Showing posts with label Colored People. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Colored People. Show all posts

Tuesday, June 27, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, January 2, 1866

Neither Seward nor Stanton was at Cabinet council. Seward is on his way to the West Indies, Gulf, etc. He wishes to be absent until the issues are fully made up and the way is clear for him what course to take. There may be other objects, but this is the chief. The talk about his health is ridiculous. He is as well as he has been at any time for five years. Stanton had no occasion to be present. Some discussion as to whether the State of Louisiana is entitled to cotton bought by the Rebel organization or government. Dennison and myself had a free talk with the President after the others left. Although usually reticent, he at times speaks out, and he expressed himself emphatically to-day. The manner in which things had been got up by the Radicals before the session he commented upon. "This little fellow [Colfax] shoved in here to make a speech in advance of the message, and to give out that the principle enunciated in his speech was the true policy of the country," were matters alluded to with sharpness, as were the whole preconcerted measures of the Radicals. "I do not hear that the colored people called or were invited to visit Sumner or Wilson," said the President, "but they came here and were civilly treated."

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 409-10

Saturday, June 24, 2023

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, December 26, 1866

MEMPHIS, December 26, 1866.

DEAR UNCLE:— We are thus far on our way to New Orleans, with everything thus far the very pleasantest possible.

I last night experienced a new sensation. I went with General Howard to a meeting of colored people and made them a short talk. Their eager, earnest faces were very stimulating.

Sorry Buckland and his wife are not here. We meet the leading Rebels everywhere. The Rebel officers are particularly interesting. I get on with them famously. I talk negro suffrage and our extremest radicalism to all of them. They dissent but are polite and cordial.

Love to boys. Lucy very happy.

R. B. HAYES.
S. BIRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 37

Wednesday, January 4, 2023

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 6, 1863

February 6, 1863.

We are just now through with the hardest and coldest north east storm that we have had since I came to the Department of the South. Living through this is evidence of considerable constitution. The storm politely waited for us to finish an expedition but the two together have succeeded in running our sick list up to 129 in today's report. This morning a poor fellow died of congestion of the lungs, before the surgeon saw him. In this case, as in nearly all the autopsies I have made I find extensive adhesions which have resulted from former pleurisy. There are, at this moment, not less than a dozen severe cases of pleuro-pneumonia among our sick. I find it true that these people are more subject than the whites to pulmonary diseases. And here I must put a fact of dispraise to the colored people as I find them. They, as a rule, show remarkable indifference to the sufferings of those not immediately related by the ties of consanguinity. I do not believe this to be a want of affection in the race, but due to long influence of inhuman teaching and treatment. I believe the development of individual responsibility and the inducement to rise, will abolish this want of feeling and respect for each other.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 358

Sunday, February 27, 2022

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, April 19, 1865

The funeral on Wednesday, the 19th, was imposing, sad, and sorrowful. All felt the solemnity, and sorrowed as if they had lost one of their own household. By voluntary action business was everywhere suspended, and the people crowded the streets.

The Cabinet met by arrangement in the room occupied by the President at the Treasury. We left a few minutes before meridian so as to be in the East Room at precisely twelve o'clock, being the last to enter. Others will give the details.

I rode with Stanton in the procession to the Capitol. The attendance was immense. The front of the procession reached the Capitol, it was said, before we started, and there were as many, or more, who followed us. A brief prayer was made by Mr. Gurley in the rotunda, where we left the remains of the good and great man we loved so well. Returning, I left Stanton, who was nervous and full of orders, and took in my carriage President Johnson and Preston King, their carriage having been crowded out of place. Coming down Pennsylvania Avenue after this long detention, we met the marching procession in broad platoons all the way to the Kirkwood House on Twelfth Street.

There were no truer mourners, when all were sad, than the poor colored people who crowded the streets, joined the procession, and exhibited their woe, bewailing the loss of him whom they regarded as a benefactor and father. Women as well as men, with their little children, thronged the streets, sorrow, trouble, and distress depicted on their countenances and in their bearing. The vacant holiday expression had given way to real grief. Seward, I am told, sat up in bed and viewed the procession and hearse of the President, and I know his emotion. Stanton, who rode with me, was uneasy and left the carriage four or five times.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 292-3

Saturday, January 29, 2022

Diary of Gideon Welles: [April 15,] 1865

A door which opened upon a porch or gallery, and also the windows, were kept open for fresh air. The night was dark, cloudy, and damp, and about six it began to rain. I remained in the room until then without sitting or leaving it, when, there being a vacant chair which some one left at the foot of the bed, I occupied it for nearly two hours, listening to the heavy groans, and witnessing the wasting life of the good and great man who was expiring before me.

About 6 A.M. I experienced a feeling of faintness and for the first time after entering the room, a little past eleven, I left it and the house, and took a short walk in the open air. It was a dark and gloomy morning, and rain set in before I returned to the house, some fifteen minutes [later]. Large groups of people were gathered every few rods, all anxious and solicitous. Some one or more from each group stepped forward as I passed, to inquire into the condition of the President, and to ask if there was no hope. Intense grief was on every countenance when I replied that the President could survive but a short time. The colored people especially - and there were at this time more of them, perhaps, than of whites' — were overwhelmed with grief.

Returning to the house, I seated myself in the back parlor, where the Attorney-General and others had been engaged in taking evidence concerning the assassination. Stanton, and Speed, and Usher were there, the latter asleep on the bed. There were three or four others also in the room. While I did not feel inclined to sleep, as many did, I was somewhat indisposed. I had been so for several days. The excitement and bad atmosphere from the crowded rooms oppressed me physically.

A little before seven, I went into the room where the dying President was rapidly drawing near the closing moments. His wife soon after made her last visit to him. The death-struggle had begun. Robert, his son, stood with several others at the head of the bed. He bore himself well, but on two occasions gave way to overpowering grief and sobbed aloud, turning his head and leaning on the shoulder of Senator Sumner. The respiration of the President became suspended at intervals, and at last entirely ceased at twenty-two minutes past seven.

A prayer followed from Dr. Gurley; and the Cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Seward and Mr. McCulloch, immediately thereafter assembled in the back parlor, from which all other persons were excluded, and there signed a letter which was prepared by Attorney-General Speed to the Vice-President, informing him of the event, and that the government devolved upon him.

Mr. Stanton proposed that Mr. Speed, as the law officer, should communicate the letter to Mr. Johnson with some other member of the Cabinet. Mr. Dennison named me. I saw that, though all assented, it disconcerted Stanton, who had expected and intended to be the man and to have Speed associated with him. I was disinclined personally to disturb an obvious arrangement, and therefore named Mr. McCulloch as the first in order after the Secretary of State.

I arranged with Speed, with whom I rode home, for a Cabinet-meeting at twelve meridian at the room of the Secretary of the Treasury, in order that the government should experience no detriment, and that prompt and necessary action might be taken to assist the new Chief Magistrate in preserving and promoting the public tranquillity. We accordingly met at noon. Mr. Speed reported that the President had taken the oath, which was administered by the Chief Justice, and had expressed a desire that the affairs of the government should proceed without interruption. Some discussion took place as to the propriety of an inaugural address, but the general impression was that it would be inexpedient. I was most decidedly of that opinion.

President Johnson, who was invited to be present, deported himself admirably, and on the subject of an inaugural said his acts would best disclose his policy. In all essentials it would, he said, be the same as that of the late President. He desired the members of the Cabinet to go forward with their duties without any change. Mr. Hunter, Chief Clerk of the State Department, was designated to act ad interim as Secretary of State. I suggested Mr. Speed, but I saw it was not acceptable in certain quarters. Stanton especially expressed a hope that Hunter should be assigned to the duty.

A room for the President as an office was proposed until he could occupy the Executive Mansion, and Mr. McCulloch offered the room adjoining his own in the Treasury Building. I named the State Department as appropriate and proper, at least until the Secretary of State recovered, or so long as the President wished, but objections arose at once. The papers of Mr. Seward would, Stanton said, be disturbed; it would be better he should be here, etc., etc. Stanton, I saw, had a purpose; among other things, feared papers would fall under Mr. Johnson's eye which he did not wish to be seen.

On returning to my house this morning, Saturday, I found Mrs. Welles, who had been ill and confined to the house from indisposition for a week, had been twice sent for by Mrs. Lincoln to come to her at Peterson's. The housekeeper, knowing the state of Mrs. W.'s health, had without consultation turned away the messenger, Major French, but Mrs. Welles, on learning the facts when he came the second time, had yielded, and imprudently gone, although the weather was inclement. She remained at the Executive Mansion through the day. For myself, wearied, shocked, exhausted, but not inclined to sleep, the day, when not actually and officially engaged, passed off strangely.

I went after breakfast to the Executive Mansion. There was a cheerless cold rain and everything seemed gloomy. On the Avenue in front of the White House were several hundred colored people, mostly women and children, weeping and wailing their loss. This crowd did not appear to diminish through the whole of that cold, wet day; they seemed not to know what was to be their fate since their great benefactor was dead, and their hopeless grief affected me more than almost anything else, though strong and brave men wept when I met them.

At the White House all was silent and sad. Mrs. W. was with Mrs. L. and came to meet me in the library. Speed came in, and we soon left together. As we were descending the stairs, “Tad," who was looking from the window at the foot, turned and, seeing us, cried aloud in his tears, “Oh, Mr. Welles, who killed my father?” Neither Speed nor myself could restrain our tears, nor give the poor boy any satisfactory answer.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 287-90

Wednesday, January 26, 2022

Colonel Florence M. Cornyn to Colonel Jacob B. Biffle, May 30, 1863

SAVANNAH, (TENN ) MAY 30, 1863

Colonel Biffle:  SIR:  Your pompous demand for the surrender of one squadron of cavalry (15th Illinois regiment) occupying this place, and your cowardly retreat before you received Capt. Carmichael’s intrepid reply, suggested to me the propriety of visiting upon the traitor citizens here (who tried to assist you in the capture of that gallant little band) a little of the legitimate vengeance of my Government.  Therefore, in the name of our glorious Republic, I hereby make good the great exordium of the Declaration of Independence, i. e. “That all men are created free and equal,” and to-day I free and take with me from this town every colored creature who inherits with the human race every where the image of his Maker and an immortal soul.

I am, sir, the willing and obedient servant of my country,

FLORENCE M. CORNYN,        
Colonel 10th Missouri cavalry, Com’g Cav. Brigade.

SOURCE: Weekly National Intelligencer, Washington, D. C., Thursday, June 25, 1863, p. 4

Sunday, January 23, 2022

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Monday, June 15, 1863

The late raid of the dashing Cornyn to Florence, Alabama, is attracting considerable attention. Though it may be diverging, we would ask the reader to indulge us in recording here Colonel Cornyn's laconic letter, written while at Florence to Colonel Biffle, commanding forces C. S. A., which is as follows:

COLONEL BIFFLE:


Sir—Your pompous demand for the surrender of one squadron of cavalry (Fifteenth Illinois), occupying this place, and your cowardly retreat before you received Captain Carmichael's reply, suggested the propriety of visiting upon the traitor citizens here who tried to assist you in the capture of those gallant Illinois boys, a little legitimate revenge of my government; therefore, in the name of our glorious Union, I hereby make good the grand exordium of the declaration of independence, i. e., “that all men are created free and equal," and to-day I free and take with me from this place, every colored creature who inherits with the human race everywhere the image of his Maker and an immortal soul.


FLORENCE M. CORNYN,        

Colonel Commanding Cavalry Brigade.

An officer accompanying the raid, rehearsed to us to-day the following conversation held between Colonel Cornyn and the Rev. R. A. Y., one of Alabama's D. Ds., formerly of St. Louis:

Y. Do you not think it horrible to shell a town occupied by women and children?


Cornyn. Do you not think it horrible for a rebel Colonel and a traitor to seek a town and its houses to make breastworks and cover for his cowardly traitors from which to shell and shoot the brave and generous patriots of this land of liberty, who are willing to meet their country's enemies in open fields every hour of the night and day?


Y. I don't.


Cornyn. You lie, d---n you! You, the offspring of some low white libertine and a debauched Indian squaw, are trying to establish a distinction in favor of yourself, a child of shame, and the negro, a race from the hand of God, bearing his image and ennobled by an immortal soul. The negro is your superior.


Y. Are my wife and children safe while your forces hold this town?


Cornyn. Yes; the brave are always generous, and my soldiers are among the brightest examples on this planet.

An order comes to the Seventh this evening, to the effect that they are to be mounted on “the meek and patient mules.” The guerrillas in West Tennessee will be hunted down now.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 172-3

Tuesday, January 18, 2022

Major-General Edward O. C. Ord to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, June 25, 1863

[June 25, 1863.]

A colored man got in last night from Vicksburg Started night before re [he] was servant to staff officers to Gen Lee confirms other statement about provisions & Sick inside thinks the men wont stand it a week longer

SOURCE: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 416

Wednesday, November 10, 2021

Diary of Sergeant David L. Day: February 29, 1864

SECESH LADIES.

Most of the residents in town are women and small children, and a few old men. Of course the colored people are with us always. All the men being away makes society for the ladies a little one-sided. At the evacuation most of the women remained here to take care of their property, and there are very few empty houses. These ladies pretend to have a great contempt for Yankees, but still they don't appear to have quite enough to prevent their talking or chatting with us. On Sunny days they may be seen at the windows or on the verandas, and a passing soldier who touches his cap in a respectful manner will perhaps get an invitation to call. If he conducts himself with propriety and is agreeable, they will ask him to be seated or perhaps ask him into the house, and on leaving, if he happens to suit them, they will invite him to call again, but some of them are not always so agreeable that a second call is desirable. These ladies pride themselves on being the regular F. F. V's, and have a great pride of birth and ancestry; they will sit by the hour and talk and boast of it. They claim to be the real thoroughbreds and can trace their lineage in a direct line right straight back to William and Mary.

One day, while a party of them were talking that kind of nonsense and making right smart of fun of the mixed Yankee race, I said: “So far as anything that I know to the contrary that may all be as you say, but if appearances go for anything one would naturally conclude that some of the colored people about here might boast that some of William's and Mary's blood coursed through their veins.” That seemed to bring a sort of coldnessover the meetin', and I began to suspect that I had seriously offended, but they soon rallied and the conversation drifted into other and more agreeable channels.

Some of the ladies are very agreeable conversationalists when they converse on something besides politics and secession, but what they say does not disturb me. I rather enjoy it, and have the fun of laughing at them. One day, in company with a party of them, they were having right smart of fun, laughing and making sport of the Yankees. I kept my end up as well as I could against such odds until they tired of it, when they switched off into secession and the war. On a table lay a small Confederate flag which one of them took up, and flaunting it around asked me how I liked the looks of it, remarking that it would finally triumph. I said that was no novelty to me, I had had the honor of helping capture quite a number of those things, “That does not represent anything, ladies; if you take any pleasure in keeping that little flag to look at occasionally as a curiosity, I presume there is no one who has the slightest objection, but be sure of one thing, you will never again see it floating in the breeze in this town.”

One replied: “You seem to feel pretty secure in your holding here, but it would not take a large force of our troops to set you Yankees scampering towards Fortress Monroe."

“I know, but whatever force it might take, your people don't care to pay the cost of retaking it. Your people have too many other jobs on hand at present, and a good prospect of having more to take much trouble about this place, besides it is of no use to them anyway and but very little use to us."

Some of the women here seem to think it a mark of loyalty to their cause to exhibit all the contempt they can towards the Yankees. I fell in with a party of that kind one afternoon out in the churchyard. I sometimes go in there and spend an hour looking around and scraping the moss off those ancient stones to find names and dates, and I have found some that date back into the 17th century. In this yard are some 20 or 30 mounds beneath which sleep the Confederate dead, killed in the battle here or brought from other fields; at any rate they are here and the mounds are kept covered with flowers and evergreens. while looking around there a party of women entered, bringing wreaths of evergreen and commenced decorating those graves.

I approached to within a respectful distance and watched them perform their sad rites of love and affection. When they had finished one of them, pointing at me, addressed me in this beautiful language: “But for you, you vile, miserable Yankees, these brave men would now be adorning their homes.”

Not knowing exactly whether they would or not, or just how much of an adornment they would have been, I deemed the most fitting reply to that crazed woman was dignified silence.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 130-1

Wednesday, November 3, 2021

Abstract of the Report of Mr. John Eaton, Freedmen's Superintendent for Tennesee

Prepared, for the President, by the
American Freedmen's Inquiry Commission.
__________________

Abstract of Mr. John Eaton's Report.

He was appointed by the General commanding in the Department of Tennesee to assume general supervision of the Freedmen Dec. 17. 1862.

He states forcibly the difficulties of his new and untried field; and acknowledges the considerate attention and support ever given to him by the General commanding.

The negroes were flocking in and swarming confusedly around the military post.

The first thing was to gather and tabulate the statistics of their number & condition.

Statistics.

There were, or had been, over twenty-two thousand colored refugees under the care or observation of the various Superintendents at Corinth, Grand Junction, Memphis, La Grange, Providence La. Cairo Ill. Jackson Tenn., and Columbus Ky.

Some of these had, in various ways, gone back to slavery; others had found Northern homes.

General statistics were gathered concerning 6747 persons at Corinth, Grand Junction and Memphis. Of these 1372 were men, 2224 women, and 1372 children. About half of these were Africans; the rest of mixed blood. About a hundred were mechanics; about a thousand cooks or laundresses. Nearly two hundred could read, and about forty read and write.

Clothing.

They usually came within our lines wretchedly clad, some having hardly enough to cover their nakedness, a few, however, had borrowed good clothing of their masters, for their journey.

They were generally soon made comfortable in this respect by supplies from the Government, and by gifts from the North.

Shelter.

They were sheltered in tents, in barracks or in old or deserted houses; but in many cases, men made cabins for themselves.

Rations.

In most cases soldiers rations were issued to them as soon as they came; at some places however not until later. The rations seem to have generally been sufficient and satisfactory.

Property brought with them.

They brought in with them horses, oxen, mules, wagons, yokes, chains &c, besides some cotton; of which they had “spoiled the Egyptians—”.

Much of this property however was taken from them by officers and soldiers who appropriated it to their private use; the rest was turned over to the Quarter-master. So generally were they rewarded for having spoiled their and our enemies, by being spoiled in return, that it is noted as a remarkable fact, that they were righteously allowed at La Grange, to sell two ox-teams for their own benefit.

Hospital Arrangements.

Many fell sick; and in most cases, they seem to have been, all things considered, well provided for in hospitals, and to have been kindly treated.

It is reported however that at Memphis, there was shameful neglect and mismanagement on the part of surgeons and officials.

Treatment by Officers & Others.

Where they were gathered in Camps, located near our forces, they seem to have suffered a good deal of brutal treatment at the hands of the soldiers; especially at first, when white guards alone were employed.

When removed from the vicinity of the army, and especially since colored guards have been employed, the evils have lessened.

The Superintendent generally reports that they have had assistance and encouragement in their work of beneficence from the superior officers and U. S. Officials.

Too often however, the soldiers and lower officers, have shown their contempt for the work's of mercy; and have treated the colored people most brutally. This of course encouraged vicious and disloyal citizens to follow the bent of their prejudices and passions, and to heap upon the poor refugees indignities and cruelties of the most abominable kind.

Labor and Service

It seems by the report from the various posts that most of these people were supposed to have merely exchanged masters; and were expected as a mater of course to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for the United States without pay and even without clothing.

To a question upon this matter the following replies were given:

Corinth  “All men except the infirm, and few for camp were employed. All women, saving those having large families, or small children; — generally reported industrious and faithful, when well-treated. Many have worked from 2 to 12 months, and never received a cent, or a rag, yet, as reward, alike as private servants, and Government employees.

Cairo  “Many employed in Quarter Master Department & Post-Hospitals. Cannot give definite numbers.

Gnd Junction  “All the men, but feeble, employed by Government, or individuals, or in camp; — have cut wood and lumber — handled goods, erected defences. One hundred and fifty went to Vicksburg, — many in Q. M. and Commissary Departments. Women & children pick cotton for Government & for private individuals.

Holly Springs and Memphis.  “A large amount for each.

Memphis.  “Average able-bodied men for the month eighty-five. Erecting cabins — preparing camp — many have been turned over to different Departments, sometimes most grossly abused; as for instance, some worked all day in water, drenched, nearly frozen, and then driven to tents for shelter, to sheds for sleep without covering and almost without fire and food. They have come back to die by scores. Wages seldom paid — none in Hospitals. The services of a large number have been stolen out-right.

Bolivar. “None employed by individuals; many for Government; building fortifications; cutting wood, rolling logs, running saw mills, and in Q. M. Dp'ts. and Hospitals no general system of pay.

Providence  Digging canal — picking cotton.

Assistants.

There is no mention of any lack of assistants. Besides those regularly employed some have volunteered and done good service.

Instruction.

There seems to have been no regular provision for instructions. Some good Samaritans volunteered to teach on Sunday, and at other times; and there were, at some posts, schools kept regularly for a few weeks.

Mention is made of preparations to build school-houses.

Motives for coming into our lines.

All the testimony goes to show that the slaves had almost universally a strong desire to be free, and a vague idea that fleeing to the enemies of their masters would make them free.

The immediate cause of their running away, was, in a great many cases, a fear of being baulked of freedom by being sold “down South”. Many alledge cruel treatment as the cause. They seldom however manifest any desire of revenge upon their masters.

Some had a clear and precise idea that the war was to bring emancipation, and acted upon that idea.

They seem to have left their homes reluctantly, and only to gain freedom; for they all manifest strong local attachment; they wish to return to their homes if they can go there as free men; and never wish to go Northward, unless urged by fears of being re-enslaved.

The fact that, although free, they are obliged to work does not appear to have surprised them, or to have made them repent their flight.

Of their intelligence.

Most of the Superintendents say they were agreeably surprised at the degree of intelligence shown by the refugees. They seem to have a concealed stock of ideas and knowledge, and to draw upon it in case of need. Many who usually seemed stupid, and were held to be nearly idiotic, showed great ingenuity in shirking what they deemed overtasks; and they became bright and clever when it came to contriving means for escaping from bondage.

Their ideas of freedom,

vary of course with their degree of intelligence. There was a general idea that freedom would come as the result of the war. They wished to be free from the necessity of working for others, but not from the necessity of working for themselves.

Their ideas of property

varied likewise with their intelligence, though all had a distinct sense of ownership of certain property, as their kitchen utensils, and the like. These were “their own, not master's”. The more intelligent extended the idea of ownership to other things. Some had been accumulating money for many months in view of their flight.

Honesty.

The general testimony is that they had no sense of honesty, as towards their masters and oppressors. Towards their friends and others, they seem to be about on the same moral plane as other people of like grade of culture.

One Superintendent says:

“I verily believe that their habits in this particular have not been so thoroughly prostituted by the influence of all the centuries of their degradation in slavery as have those of our patriot soldiery, in two years of war.”

Their willingness to work .

when they have any pay or hopes of pay is almost universally vouched for. In many cases they worked patiently and faithfully even when not paid, and not fully assured that they would be paid.

The Superintendent at Corinth says:

“So far as I have tested it, better than I anticipated. They are Willing to work for money, except in waiting on the sick. One hundred and fifty hands gathered 500 acres of cotton in less than three weeks — much of which time was bad weather. The owner admitted that it was done quicker than it could have been done with slaves. When detailed for service, they generally remained till honorably discharged, even when badly treated. I am well satisfied, from careful calculations, that the freedmen of this Camp and District have netted the Government, over and above all their expenses, including rations, tents, &c., at least $3000. per month, independent of what the women do, and all the property brought through our lines from the rebels.”

Religion.

The universal testimony is that they have a strong religious disposition. They have great veneration. They have in their stock (or race), all the elements upon which can be grafted true religion, which will bring forth abundant fruit in good works. As yet however they show only emotional religion. They pray, sing, shout hallelujahs, and make a great religious display, but they have never been taught to live religious lives.

The Superintendent at Holly Springs and Memphis bears striking testimony upon to the truth of this:

“Great majority religious.— They are Baptists or Methodists. Their notions of the leading doctrines of the Bible are remarkably correct— Justification, repentance, faith, holiness, heaven, hell,. They are not troubled, like educated white men, with unbelief.

“Notions of doctrine better than to be expected. Practices not always in accordance with their notions, as is also true of other colors. Have been taught to make their religion one of feeling, not necessarily affecting their living. If one finds himself susceptible to religious excitement or sentiment, he is a religious man, though at the same time he may lie, steal, drink, and commit adultery.”

Their Marital Relations,

in the language of the Superintendent at Corinth, “were all wrong”.

Neither they nor their fathers had been allowed to marry, “as white folks do.” They understood that the main object of their masters in bringing the sexes together was to have them beget children; therefore they argued they might promote that object out of, as well as in, marriage bonds.

Three of the Superintendents report thus:

“Most of them have no idea of the sacredness of the marriage tie; declaring that marriage, as it exists among the whites, has been impossible for them. In other cases, the marriage relation exists in all its sacredness without legal sanction.

“The greater number have lived together as husband and wife, by mutual consent. In many cases, strongly attached and faithful, though having no legal marriage.

“They know what marriage is among the whites, but have yielded to the sad necessity of their case. Generally, I believe the men to be faithful to the women with whom they live, and the women to reward their faith with like truth. Free and married, they will maintain the marital relations as sacredly as any other race.

The policy of Arming the Refugees,

is urged by all the Superintendents. One says:

“I believe in giving them their freedom by their swords. Policy and humanity say, Arm the negro. History affords all the necessary precedents for liberating slaves and arming them as soldiers, to fight in defence of their county. Blacks fought in the Revolutionary struggle, and in the War of 1812. Let them fight in the war for their own liberty.”

The Superintendent at Memphis takes up the same strain and says:

“Yes, arm him! It will do him worlds of good. He will know then that he has rights, and dare maintain them — a grand step towards manhood. Arm him! for our country needs soldiers. These men will make good soldiers. Arm him! for the rebels need enemies, and heaven knows the blacks have reason to be that. Once armed and drilled, the black man will be an enemy the rebels will neither love nor despise. Arm him, and let the world see the black man on a vast scale returning good for evil, helping with blood and life the cause of the race which hated, oppressed and scorned him.”

Finally the Superintendent at La Grange says:

“Arm them at once. We can hurt the rebels more by the use of the negro than by any others means in our power. Arm him — use him; do it speedily. Why leave him to labor for our enemy, and thus keep up the strife? Arm him — he is a man — he will fight — he can save the Union. I pledge you and the world they will make good soldiers.”

Mr. Eaton assumes the facts thus reported to him by various Superintendents as premisses from which he draws his conclusions and upon which he bases his plan for the

Management of the colored refugees.

The main facts are:

First, — that nearly twenty three thousand slaves have fled to our lines in that Departments.

Second.— that, save a very few returned to slavery, the great majority have disappeared from official notice by fusing in with the general population, and earning their livelihood by labor which is profitable to themselves and to the community.

Third.— That a small proportion only of these have ever been dependent upon the Government; the greatest number of full rations ever issued being only 5500.

The whole cost of their support and supervision has been far less than what has been gained by Government; for if, by stretch of fancy, we suppose them to be paid their wages, the rate of these wages is so much less than their real value that a large margin of profit remains. In his words: “if the Freedmen could be, and were excluded from this Department, and white laborers employed, the Government would pay out forty-two thousand six hundred and sixty-one dollars per month, more than it now does for the same work, and the support of all idle and feeble Freedmen.”

Moreover their labor, while its loss cripples the rebellion, aids our cause in various ways.

Fourth.— That it is morally certain that the Exodus from Slavery will largely increase.

In his words: “Should the knowledge of the Proclamation continue to increase and general destitution prevail in the rebellious districts, what may we not expect? Already in certain quarters they receive but one meal of meat pr. day, they have not had their regular supply of clothing since the out-break of the rebellion. I have conclusive evidence that in the very centres of Alabama the slave population is already possessed of no indifferent idea of what the Proclamation declares in their behalf.”

Fifth.— That there should be some clear and well defined provision made by Government for the management of such of the refugees as do not at once fuse in with the community, and especially during the early part of their sojourn within our lines.

He then proposes plan, the main features of which are these: “A distinct class of officers could be provided similar to the various military corps, the Engineer, medical, the Chief directly responsible to the Secretary of War, a subordinate reporting so far as necessary to each Department Commander, and his subordinates located at Posts or centres of Districts, where the presence of these freed people require supervision and where their labor on the soil may be safe from guerrilla or other barbarities.”

x x x

“The supervisors of freedmen held to most rigid accountability, guarded against any corruption, also by the presence of the officer of another Department, holding themselves military rank, vested with competent authority, and supported by a military organization of blacks at their command either as militia or regular troops or both, should enroll all blacks, men, women and children, put in the hands of each the description of his person, location, employment or name of employer; requiring all not voluntarily engaging according to fixed or reasonable rates with authorized persons, to labor under the direction of Government agents who should have charge of camps in which there should be ample provision for the industry whether mechanical, horticultural or agricultural, of all coming in and not otherwise employed; also fit provision for sick, for all permanently or temporarily dependent, whether old, young, or infirm, all contracts should be made through the proper Superintendent, and recorded, and none should be changed without his consent, or broken without punishment to the offender; there should be no change of location without his permit. This supervision should permit no abuse, should guard all relations between man and man, should lay at once the foundations of society, providing schools supported by tax upon property or income from labor alike in communities and in camps, requiring the attendance of all with certain limitations of age and season; enforcing the laws of marriage, of the relations of husband and wife, child and parent, during the minority of the former, opening alike communities and camps for religious instruction to well disposed and properly authorized persons who might come to labor among them; should regulate all trade, not only so that it might not aid the rebellion, but so as to free the blacks from imposition invited by their ignorance, indeed, should meet according to order every exigency arising in the affairs of these freed people, whether physical, social or educational, so far as is possible and is accordant with the genius of our free institutions, and the spirit of American Christian civilization.

“The exercise of military authority being entirely under control of the Executive, could not only adjust itself to all grades of intelligence and enterprise among these people and to current changes, but be withdrawn in part or altogether at any moment desirable.”

Mr Eaton recommends that, whenever feasible the refugees should be put to work upon lands abandoned and forfeited by rebels.

“In all cities”, he says, “the management of these people becomes a matter especially important. In Memphis there are a large number either idle, concealed in byways, in old houses, or controlled by the money of the disloyal, or otherwise vicious or criminal. Supt Fisk states probably one third of the blacks about town are employed by persons in no wise heartily loyal, while the calls of the various branches of military service, for the labor of contrabands, are beyond any possibility of supply, and significantly asks ought not the Government interest in the entire control of all contraband labor be protected! The Plan, suggested among its other features, by giving every colored man a recorded status, a copy of which he carries with him, not only protects him against abuse, but meets this difficulty by allowing him never to change location, or him or his employer to alter their contract without the consent of the Superintendent.”

Mr. Eaton closes his Report with the following summary of his plan for the management of the colored refugees.

“I. Special military provision, as necessary alike to the full military effect of the Proclamation upon the armed rebellion; to the interests of the people declared free, equally with respect to their safe, comfortable and useful conduct through the transition from slavery to freedom, and their fit preparation for their new privileges; Also to the security against servile insurrections and the speediest restoration of Government authority over rebellious States, — of military in preference to civil form, because martial law must prevail over these regions during the war; because more simple, avoiding undesirable questions and complications; and because more easily adjusted to all necessities and changes.

“II. A district corps of officers, especially fit in ability and character — the Chief at Washington, subordinates with Commanders of Departments, and in each District, where necessary, finding their assistants — as far as practicable, among worthy soldiers, unfitted by disease or wounds for active field service.

“III. At points of sufficient security on our coasts or rivers, or near military posts, they receive, locate, record and furnish a copy of written statistics to every colored person, without which he is subject to arrest; according to orders and instructions from the President or Secretary of War, adopt a complete system of regulations, and adjust them to the individual social and educational necessities of these people, enlisting as many able-bodied men as is expedient, either as regular troops or militia, and securing the industry of all as far as possible.

“IV. These regulations should provide for the co-operation of the supervisors of freed people with the corresponding officer or officers of the Treasury Dep't, who should regulate the possession and use of lands, collect taxes, and disburse funds.

“These regulations should provide industry in camps or otherwise for all who did not seek it voluntarily of those occupying lands by authority of the Treasury Dep't; they should provide support, by tax on property or labor, of asylums in connection with camps for all dependent; and of schools in camps and communities, which all, with certain limitations of season and age, should be required to attend; they should facilitate the labors of all authorized persons seeking to promote the good of these people, physically, morally or religiously; employing from among them teachers for the Government schools, and where their labor is rendered gratuitously, furnish rations, quarters and transportation. They should regulate all trade among these freed people, all contracts with them, and punish their violation; and provide for the investment in lands or U. S. Securities of their savings; they should specially enforce the sacredness of the family, of the relation of husband and wife, parent and wif — child, that these people may be introduced the most speedily to the knowledge and practice of all the duties and amenities of Citizenship.”

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Accessed November 3, 2021.

Tuesday, December 22, 2020

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 6, 1863

February 6, 1863.

We are just now through with the hardest and coldest north east storm that we have had since I came to the Department of the South. Living through this is evidence of considerable constitution. The storm politely waited for us to finish an expedition but the two together have succeeded in running our sick list up to 129 in today's report. This morning a poor fellow died of congestion of the lungs, before the surgeon saw him. In this case, as in nearly all the autopsies I have made I find extensive adhesions which have resulted from former pleurisy. There are, at this moment, not less than a dozen severe cases of pleuro-pneumonia among our sick.

I find it true that these people are more subject than the whites to pulmonary diseases. And here I must put a fact of dispraise to the colored people as I find them. They, as a rule, show remarkable indifference to the sufferings of those not immediately related by the ties of consanguinity. I do not believe this to be a want of affection in the race, but due to long influence of inhuman teaching and treatment. I believe the development of individual responsibility and the inducement to rise, will abolish this want of feeling and respect for each other.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 358

Thursday, April 2, 2020

Minutes of an interview between the colored ministers and church officers at Savannah with the Secretary of War and Major-General Sherman, January 12, 1865 – 8 p.m.

HEADQUARTERS OF MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN,                                   
In the City of Savannah, Ga., Thursday evening,                   
January 12, 18658 p.m.

On the evening of Thursday, the 12th day of January, 1865, the following persons of African descent met, by appointment, to hold an interview with Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, and Major-General Sherman, to have a conference upon matters relating to the freedmen of the State of Georgia, to wit:

1. William J. Campbell, aged fifty-one years, born in Savannah; slave until 1849, and then liberated by will of his mistress, Mrs. Mary Maxwell; for ten years pastor of the First Baptist Church of Savannah, numbering about 1,800 members; average congregation, 1,900; the church property, belonging to the congregation (trustees white), worth $18,000.

2. John Cox, aged fifty-eight years, born in Savannah; slave until 1849, when he bought his freedom for $1,100; pastor of the Second African Baptist Church; in the ministry fifteen years; congregation, 1,222 persons; church property, worth $10,000, belonging to the congregation.

3. Ulysses L. Houston, aged forty-one years, born in Grahamville, S.C.; slave "until the Union army entered Savannah;" owned by Moses Henderson, Savannah, and pastor of Third African Baptist Church, congregation numbering 400; church property, worth $5,000, belongs to congregation; in the ministry about eight years.

4. William Bentley, aged seventy-two years, born in Savannah; slave until twenty-five years of age, when his master, John Waters, emancipated him by will; pastor of Andrew's Chapel, Methodist Episcopal Church (only one of that denomination in Savannah), congregation numbering 360 members; church property worth about $20,000, and is owned by the congregation; been in the ministry about twenty years; a member of Georgia conference.

5. Charles Bradwell, aged forty years, born in Liberty County, Ga.; slave until 1851; emancipated by will of his master, J. L. Bradwell; local preacher, in charge of the Methodist Episcopal congregation (Andrew's Chapel) in the absence of the minister; in the ministry ten years.

6. William Gaines, aged forty-one years, born in Wills County, Ga.; slave “until the Union forces freed me;” owned by Robert Toombs, formerly U.S. Senator, and his brother, Gabriel Toombs; local preacher of the Methodist Episcopal Church (Andrew's Chapel); in the ministry sixteen years.

7. James Hill, aged fifty-two years, born in Bryan County, Ga.; slave “up to the time the Union army come in;” owned by H. F. Willings, of Savannah; in the ministry sixteen years.

8. Glasgow Taylor, aged seventy-two years, born in Wilkes County, Ga.; slave "until the Union army come;" owned by A. P. Wetter; is a local preacher of the Methodist Episcopal Church (Andrew's Chapel); in the ministry thirty-five years.

9. Garrison Frazier, aged sixty-seven years, born in Granville County, N. C.; slave until eight years ago, when he bought himself and wife, paying $1,000 in gold and silver; is an ordained minister in the Baptist Church, but, his health failing, has now charge of no congregation; has been in the ministry thirty-five years.

10. James Mills, aged fifty-six years, born in Savannah; freeborn, and is a licensed preacher of the First Baptist Church; has been eight years in the ministry.

11. Abraham Burke, aged forty-eight years, born in Bryan County, Ga.; slave until twenty years ago, when he bought himself for $800; has been in the ministry about ten years.

12. Arthur Wardell, aged forty-four years, born in Liberty County, Ga.; slave until "freed by the Union army;" owned by A. A. Solomons, Savannah, and is a licensed minister in the Baptist Church; has been in the ministry six years.

13. Alexander Harris, aged forty-seven years, born in Savannah; freeborn; licensed minister of Third African Baptist Church; licensed about one month ago.

14. Andrew Neal, aged sixty-one years, born in Savannah; slave "until the Union army liberated me;" owned by Mr. William Gibbons, and has been deacon in the Third Baptist Church for ten years.

15. James Porter, aged thirty-nine years, born in Charleston, S.C.; freeborn, his mother having purchased her freedom; is lay reader and president of the board of wardens and vestry of Saint Stephen's Protestant Episcopal Colored Church in Savannah; has been in communion nine years; the congregation numbers about 200 persons; the church property is worth about $10,000, and is owned by the congregation.

16. Adolphus Delmotte, aged twenty-eight years, born in Savannah; freeborn; is a licensed minister of the Missionary Baptist Church of Milledgeville, congregation numbering about 300 or 400 persons; has been in the ministry about two years.

17. Jacob Godfrey, aged fifty-seven years, born in Marion, S.C.; slave "until the Union army freed me;" owned by James E. Godfrey, Methodist preacher, now in the rebel army; is a class leader and steward of Andrew's Chapel since 1836.

18. John Johnson, aged fifty-one years, born in Bryan County, Ga.; slave "up to the time the Union army came here;" owned by W. W. Lincoln, of Savannah; is class leader and treasurer of Andrew's Chapel for sixteen years.

19. Robert N. Taylor, aged fifty-one years, born in Wilkes County, Ga.; slave "to the time the Union army come;" was owned by Augustus P. Wetter, Savannah, and is class leader in Andrew's Chapel for nine years.

20. James Lynch, aged twenty-six years, born in Baltimore, Md.; freeborn; is presiding elder of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and missionary to the Department of the South; has been seven years in the ministry and two years in the South.

Garrison Frazier, being chosen by the persons present to express their common sentiments upon the matters of inquiry, makes answers to inquiries as follows:

First. State what your understanding is in regard to the acts of Congress and President Lincoln's proclamation touching the condition of the colored people in the rebel States.

Answer. So far as I understand President Lincoln's proclamation to the rebellious States, it is, that if they would lay down their arms and submit to the laws of the United States before the 1st of January, 1863, all should be well, but if they did not, then all the slaves in the rebel States should be free, henceforth and forever. That is what I understood.

Second. State what you understand by slavery, and the freedom that was to be given by the President's proclamation.

Answer. Slavery is receiving by irresistible power the work of another man, and not by his consent. The freedom, as I understand it, promised by the proclamation is taking us from under the yoke of bondage and placing us where we could reap the fruit of our own labor and take care of ourselves and assist the Government in maintaining our freedom.

Third. State in what manner you think you can take care of yourselves, and how can you best assist the Government in maintaining your freedom.

Answer. The way we can best take care of ourselves is to have land, and turn in and till it by our labor—that is, by the labor of the women, and children, and old men—and we can soon maintain ourselves and have something to spare; and to assist the Government the young men should enlist in the service of the Government, and serve in such manner as they may be wanted. (The rebels told us that they piled them up and made batteries of them, and sold them to Cuba, but we don't believe that.) We want to be placed on land until we are able to buy it and make it our own.

Fourth. State in what manner you would rather live, whether scattered among the whites or in colonies by yourselves?

Answer. I would prefer to live by ourselves, for there is a prejudice against us in the South that will take years to get over, but I do not know that I can answer for my brethren.

(Mr. Lynch says he thinks they should not be separated, but live together. All the other persons present being questioned, one by one, answer that they agree with "Brother Frazier.")

Fifth. Do you think that there is intelligence enough among the slaves of the South to maintain themselves under the Government of the United States, and the equal protection of its laws, and maintain good and peaceable relations among yourselves and with your neighbors?

Answer. I think there is sufficient intelligence among us to do so.

Sixth. State what is the feeling of the black population of the South toward the Government of the United States; what is the understanding in respect to the present war, its causes and object, and their disposition to aid either side. State fully your views.

Answer. I think you will find there is thousands that are willing to make any sacrifice to assist the Government of the United States, while there is also many that are not willing to take up arms. I do not suppose there is a dozen men that is opposed to the Government. I understand as to the war that the South is the aggressor. President Lincoln was elected President by a majority of the United States, which guaranteed him the right of holding the office and exercising that right over the whole United States. The South, without knowing what he would do, rebelled. The war was commenced by the rebels before he came into the office. The object of the war was not, at first, to give the slaves their freedom, but the sole object of the war was, at first, to bring the rebellious States back into the Union and their loyalty to the laws of the United States. Afterward, knowing the value that was set on the slaves by the rebels, the President thought that his proclamation would stimulate them to lay down their arms, reduce them to obedience, and help to bring back the rebel States, and their not doing so has now made the freedom of the slaves a part of the war. It is my opinion that there is not a man in this city that could be started to help, the rebels one inch, for that would be suicide. There was two black men left with the rebels, because they had taken an active part for the rebels, and thought something might befall them if they staid behind, but there is not another man. If the prayers that have gone up for the Union army could be read out you would not get through them these two weeks.

Seventh. State whether the sentiments you now express are those only of the colored people in the city, or do they extend to the colored population through the country, and what are your means of knowing the sentiments of those living in the country.

Answer. I think the sentiments are the same among the colored people of the State. My opinion is formed by personal communication in the course of my ministry, and also from the thousands that followed the Union army, leaving their homes and undergoing suffering. I did not think there would be so many; the number surpassed my expectation.

Eighth. If the rebel leaders were to arm the slaves what would be its effect!

Answer. I think they would fight as long as they were before the bayonet, and just as soon as they could get away they would desert, in my opinion.

Ninth. What, in your opinion, is the feeling of the colored people about enlisting and serving as soldiers of the United States, and what kind of military service do they prefer?

Answer. A large number have gone as soldiers to Port Royal to be drilled and put in the service, and I think there is thousands of the young men that will enlist; there is something about them that, perhaps, is wrong; they have suffered so long from the rebels that they want to meet and have a chance with them in the field. Some of them want to shoulder the musket, others want to go into the quartermaster or the commissary's service.

Tenth. Do you understand the mode of enlistment of colored persons in the rebel States, by State agents, under the act of Congress! If yea, state what your understanding is.

Answer. My understanding is that colored persons enlisted by State agents are enlisted as substitutes, and give credit to the States, and do not swell the army, because every black man enlisted by a State agent leaves a white man at home; and also, that larger bounties are given or promised by the State agents than are given by the States. The great object should be to push through this rebellion the shortest way, and there seems to be something wanting in the enlistment by State agents, for it don't strengthen the army, but takes one away for every colored man enlisted.

Eleventh. State what, in your opinion, is the best way to enlist colored men for soldiers.

Answer. I think, sir, that all compulsory operations should be put a stop to. The ministers would talk to them, and the young men would enlist. It is my opinion that it would be far better for the State agents to stay at home, and the enlistments to be made for the United States under the direction of General Sherman.

In the absence of General Sherman the following question was asked: Twelfth. State what is the feeling of the colored people in regard to General Sherman, and how far do they regard his sentiments and actions as friendly to their rights and interests, or otherwise.

Answer. We looked upon General Sherman, prior to his arrival, as a man, in the providence of God, specially set apart to accomplish this work, and we unanimously felt inexpressible gratitude to him, looking upon him as a man that should be honored for the faithful performance of his duty. Some of us called upon him immediately upon his arrival, and it is probable he did not meet the Secretary with more courtesy than he met us. His conduct and deportment toward us characterized him as a friend and a gentleman. We have confidence in General Sherman, and think that what concerns us could not be under better hands. This is is our opinion now from the short acquaintance and intercourse we have had.

(Mr. Lynch states that, with his limited acquaintance with General Sherman, he is unwilling to express an opinion. All others present declare their agreement with Mr. Frazier about General Sherman.)

Some conversation upon general subjects relating to General Sherman's march then ensued, of which no note was taken.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 47, Part 2 (Serial No. 99), p. 37-41

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: Reverend Ralph Randolph Gurley, December 8, 1838

[From the Herald of Freedom of Dec. 8, 1838.]

We must give the whole of this euphonic line, so harmonious to the colored ear. This silver-spoken expatriationist has appeared again, we understand, in our New England horizon, with his northern aspect on, having doffed his slaveholder phases, as he crossed his equinoctial—the Mason and Dixon line. He ranges from tropic to tropic along his crooked ecliptic—from New Orleans on the south, to — the old town hall in Concord (his northmost declination) on the north—shifting his disk, like the changing moon.

Hail to thee, in the “clear cold sky” of the North, thou star of evil promise to liberty! Welcome, caterer of slavery, to the regions of paid labor! Thou reverend advocate of a double origin of the human family, and denier that “God hath made of one blood all nations of men,” &c. Thou promoter of human banishment, and sunderer of the strong ties of native country, hail to thy dubious aspect—thy Janus facies! Come, stir, with thy magician's rod, among the hushed and abashed mobocracy of your native New England. Kindle afresh the slumbering fires of prejudice. Cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of persecution! Mount the consecrated pulpit, under the ushering of the shepherds of the flock, who care for the sheep, and “pour” thence “your leprous distilment into” the common ear, till “public sentiment” shall “posset and curd” under your infusion, and the blotch and tetter of colonization shall “bark out over all” the surface of the body politic.

Thou angler for consent to exile! thou fisher for funds in the pockets of prejudice! thou recruiting sergeant for the ranks of banishment! Thou art earning the deep and indelible displeasure of thy colored brother. He must forgive thee unpardonable enmity, and “seventy times seven,” and God help him to charity unbounded—for he needs it in this emergency.

Elliot[T] Cresson, too, a satellite of the Secretary, is up here, on a winter campaign. Why does not Elliot cast the shadow of his broad brim on the snows of Canada, this winter, in the service of the Patriots, and help them become a free republic, and so break up that nest of self-emancipated niggers? For if this province of Canada were only a free, democratic state, it would not afford a refuge to those insolent fugitives, but they would have to be “given up on claim of those to whom” their souls and bodies, their time and eternity, “might be due.” Bethink thee, Friend! Elliot, thou mightest strike a capital stroke for thy master (who can enlarge his brim till it is as broad as William Penn's, to suit his turn) in the extinction of this tyrant monarchy, this refuge of runaway democrats. Thou mightest solicit the fugitives, with good prospect of colonizing them. If thou shouldest succeed in abolishing monarchy in said province, and open a way for the restoration of the lost property to be found there, thou mightest then solicit it for consent to great advantage. Thou mightest offer the candidates, either a sudden, and, as it were, a reluctant return to the patriarchs from whom they strayed, (with fetter on heel and hand-cuff on wrist,) or the glorious alternative of voluntary emigration, “with their own consent,” to the steepled paradise of Liberia. And would they not be free to go or stay? Yea, verily. Thee would say to them, "Friend, I do thee no injustice. Go to Liberia; but go freely. I abate not a tithe of thy free, thy voluntary, thy spontaneous choice. Go if thee choose. If not, stay and return south with me, whence, in an evil hour, thou came out.” Peradventure some of them would "consent," For They Have Been South. Yes, reader, they have been south.

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 54-6 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of December 8, 1838.

Tuesday, September 10, 2019

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: Colonization, June 23, 1838

There is either a most strange delusion, or an obstinate wickedness in men, in relation to this matter of expatriating our colored people — probably both — for delusion — “strong delusion generally attends a long course of transgression. We believe, if there is any one crime in this land, on which the Father of the human family looks down with more displeasure than on any other, it is on this deliberate and malicious wrong and insult entertained by a portion of the proud people of this country towards their humbler brethren — a deliberate, premeditated, cool-blooded plot to banish them from their native land, and to send them to the most undesirable spot on earth. God commands us to love our neighbor as ourselves. Christ our Lord tells us in the story of the good Samaritan, who is our neighbor, and what loving him is, in practice. We ask the reverends and honorables, who compose the official list of New Hampshire Colonization, if the good Samaritan would have joined the Colonization Society. The question need only be asked. The idea of such a man as he, entering into a conspiracy like this, is so absurd, as to be almost ludicrous on the very face of it. Colonization is hate of one's neighbor, of the very deepest and most far-reaching kind.

But the organization is getting to be matter of form merely — it can't act. It may raise contributions of some amount—but no widows' mites — and not from many hands. It is impotent malice now — and kept up, probably, as a set-off effort versus anti-slavery. We are loath to speak severely of the names who compose this benevolent enterprise, but cannot help it. If we feel justly towards the plot, we feel severely, and must speak as we feel. It is not only a wicked plot against our innocent and injured (ah, injured beyond reparation) brethren, but it is a most mean and dishonorable service, done at the bidding of the slaveholder of the South. He wants to get the free man of color away, so that he can the more securely grind down the colored bond man. Poor Mr. Observer remarks that “the colored man must have a soil of his own, before he can rise.” Pray, what does he mean by a soil of his own? soil that he owns? or a sort of black soil? Can't he own soil in this country? Truly he can, if these Observers will only get out of the way, and let us win him his liberty, and let him work for wages. Free colored people are rising now as rapidly and as palpably as water ever rose in a freshet. They rise, as fast as such philanthropists as the Observer fall. The Observer's fall is their rise, and his rise their fall. Colored men can earn money and buy and own soil, and do now buy and own it. They need not go to Africa for soil. The land they own here is their soil, and the country they are born in is their native country. A man's native country (this is said for the especial benefit of Observers and colonizationists) is the country a man is born in. He can't have but one. He can't be born in one country, and have a native land somewhere else — in some other country. The land he is born on, and no other, is his native land, and it is equally so with colored people, and those who have less or no color. No American, United States-born man can have two native lands, or can have one without the limits of America. He can no more be born here and have him a native land in Africa, than an African, born on the Gold Coast, can make him out a native land here in New England. This is really so — there is no mistake — there is no two ways about it. This is a cardinal point, and it ought to be settled and made clear to the minds of our colonization brethren. They have a strong notion of restoring colored people to their native Africa — to their own soil, as the Observer calls it — where they can rise. The soil of Africa is supposed to be theirs by a kind of nativity, though they were born here, and their fathers and grandfathers before them, and their fathers not only American-born, in some cases, but “as white,” as the African prince said of the Dane — the first creature of that complexion he ever saw — “as white as the very devil,” — not only white, but white slaveholders, owners of their own children — sellers of their own blood and bones. What soil have they in Africa then, on which they can rise? None, unless they go and buy it, which they will never do. And what does the Observer mean by rising? He means getting to be governor, councillor, general court man, deputy secretary, dancing master, clerk in a store, dandy, — any of these elevations, which whiteness of outside and total lack of inside, will give folks here.

Now colored people don't want this sort of elevation; all they want is common liberty common humanity — a common sort of human chance for their lives. They don't care about rising very high. As to rising out of the dust and dunghill, into which this inhuman people have trodden them that they will do, as soon as colonizationists will take their feet off of their necks and breasts, where they are now planted. They stand on the very breasts of the colored people, and look down and taunt them with incapacity to rise; and wickedly say to them, I'll step off of you, if you will creep away to Africa before you rise. You may go freely — with your own consent — mind that; you are not to be forced away; but unless you do most voluntarily and freely consent, I shall stand here, with both my Anglo-Saxon hind-feet plump on your breast bone, where the night-mare plants her hoof, shod all round with palsy, and you never can rise till you rise to the judgment. It is a pity you can't rise in this country; but you see how it is. God has placed you in an inferior position; you are evidently beneath me, and I above you. I am your friend. I belong to an “American Union for your race's relief,” and also to a “Liberian association, auxiliary to said Union;” and besides, your people, when they stand up straight here, and we are not standing on them, have an unpleasant fragrance which annoys our noses exceedingly; but as you lay now, right under our noses, somehow or other we do not seem to smell you. And moreover we are in the way of evangelizing the world; we've got that work on our hands, and are in a hurry about it — and we must take in Africa, and we don't want to go there. The climate is deadly, the people black and inferior, and we are not exactly on terms with them, and we want you to do what is to be done there; in the way of evangelizing. You can do it well enough for black people, though you can't rise to human level here. We want to colonize you for the sake of Africa — the millions of Africa. Oh, how our hearts bleed (now we think on't) for poor, benighted Africa! And then, that accursed, bloody slave trade — we want that stopped. Why, our Congress declares it piracy. We wont have the market stopped. We'll keep up slavery here, in an improved state. We'll ameliorate, and have it done "kindly;" but that traffic on salt water must be stopped, and you must go to Africa and put it down there. Q. E. D.

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 48-51 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of June 23, 1838.