend or nullify it. It would sink the whole of us. Constitution and laws! Is the Sentinel of opinion that a constitution could be framed by men, or by existences in the shape of men, that, instead of protecting human liberty and rights, should annihilate them? A constitution to enslave men! What would you say of a British constitution, that enslaved a British subject? Would you not scout the idea of it — of the British possibility of it? and can it be done here, and was it done here by revolutionary sages, who could not brook the restraints of British liberty? A constitution, that should provide for the enslavement of a man, would be a legal abortion. The bare engrossing of it would nullify it. It would perish by spontaneous annulment and nullification. It could not survive its ordination — nor could its infamous framers. We deny that an enslaved man is property by the constitution, and we might deny that any man can be enslaved under our constitution, and consequently, that he could be chattelized, if a slave were admitted to be property. Things may be appropriated — persons may not. They are self-evidently not susceptible of appropriation or ownership. By the constitution every body is spoken of as a person — no mention is made of human things. If a slave is alluded to, in that instrument, as a possible existence in point of fact, it is under the name of person. “Three fifths of all other Persons” — “migration or importation of persons— “no person held to service.” These are the only instances in it where allusion is made to slaves, — and it no more, in those allusions, sanctions enslaving, than it does “piracies and felonies on the high seas,” which it also expressly recognizes, as they say of slavery. So it says “person,” where it solemnly asserts that “no person can be deprived of liberty or property, but by due process of law.” This clause prohibits the slightest approaches to enslaving, or holding in slavery, which is continued enslaving. No person's property can be taken from him; not his life even; infinitely less his Liberty, without due legal process. It is idle to say, that the framers of the constitution, or. those who adopted it and acted under it, did not mean to save the colored man from slavery, by this clause. In law they are to be held to mean so, because they said so. The intent of the framers is now to be gathered from what they said in the instrument itself — not their colloquies at the time or before or after — but what they put down in imperishable black and white. It is what they inscribed on the parchment for all time, that they legally intended, and there we are to go to get at their intent. If the words are obscure and ambiguous, we may gather their intent by aid of concomitant circumstances, &c. But there is no ambiguity here. The clearest words and best understood and most trimly defined of any we have, here set forth the essential doctrine, (without which a community of thieves and pirates could scarcely be kept together,) that life, liberty and property are sacred. Enslave man and leave him these three, and you may do it, maugre this clause of the constitution. However, you must leave him, by virtue of other clauses, a few other incidentals, such as compulsory process for calling in all witnesses for him, of whatever color; the inviolate right to be secure in person, house, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures; right of trial by jury in all cases over twenty dollars' value; the free exercise of religion, of speech, of the press, of peaceable assembly and of petition; the civil rights of republican government, which is guarantied to him in every state in this Union; the privileges and immunities of citizens in every state; in short, you must allow him a string of franchises, enumerated accidentally in that part of the old compact, called the preamble, viz., justice, domestic tranquillity, common defence, general welfare, and, finally, the blessings of liberty to himself and to his posterity; — moreover you may add, in repetition, — for in securing these breath-of-life sort of rights, people run a little into superfluity of words — you may add the unsuspendible privilege of habeas corpus — the old writ of liberty; — and perfect exemption from all attainder, or enslaving a man's children on his account. We will mention one more — that is the uninfringible right to keep and bear arms. All these and many other rights and immunities, "too numerous to be mentioned,” are secured to him by adamantine provisions in the constitution, and if you can chattelize him under them, so that Austin Woolfolk can trade in him, at your capital, or Wade Hampton or the American Board, can buy him and use him up in their service, or Doctor Ezra Styles Ely speculate in his soul and body, then your doctrine, Messrs. Sentinel, is sound, that he is recognized as property by the constitution.

We claim some exceptions, however, in case we cannot overthrow slavery in the slave states, by force of the national constitution. We cannot allow you to enslave any body in old Virginia. Look at her law paramount in our caption, declaring the Birth-Right, Inalienable Liberty Of All Men. In Maryland the right is constitutionally set forth a little stronger. You must not enslave a man in Maryland, — and we can't allow you to lay a finger on his liberties in the district of Columbia, because the constitutions of Virginia and Maryland are still paramount law there, by congressional adoption, at the acceptance of the cessions. And if he runs away from the district or a territory, or either of those two states, we can't allow you to arrest him and send him back.

We ask our legal friends, who think lightly of this “fanaticism,” to look into this constitutional and legal matter of slaveholding. We would like especially, that some of the neighbors of the Sentinel would give some exposition, during the coming convention, of the lawfulness of enslaving people in this country. We ask the Keene lawyers how this is. We want “the opinion of the court.”

For ourselves we venture the opinion, in light of what glimmerings of law scintillate about our vision, that holding a man in slavery is a violation of the law of this land, and of every part of it, not excepting our gory-fingered sister Arkansas, or our carnage-dripping sister Alabama, the haunt of christian enterprise from New England and the worn-out slave states in the north. A constitution that can avail to protect republican liberty to a single member of this community, inviolably secures it to every man, and condemns and prohibits slavery. It cannot otherwise be. Slavery is a mere matter of fact — in the face of the constitution — in the face of each state constitution — in the face of every court of justice which soundly administers the law of any state — in face of every thing, but a tyrant public sentiment, and a diabolical American practice.

The enslaved of the country are as much entitled to their liberty as any of us, by the law as it is. They have a right to throw off all violation of it by force, if they cannot otherwise. Nay, it is their duty to do so, if they can, — for it is not injury merely, that they are submitting to — not wrongs. They are rendered incapable of suffering injury — incompetent to endure wrong. The accursed system, that preys upon them, makes things of them — exterminates their very natures. This they may not submit to. They ought to prevent it, at every expense. They ought to resist it, as the Christian should the devil, for it wars upon the nature of man, and devours his immortality. If they could heave off the system by an instantaneous and universal effort, they ought to do it Individually we wish they could do it, and that they would do it. We may be wrong in this opinion — but we entertain it. If our white brethren at the South were slaves, we should wish them instantaneous deliverance by insurrection, if this would bring it to them. We wish our colored brethren the same. We do not value the bodily lives of the present white generation there a straw, compared to the horrible thraldom, in which they hold the colored people, and we value their lives as highly as we do the colored people's. But insurrection can't effect it. It must be done by the abolitionists. They must annihilate the system by force of their principles, and as fast as possible. And they must increase their speed. Men will have to groan and pant in absolute brutality, with their high and eternal natures bound down and strangled amid the folds of this enslaving devil, until we throw it off. To the work then, and Heaven abandon the tardy! If you wish to save your white brethren and yourselves, we commend you to this work, in sharp earnest We tell you, once for all, there is no time to be Inst!

There is no end to the theme — there must be to this article. We deny the truth and existence of the Sentinel's two difficulties, and if, in fact, they both existed, our movement “provides for them.” The people collectively have the power to declare slavery a crime in the slave states. Congress has the power to do what amounts to the same thing — by direct action. They can declare it criminal in the capital, and how long would it be esteemed innocent elsewhere? They can punish enslaving in the district, and the man-traffic between the states as piracy. Lex talionis would enslave the perpetrators — but that would be devilish, and ought not to be inflicted. But if hanging is lawful in any case, it is in this.

If the people collectively and Congress have no legal power over the slavery of the slave states, abolitionists have the power, ample and adequate, and they will “provide for the difficulty.”

The constitution and the laws do not recognize the slaves as property. We call for the proof. The Sentinel avers it. Let them point us to the spot where. And could they do this, the abolitionists have the power (consult rule of three for the time it will take) to change and redeem both the constitution and the laws, and transmute this property back again to humanity.

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 15-21 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of September 8, 1838.

Friday, August 10, 2018

Salmon P. Chase to Judge Milton Sutliff,* May 1, 1861

Private.
Treasury Department,         
May 1, 1861.

My Dear Judge: I thank you for your letter. The response of the States to the appeal of the Government is, indeed, most gratifying. Maryland, you will see, is rapidly returning to her loyalty. Kentucky and Missouri, I hope, will not be far behind her. You may be very sure there will be no negotiation with the Disunionists, though the return of the States which have been precipitated into disunion to their loyalty will be hailed, of course, with pleasure. The most energetic measures our means allow will be taken, and I think all impartial men will in the end be satisfied with the course of the Administration.

I thank you personally for your kind expressions towards me, and I hope you will never have occasion to withdraw your confidence.

My despatches to the Western Collectors, I see, have produced their intended effect, though they were not exactly what they ought to have been, in as much as no clearances are required on Western waters. Instructions will be forwarded immediately to all Collectors to prevent, by all proper means, shipments of arms, munitions, provisions and other commodities to States now in hostility to the Union.
_______________

* Lent by Mr. Homer E. Stewart, Warren, Ohio.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. ChaseAnnual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 295-6

Thursday, August 2, 2018

Thomas Garrett to James Miller McKim, December 29, 1854

WILMINGTON, 12 mo. 29th, 1854.

Esteemed FRIEND, J. MILLER McKim: — We made arrangements last night, and sent away Harriet Tubman, with six men and one woman to Allen Agnew's, to be forwarded across the country to the city. Harriet, and one of the men had worn their shoes off their feet, and I gave them two dollars to help fit them out, and directed a carriage to be hired at my expense, to take them out, but do not yet know the expense. I now have two more from the lowest county in Maryland, on the Peninsula, upwards of one hundred miles. I will try to get one of our trusty colored men to take them to-morrow morning to the Anti-slavery office. You can then pass them on.

THOMAS GARRETT.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 296

Wednesday, August 1, 2018

Gustavus V. Fox to Virginia Woodbury Fox, May 2, 1861

Washington, May 2d 61
Dr V—

I have delayed for a few days writing you in hopes to be able to give you all particulars about the Powhatan and other matters. Mr. Seward got up this Pensacola expedition and the Prest signed the orders in ignorance and unknown to the dept. The Prest offers every apology possible and will do so in writing. So do the depts. I shall get it all straight in justification of myself and to place the blow on the head of that timid [Word erased. — Eds.] W. H. Seward. He who paralizes every movement from abject fear.

Maryland's repentance renders Washington secure, for the present at least. There are no troops hovering about Washington, but they are collecting at Richmond. The excitement in the city has died away in a great measure and notwithstanding the large number of soldiers here it is orderly and sober.

Nell and I went up and saw Major Watson drill his command at the capital and afterwards visited his quarters, the room of the committee of finance.

I shall probably take off Nell next week. Mrs. B. will not leave at present. I will write you to-morrow again when I shall be able to give you more news.

Love to all and to my dear little Ginny Bread.

Aff
GUS

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 42-3

Wednesday, July 25, 2018

Gustavus V. Fox to Virginia Woodbury Fox, April 29, 1861


Annapolis, M'd
April 29 '61
D. V.

We reached Old Point yesterday without incident, and I dined with the Domicks in the Fort — who soon leave for Fort Hamilton. Com0 Pendergrast in the Cumberland is blockading at Hampton Roads. Fort Monroe is preparing for the crisis and will permit no batteries to be erected near it. It is a magnificent work but should have more troops. The communication is open thanks to the Masstts troops. The famous N. Y. 7th declined a duty because an overwhelming force were said to be in advance, declined the order in writing. So the Masstts troops took the rejected duty FOLLOWED by the 7th. Don't say anything about this because there must be no quarrels now. Maryland has refused to secede so Washington is safe. We hear of a truce but it must not be until Richmond and Norfolk are occupied. Then it will take us until frost to get ready for great movements. There will be no difficulty about getting our folks from Washington. My old schoolmate Gen. Butler is in command here and will give me .troops transportation anything for them and sends off a train for my especial benefit this P.M. The Yankee will remain here until I return and probably go to Como Pendergrast who wishes her in Hampton Roads, I shall remain in Washington long enough to get them out and probably return with them.

It is delightful to find Masstts troops occupying all prominent points, familiar faces carrying the glorious flag through to the Capital.

God bless my own dear wife and give her strength and health.

Aff
Gus

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 41-2

Wednesday, July 11, 2018

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Louisa Storrow Higginson, June, 17 1859

Worcester, June 17, 1859
Dearest Mother:

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

We have had the greatest heroine of the age here, Harriet Tubman, a black woman, and a fugitive slave, who has been back eight times secretly and brought out in all sixty slaves with her, including all her own family, besides aiding many more in other ways to escape. Her tales of adventure are beyond anything in fiction and her ingenuity and generalship are extraordinary. I have known her for some time and mentioned her in speeches once or twice — the slaves call her Moses. She has had a reward of twelve thousand dollars offered for her in Maryland and will probably be burned alive whenever she is caught, which she probably will be, first or last, as she is going again. She has been in the habit of working in hotels all summer and laying up money for this crusade in the winter. She is jet black and cannot read or write, only talk, besides acting.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 81