Congressman Horace Mann, September 19, 1850

A Mr. Venable, of North Carolina, is making a speech against any special efforts to colonize Liberia. He thinks the negro settlements there will fail; that the settlers are incapable of civilization, and will soon relapse into barbarism. This is a fine commentary upon that view of the special providences which justifies the slave-trade and slavery in this country for these hundred years, in order to return the race to the land from which it came, and thus introduce or transfer our civilization into that region of the earth!

The days wear away beautifully. Ought any one to be placed in such a position as to desire the lapse of time? . . .

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 332

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: Reverend Ralph Randolph Gurley, December 8, 1838

[From the Herald of Freedom of Dec. 8, 1838.]

We must give the whole of this euphonic line, so harmonious to the colored ear. This silver-spoken expatriationist has appeared again, we understand, in our New England horizon, with his northern aspect on, having doffed his slaveholder phases, as he crossed his equinoctial—the Mason and Dixon line. He ranges from tropic to tropic along his crooked ecliptic—from New Orleans on the south, to — the old town hall in Concord (his northmost declination) on the north—shifting his disk, like the changing moon.

Hail to thee, in the “clear cold sky” of the North, thou star of evil promise to liberty! Welcome, caterer of slavery, to the regions of paid labor! Thou reverend advocate of a double origin of the human family, and denier that “God hath made of one blood all nations of men,” &c. Thou promoter of human banishment, and sunderer of the strong ties of native country, hail to thy dubious aspect—thy Janus facies! Come, stir, with thy magician's rod, among the hushed and abashed mobocracy of your native New England. Kindle afresh the slumbering fires of prejudice. Cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of persecution! Mount the consecrated pulpit, under the ushering of the shepherds of the flock, who care for the sheep, and “pour” thence “your leprous distilment into” the common ear, till “public sentiment” shall “posset and curd” under your infusion, and the blotch and tetter of colonization shall “bark out over all” the surface of the body politic.

Thou angler for consent to exile! thou fisher for funds in the pockets of prejudice! thou recruiting sergeant for the ranks of banishment! Thou art earning the deep and indelible displeasure of thy colored brother. He must forgive thee unpardonable enmity, and “seventy times seven,” and God help him to charity unbounded—for he needs it in this emergency.

Elliot[T] Cresson, too, a satellite of the Secretary, is up here, on a winter campaign. Why does not Elliot cast the shadow of his broad brim on the snows of Canada, this winter, in the service of the Patriots, and help them become a free republic, and so break up that nest of self-emancipated niggers? For if this province of Canada were only a free, democratic state, it would not afford a refuge to those insolent fugitives, but they would have to be “given up on claim of those to whom” their souls and bodies, their time and eternity, “might be due.” Bethink thee, Friend! Elliot, thou mightest strike a capital stroke for thy master (who can enlarge his brim till it is as broad as William Penn's, to suit his turn) in the extinction of this tyrant monarchy, this refuge of runaway democrats. Thou mightest solicit the fugitives, with good prospect of colonizing them. If thou shouldest succeed in abolishing monarchy in said province, and open a way for the restoration of the lost property to be found there, thou mightest then solicit it for consent to great advantage. Thou mightest offer the candidates, either a sudden, and, as it were, a reluctant return to the patriarchs from whom they strayed, (with fetter on heel and hand-cuff on wrist,) or the glorious alternative of voluntary emigration, “with their own consent,” to the steepled paradise of Liberia. And would they not be free to go or stay? Yea, verily. Thee would say to them, "Friend, I do thee no injustice. Go to Liberia; but go freely. I abate not a tithe of thy free, thy voluntary, thy spontaneous choice. Go if thee choose. If not, stay and return south with me, whence, in an evil hour, thou came out.” Peradventure some of them would "consent," For They Have Been South. Yes, reader, they have been south.

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 54-6 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of December 8, 1838.

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: Colonization Love and “Logic,” September 8, 1838

Abolition Logic

“Not hate of one's neighbor.” We prove it to be hate, because it wants to send off. Hatred repels, and would expel. Love attracts, draws, wishes to detain. Colonization proposes to rid the land of colored people. It therefore, cannot love them. Its love is mere pretence. — Herald of Freedom.

This argument, poor as it is, with hardly speciousness enough to deceive a sensible boy of six years old, is the same that was used by George Thompson, in our debate with him in Boston. But how will this argument work? A New Hampshire father sends off his son to make his fortune on the rich lands of the West. Therefore he hates him. A Boston merchant sends off his son to Europe or the East Indies, that he may extend his schemes of enterprise, and acquire wealth. Therefore he hales him. We send off missionaries to barbarous nations, that they may extend the blessings of Christianity, and receive in a future world the rewards of those that turn many to righteousness. Therefore we hate these missionaries. The consent of those who depart seems to make no difference in the view of this sage editor. “We prove it to be hate because it wants to send off.”

It is a little ludicrous that the editor of the Herald should actually kill his own argument, even before he reaches the bottom of his column. “It won't hurt a slave to send him to Africa. It won't, to send him any where out of the infernal regions. We had rather he might get to Canada, — but if he can't go there — or to the West Indies — or to England — or France — or Spain, or Turkey, or Algiers — or any other comparatively free country under heaven — why, rather than remain in America, among our Colonizationists, let him go to Liberia — or to the bottom of the sea — or to the sharks. No monster of the deep would devour him with the cruel tooth of our republicanism.”

He also proposes, in another article, to colonize slaves in Canada. Seriously, we think there are strong indications of insanity in the Herald.

The above is from the Rev. R. R. Gurley, Secretary and chief engineer of the American Colonization Society — that grand "American system” of machinery for clearing this country of free colored people, by a sort of suction-pump force, called “consent.” They say, however, the “Niggers” come hard; and though the pump draws upon them, like doctor's instruments upon a tooth, yet they stick to the soil like a lamprey eel to the rocks; and though the Secretary “hangs on like a dog to a root,” they “hang back, like a dog going to the gallows.” Resist sternly, colored friends! “Abide in the ship.” The land shall soon be indeed your country and your home. Lay your bones in it. Your tyrants and persecutors will go and evangelize Africa, themselves, when they really wish her evangelized.

The wily Secretary has ventured upon a little article of ours, with true Tracy philology and word-hunting. “Send off.” The magnificent “statesman” here finds a field for the scope of his continental philanthropy. The argument, he says, is the same that was used by George Thompson. All the better for that. George Thompson is an authority. He is a mm of instinctive and intuitive judgment on this question. But it is a poor argument, says the Secretary, “with hardly speciousness enough to deceive a sensible school boy of six years old.” Any argument is always poor in the eyes of the Secretary, that is clear “of speciousness and false show, and that can't deceive sensible school boys. We don't intend to use specious arguments,— “showy, plausible, superficially not solidly right,” as Walker defines them! The Secretary had better not use any more of them. “Fair play is a jewel.”

“How will this argument work?” Try it and see, Secretary.

You don't try it. You put different cases. You speak of farmers sending away sons for their benefit and fortunes. We speak of sending off — a sending off to get rid of. Farmers don't send off their sons, unless they get angry, and forget their nature, and disinherit them. Then they send them off. This sending to the West is not true in fact. The sons want to go from New Hampshire rocks to the prairied West. They have heard stories about it almost as extravagant and false as the Secretary tells about the death-haunted capes of Liberia, where bones lie bleaching as they do in the valley of the fabled Upas. The father wants them to stay with him, if he has got land for them, and if he han't, he would go with them. That is the way the father sends off his sons. Does the Secretary send off the dear colored people so?  Would he accompany them? Let him go and edit at Cape Palmas, and sing his ditty of the “African steeples” about among king Joe Harris' people. They would admire his tall presence and his fine head, as the Cossacks did Murat on his black charger. No. The Secretary loves —  “society,” that has got more “frame-work” in it. The dragon take Liberia, for all his going there! It is a grand country for “free niggers;” but the Secretary belongs to another race.

“The Boston merchant sends off his son,” &c. Whoever heard of such a sending off? Would the weeping father, as the vessel, with his dear boy on board, was clearing the harbor and standing out into the wide sea, tell the disconsolate mother and the brothers and sisters — all in tears — “I've sent off Charles?” Sent him off! for shame, Secretary! If you had instanced a Boston merchant, who had a poor, miserable, profligate, drunken, prodigal son, that had exhausted his paternal nature, and forged his name to checks — whom he did not wish to see hanged at home, for the disgrace it would bring on the family, and he had shipped him aboard a man-of-war for the Mediterranean — or a whaler for a three years' chance among the storms of the cape, and the grampuses of the arctic circle, peradventure to come back, and peradverture not, then you might talk of a father's sending his son off. But that comes too near colonizing, for the Secretary's purpose, — only he wants to ship the innocent — the blameless — the unoffending — guilty of nothing but want of the roseate hue of the beauteous, Absalom-looking Secretary.

“We send off missionaries,” &c. Only to Liberia, Secretary. We send out to every other quarter. Note this peculiarity, reader, in our American efforts to evangelize the world. We send out white, educated, college-learned, beneficiary, Andover-finished theologians to those people we have never enslaved; and to our old human hunting-ground we send off  “abated nuisances,” called “free niggers,” — sent off “with their own consent.”  (“He ’ticed him out of the field,” says the witness; “’ticed him clear out.” How did he ’tice him? said the court. “O, he 'ticed him with a pitchfork.’”) We had the curiosity to look, in this very number of the Secretary's “Statesman,” to see what he called the sending of missionaries. He has a deal to say about love to the heathen. We lit upon “Missions to Liberia,” the first thing almost. It is not the Secretary's own, but his faithful Achates, R. McDowell's. He gives us the very technical phrase for missionary sending; but there is no off to it. “The first mission, established in Liberia,” says McD., “was the Swiss mission, &c., sent out by Rev. Dr. Bleinhardt,” &c.

Don't talk of sending off sons and missionaries, any more, Mr. Secretary. It is too “specious.”

The Secretary says, we “ludicrously kill our argument before we get down our column.” What is our argument? That sending off our free colored people, to rid the country of them, is proof of hatred towards them. How do we kill it? Why, by saying it won't hurt a slave to send him away. Commend us to such killing. “What is sauce for the goose, may be for the” Secretary; but it don't follow, that what is bad for the freeman, would be bad for the slave. Would it be good for the freeman of America to be sent to Algiers? We say it would not hurt the slave to be sent there. He would rejoice to get there, and we should rejoice to have him, if we can't free him here,—even to Liberia—rather than stay within influence of such teachers of humanity as McDufie and Gurley.

The Secretary's mention of our proposal to colonize the slaves in Canada, as a serious proposal, is so roguishly “specious,” that we can't answer it. — The charge of “insanity,” abolitionists are used to. The Secretary will be glad to be so, by and by, when we get slavery down in this country. The cry from the West Indies makes him look wild. He will exclaim, by another year or two, when Congress, with old John Quincy Adams at their head, and Alvan Stewart and Wendell Phillips and Vermont Knapp to back him up, declare slavery down in the capital and the' district — he will then cry out, as Atlialiah did, when she “heard the noise of the guard, the clapping of hands, and the God save king Joash.” He will be stark crazy then, — if he does not repent — which we hope he may.

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 21-5 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of September 8, 1838.

Robert Jones to William Still, August 9, 1856

Hamilton, C. W., August 9th, 1856.

MR. WM. STILL: — Dear Friend: — I take this opportunity of writing you these few lines to inform you of my health, which is good at present, &c. *  *  *  *

I was talking to you about going to Liberia, when I saw you last, and did intend to start this fall, but I since looked at the condition of the colored people in Canada. I thought I would try to do something for their elevation as a nation, to place them in the proper position to stand where they ought to stand. In order to do this, I have undertaken to get up a military company amongst them. They laughed at me to undertake such a thing; but I did not relax my energies. I went and had an interview with Major J. T. Gilepon, told him what my object was, he encouraged me to go on, saying that he would do all he could for the accomplishment of my object. He referred to Sir Allan McNab, &c. *  *  *  *  I took with me Mr. J. H. Hill to see him — he told me that it should be done, and required us to write a petition to the Governor General, which has been done.  *  *  *  * The compsny is already organized. Mr. Howard was elected Captain; J. H. Hill, 1st Lieutenant; Hezekiah Hill, Ensign; Robert Jones, 1st Sergeant. The company’s name is, Queen Victoria's Rifle Guards. You may, by this, see what I have been doing since I have been in Canada. When we receive our appointments by the Government. I will send by express, my daguerreotype in uniform.

My respects, &c. &c.,

ROBERT JONES.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 272

George Moses Horton

HORTON, George Moses, slave-poet, a fullblooded negro, was born in Chatham county, N. C., about 1798. He began to dictate verses before he had learned to read or write, and won the interest of Mrs. Caroline Lee Hentz (q. v.), who gave him instruction. He worked on his master's farm until about 1831, when Dr. Joseph Caldwell, then president of the University of North Carolina, secured him employment in the village of Chapel Hill, where he wrote verses, acrostics, and love letters for the students at twenty-five cents each. He hoped to buy his freedom and a passage to Liberia, but took to drink after the death of Dr. Caldwell in 1835. He went to Philadelphia after the war with a Federal general. He published “The Hope of Liberty” (Raleigh, 1829); a second volume of verse appeared in 1838, and a third about 1850, with an autobiography. He also published novels and essays. He died about 1880.

SOURCE: James T. White & Co., Publisher, The National Cyclopedia of American Biography, Volume 7, p. 93

The Negro Question

The Chicago Times, Cincinnati Enquirer, and Missouri Republican are the three leading pro-slavery journals at the West, and it is from these sheets that all the little whipper-snapper papers of the Vallandigham school obtain their stable of their editorials.  Though intensely slavery, and broadly sympathizing with the rebels, yet the forbearance of the Government, which they constantly abuse, permits them to live, and, like the carrion crow, fatten upon the vile aliment they serve up to the rebellious spirit of the country.  Our space forbids, or we should like to publish entire, a recent letter of the Washington correspondence of the first named paper, just to show our readers the kind of matter that is rebel editors are sowing broadcast throughout the loyal north.  We give an extract:

NIGRITUDINOUS.

Such a charcoal Sanhedrim as the Republican side of the House of representatives cannot be found elsewhere, except in the legislative councils of Liberia and Hayti.  Negrophobia has seized the entire party of the administration; they have the nigger on the brain, nigger in the bowels, nigger in the eyes, nigger, nigger, everywhere.  Steam power is surpassed, the caloric engines obsolete; water power, law power, constitution power, and all the powers, physical, moral and political, have found their superior in the great nigger power that moves the huge unwieldy, reeking and stewing mass of rottenness which makes up this administration and its party.

White soldiers, sick and wounded, wives and children of these soldiers, white men any and everywhere, may suffer agony, despair, famine, everything, and on humanitarian doctrines are preached for them by these nigger charmed saints of republicanism – no governmental disbursements for their support.  But for twenty-five thousand fat, shiny, greasy fragrant niggers, the government is giving a perennial entertainment.  This number of sable aristocrats, without labor, without care, without the asking, even, are fed, clothed and housed, by the administration of Abraham Lincoln at Hilton Head alone.  There are at least thirty thousand more negroes supported by the government in the same way at Fortress Monroe, Washington, and throughout the army of the West.  The Constitutional government of the United States is keeping a grand national “dance house,” AT A COST OF $50,000 PER DAY.  And every grain of wheat, every kernel of corn, every potato raised in the great Northwest, must be taxed to help pay for this philo-niggerous experiment of the abolitionists of New England.

Any one at all posted in the matter knows that the above is a consummate falsehood; the no negroes are supported in idleness at the expense of the Government, but that they are made to work and earn their livelihood.  The cheapest way in which our Government can hold the South in subjection, after it shall have been conquered, is to employ the acclimated negroes of the South for the purpose.  If the troops from the North be stationed at the various forts in the South which it will be necessary to keep manned, more in proportion will die from the effects of the climate than have been killed in battle.  Our Generals are right in employing negroes, who are accustomed to work, instead of imposing burthens upon soldiers who are unused to hard labor, and would soon sink under the enervating influence of the climate.  The pittance paid the negroes, about which this wiseacre snarls, would speedily be swallowed up in doctors’ fees, and the lists of mortality would soon swell to enormous length.  Yet even such frothy talk as the gibberish uttered by this knave, has its effect upon some weak minds; upon men who are unaccustomed to think for themselves, and who absorb everything they need, without the sense to discriminate between the most ridiculous falsehoods, and the unvarnished truth.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, May 16, 1862, p. 2

First Session -- 37th Congress

WASHINGTON, Jan. 24. – HOUSE. – The House considered the Senate amendments to the diplomatic appropriation bill and [then] concurred in those including Florence among Consul Generalships, and striking out Hayti, Liberia &c.  The bill will be returned to the Senate.  House adjourned.

SENATE. – The Bright expulsion case was continued.  Several Senators speaking for and against expulsion.  The subject was concluded.  After Executive session, the Senate adjourned till Monday.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 4

Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia

For many years the anti-slavery men of our country have been trying to prevail upon congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia.  Slavery had never been legalized there, it existed only by virtue of a law of Maryland, which in fact had no force over territory that she had ceded away; still as slaves had been held under that law, and as Virginia was a slave State, the institution was countenanced in the Federal Metropolis, to the scandal of the nation.  Southern members of Congress, who brought with them their slaves, of course opposed any measure that might have a tendency to deprive them of that privilege.  Thus has slavery continued to be tolerated in the very heart of the nation, giving to strangers from all parts of the world who visited the Federal seat of Government, false impressions of our institutions.

As the war has called off the Southern members, and their allies being too feeble to successfully oppose such measure, the Republicans have embraced the opportunity to introduce a bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.  On Thursday last it was put to a vote in the Senate, and passed by the decisive vote of 29 against 14, or more than two to one.  Every vote in the affirmative was Republican, and all the anti-Republicans present voted nay!  Thus demonstrating exactly where the two parties will be found on every question in which slavery is interested.  We apprehend no difficulty in passing this bill through the House, while it will be one of the proudest acts of Old Abe’s life to approve it with his signature.

By the provisions of this bill, compensation not exceeding $300 per slave, is to be allowed each loyal master.  It also provides for voluntary colonization, and appropriates $100,000 to aid the voluntary emigration of the manumitted slaves to Hayti, Liberia or elsewhere. – Thus following in the wake of the endorsement by Congress of the President’s emancipation resolution, another important measure looking to the abolition of slavery in the United States, has been put upon the tapis by the Republican party, and if it meet with no drawback, the work of emancipation will have begun and be commenced aright by tapping the fountain head, the source whence the evil flows.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, April 9, 1862, p. 2

First Session -- 37th Congress

WASHINGTON, April 28. – HOUSE – The Speaker announced the following Special Committee on the Confiscation of Rebel property:

Messrs. Olin, of New York, Elliott, of Massachusetts, Noel, of Missouri, Hutchins, of Ohio, Mallory, of Kentucky, Beaman, of Michigan and Cobb, of New Jersey.

Mr. OLIN remarked that he had heretofore asked to be excused from serving on this Committee, and he repeated the reasons for the request, which was now complied with.

On motion of Mr. McPHERSON, it was

Resolved, That the Secretary of War transmit to the House copies of the reports of Commanders of Regiments, Brigades and divisions engaged at the battle of Shiloh, Tenn.

On motion of Mr. GOOCH, the Senate bill for the recognition of Hayti and Liberia, was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

On Motion of Mr. COLFAX it was

Resolved, That the Judiciary Committee be instructed to enquire into the expediency of reporting a bill for punishing all contractors guilty of defrauding the Government, with penalties similar to those for grand larceny.

Mr. SPAULDING introduced a joint resolution, which was referred to the Committee on Commerce, authorizing the appointment of Commissioners to negotiate concerning the reciprocity treaty, and authorizing the President to give the necessary instructions for terminating the present unfair treaty.

Mr. ASHLEY reported back from the committee on Treasury the bill to prevent and to punish the practice of polygamy, and to arrest certain acts of the territory establishing the same.

Mr. Merrill of VERMONT said this bill was the same as that introduced by him two years ago, with the exception of the omission of its applicability to the District of Columbia. The bill was passed.

The House resumed the consideration of the report on Government Contracts. The first Resolution reported by them was postponed for the two weeks. The next resolution on the Secretary was then taken up, and is as follows:

That the Secretary of the Treasury be requested to adjust the terms of the Government for the five thousand Hall carbines, purchased thro’ Simon Stevens by. Gen. Jno. C. Fremont, on the 6th day of August, 1861, and afterwards rejected at the U. S. Arsenal at St. Louis, on the basis of a sale of such arms to the Government for $12.50 each, rejecting all other demands against the Government, on account of the purchase of said arms.

Mr. STEVENS moved the following as a substitute for the above:

That nothing has occurred to lessen our confidence in the honesty, integrity and patriotism of Maj-Gen. Fremont.

Mr. WASHBURNE raised the point of order that the substitute was not genuine.

Mr. STEVENS maintains the original resolution imposed censure on Gen. Fremont.

The Speaker maintains Mr. Washburne’s point of order.


WASHINGTON, April 28 – HOUSE. – Mr. SEDGWICK further concluded that the Navy Department conducted its business with energy and credit.

Mr. STEVENS attacked the report of the Committee, and charged that they had proceeded on false principles and acted generally unfairly. House adjuourned.


SENATE. – The President pro tem presented a communication concerning the number of slaves in the District of Columbia. The Secretary said the statistics were compiled some years ago and were perhaps not available now. The communications was referred to the committee on the District of Columbia.

Messrs. KING and SUMNER, presented petitions in favor of the emancipation of the slaves.

Mr. DAVIS presented petitions from Tobacco Manufacturers, asking for a reduction of the proposed tax on Tobacco.

Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts, from the military committee reported back the bill for the organization of the Signal Department, and moved its indefinite postponement, and it was accordingly postponed.

Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts, offered a resolution that the Secretary of War be requested to inquire into the condition of the Harper’s Ferry Armory, what damage has been done to it, what is the value of the property of the United States there now, and what amount is necessary, and whether it is expedient to restore the Armory, and re-occupy the works. Adopted.

Mr. POMEROY introduced a bill to prevent the importation of adulterated liquors, by providing a punishment therefore.

On Motion of Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, the resolutions of the Ohio Legislature, in regard to rebels keeping their slaves at Camp Chase was taken up.

Mr. SHERMAN had read a letter from a member of the Legislature concerning the rebel prisoners who were permitted to go about the city of Columbus, lounge at the hotels, and abuse the Government with perfect liberty, also an article in the Cincinnati Commercial to the same effect; also another article in the Cincinnati Gazette, showing that Government was taking measures to have the negroes at Camp Chase liberated and the rebel prisoners removed to proper quarters.

The resolutions were referred to the Military Committee.

On motion of Mr. TRUMBULL the bill for the more convenient enforcement of the laws for security to keep the peace for good behavior was taken up.

After some discussion the bill was passed yeas 35, nays 31.

Mr. WADE presented several petitions asking for a uniform system of taxation according to the population of a State and persisting against the tax bill from the House.

The Senate went into Executive Session.


WASHINGTON, April 29 – HOUSE – Mr. BLAIR of Va., enquired of Mr. Potter, on what authority he yesterday predicated his charge of disloyalty against Judge Pitts of Northampton county, Virginia.

Mr. POTTER replied, on the address of Judge Pitts to the Virginia Legislature at Richmond. The address was now read, in which Judge Pitts refers to the action by the Legislature to depose him without giving him an opportunity for defense. The consummation of this would be manifestly unjust. He could only plead not guilty of disloyalty to the south and doubted not he could triumphantly vindicate himself from every charge his enemies and persecutors might bring against him. He protested against being removed from office by extra constitutional means.

House then resumed the consideration of the report of the Select Committee on Government contracts.

ROSCOE CONKLIN said he voted against raising this Committee. It seemed that none could be so honest or eminent, that it could be desirable to clothe them with the unheard of power as decided on that occasion, it seems unfit to constitute an advisory board to supervise questions of integrity, relating to every man engaged in the administration of departmental affairs. It seemed to him a roving commission to take into consideration the honesty or fraud of all future contracts to be entered into by any Department of the Government. It brought with it grave objections, and little argument could be found in its favor. Experience had demonstrated that the objections to their mode had been abundantly [sustained] by the conduct of the Committee, which had done grave [and] irreparable injustice to both individuals and classes, these as well as the nation have suffered by the declarations of the Committee.

As this Committee was a pioneer experiment and had turned out badly, they could dispense with it. The gentleman (Mr. Davis) had said there was indubitable evidence of fraud. He was right in assuming that the current expenditures of the Government this year was as much as during the Administration which the people hurled from power, because of its corruption. He (Mr. Conkling) remarked that if any man was provided in making that Statement, it would justify the people in resorting to anything best available to redress the wrong. The poisoned arrows furnished by the franking privilege was shot far and wide among the loyal States of the Republic. Like other remarks and statements the gentleman (Davis) made, however, deliberately prepared, this was one of manure, he would be willing to recall.

The Committee had proceeded on exparte testimony in secret; parties never were informed they were to be tried and convicted and stigmatized, and as a case in point he said the Committee had privately and clandestinely gathered evidence against Gen. Fremont to black his character as a citizen and soldier, at the time he was in command of an army. They never informed Gen. Fremont that he was aspersed, or gave him the names of the witnesses against him and they afforded him no opportunity for defense.

What good, Mr. Conklin asked, had the Committee done to offset the harm he was not aware that one single fraud had been exposed by the Committee which remained unearthed at the time they pretended to dig it up.

Mr. CONKLIN asked the Speaker what time remained to him. The speaker replied 18 minutes.

Mr. DAWES asked the time to be extended to the gentleman.

Mr. WASHBURNE, I object to that.

Mr. CONKLING, I know [that]; and do you know how I know it? Because the member from Illinois is the only man in this House surly enough to interpose objections in such a cause.

Mr. WASHBURNE rose to reply, when Mr. Conkling called the member to order.

Mr. WASHBURNE (excitedly). I call the creature to order.

Mr. CONKLING. The member from Illinois understands the rules of this House and must understand that this is not the place for personal altercation. He knows the proper place for that is outside of these walls.

Mr. WASHBURN – excitedly – yes, and I am ready for it.

Mr. CONKLING. No individual in this House better knows than the member from Illinois, that I stand by what I say until convinced that I am in error, and therefore there is no necessity for any interruption here.

Mr. CONKLING in the course of his remarks said he regarded the committee as one of those armaments too expensive under the circumstances to be indulged in.

Mr. CONKLING was severe on the committee, which he thought ought immediately be disbanded.

Mr. WASHBURNE spiritedly replied. He said Mr. Conkling was the instrument of the robbers, plunderers and thieves who had been holding high carnival in anticipation of the overthrow of the Committee.

Mr. HICKMAN vindicated the report of the Committee and referred to the subjects that have heretofore frequently reported.

After [considerable] debate Mr. FENTON, moved the previous question on the pending resolutions of the committee.

Mr. STEVENS moved to table the whole subject, pending which the House adjourned.


SENATE. – Mr. GRIMES introduced a bill to provide that the school tax collected from the colored people of the District of Columbia to be applied to the education of colored Children.

On Motion of Mr. HALE a resolution authorizing the Secretary of the Navy to discharge a contractor after fulfilling his contract, was after some discussion, laid over.

Mr. HALE explained that under the present law the Department can call for a large amount of work to be done at the same price.

Mr. WILSON of Mass., introduced a bill to amend the bill of the last session of Congress confiscating slaves so as to include the wives and children of salves.

On Motion of Mr. POWELL the resolution calling on the Secretary of State for the number and names of persons who have been arrested in the State of Kentucky and imprisoned in forts &c., of other states.

Mr. SUMNER moved as a substitute, that the President, if not incompatible, will give any information in his possession touching the arrest of persons in Kentucky since the first of Sept. 1861.

Mr. POWELL hoped the substitute would not be adopted, as he thought it a mere dodge to evade his resolution.

Mr. Wade presented two petitions from citizens of Ohio for confiscation.

Mr. DOOLITTLE introduced a bill fro the collections of taxes in insurrectionary districts.

The President sent the Senate a communication avowing his responsibility for the arrest of Gen. Stone, and stating that the General cannot be tried at present, because the witnesses whose presence will be necessary are in the field. The Confiscation Bill was take up and Mr. Browning made a lengthy speech in opposition to it.

Without taking the question the Senate adjourned.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 3, 1862, p. 4

XXXVIIth CONGRESS – FIRST SESSION

WASHINGTON, April 28.

The president pro tem presented a communication concerning the number and ages of the slaves, &c. in the District of Columbia. The Secretary said the statistics were compiled some years ago, and were perhaps not available now. The communication was referred to the committee on the District of Columbia.

Messrs. King and Sumner presented petitions in favor of the emancipation of the slaves.

Mr. Davis presented a petition from the tobacco manufacturers, asking for a reduction in the proposed tax on tobacco.

Mr. Wilson of Mass, from the military committee, reported back the bill for the organization of the signal department, and moved its indefinite postponement.

Mr. Wilson, of Mass., offered a resolution that the Secretary of War be requested to inquire into the condition of the Harper’s Ferry armory – what damage has been done to it, what is the value of the property of the United States there, now and what amount is necessary, and whether it is expedient to restore the armory, and re-employ the workmen. Adopted.

Mr. Pomeroy introduced a bill to prevent the importation of adulterated liquors by providing a punishment therefor [sic].

On motion of Mr. Wilson of Mass., the resolutions of the Ohio Legislature in regard to rebels keeping their slaves at Camp Chase were taken up.

The resolutions were referred to the military committee.

On motion of Mr. Trumbull, the bill for the more convenient enforcement of the laws for security to keep the peace for good behavior, was passed, 35 to 3.

Mr. Wade presented several petitions, asking for a uniform system of taxation according to the population of a State, and protesting against the passage of the tax bill from the house.

The senate went into executive session.


HOUSE. – The speaker announced the following special committee on the committee on the confiscation of the rebel property: Olin, of N. Y.; Elliott, of Mass.; Noell, of Mo.; Hutchins, of Ohio; Mallory, of Ky.; Beaman, of Mich.; and Cobb, of N. J. Mr. Olin remarked that he had heretofore asked to be excused from serving on the committee, and he repeated the reasons for the request, which was now complied with.

On Motion of Mr. McPherson it was resolved that the Secretary of War transmit to the House copies of reports of the commanders of Regiment, brigades and divisions engaged in the battle of Shiloh, Tenn.

On motion of Mr. Gooch, the Senate bill for the recognition of Hayti and Liberia was referred to the committee on foreign affairs.

On motion of Mr. Colfax it was resolved that the Judiciary committee be instructed to inquire into the expediency of punishing all contractors, guilty of defrauding the Government, with penalties similar to those of grand larceny.

Mr. Spaulding introduced a joint resolution, which was referred to the committee on Commerce, authorizing the appointment of commissioners to negotiate concerning the reciprocity treaty, and authorizing the President to give the necessary notice for terminating the present unfair treaty.

Mr. Ashley reported back from the committee on territories the bill to prevent and punish the practice of polygamy, and to annul certain acts of the territory of Utah, establishing the same.

Mr. Morrill, of Vt., said this bill was the same as introduced by him two years ago, with the exception of the omission of its applicability to the District of Columbia. The bill was passed.

The house resumed consideration of the report of Government contracts. The first resolution reported by them was postponed for two weeks. The next resolution in the series was taken up. It is as follows: “That the Secretary of the Treasury be requested to adjust the claims of the Government on the five thousand Hall’s carbines purchased through Simon Stevens by Gen. J. C. Fremont on the 6th day of August, 1861, and afterwards rejected at the U. S. Arsenal at the City of St. Louis on the basis of a sale of such arms to the Government for $12.50 each, rejecting all other demands against the Government on account of the purchase of said arms.”

Mr. Stevens moved the following as a substitute for the above: “That nothing has occurred to lessen our confidence in the honesty, integrity and patriotism of Major Gen. Fremont.”

Mr. Washburne raised the point of order that the substitute was not germane.

Mr. Stevens maintained that the original resolution imposed censure on Gen. Fremont.

The Speaker maintained Mr. Washburne’s point of order.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, April 29, 1862, p. 1

XXXVIIth CONGRESS – FIRST SESSION

WASHINGTON, April 24.

SENATE. – The confiscation bill was taken up. Mr. Collamer opposed it.

Mr. King moved an amendment to Mr. Sherman’s amendment, so as to include all persons giving aid to the enemy or levying war. Disagreed to.

Mr. Sherman’s amendment, which limits confiscation to persons holding certain offices under the rebels, was adopted – yeas 27; nays, 11.

Mr. Browning’s bill was postponed until tomorrow.

The bill recognizing Hayti and Liberia was taken up and passed – 32 against 7.

After executive session adjourned.


WASHINGTON, April 25.

Mr. Sherman presented resolutions from the Legislature of Ohio, concerning the rebel prisoners and Columbus, Ohio, saying that the loyal feeling of the people of Ohio had been outraged by the fact that the rebel prisoners at Camp Chase were allowed to retain their slaves by order of Col. Moody, thus establishing slavery in Ohio, and solemnly protesting against this outrage upon the loyalty of the people of Ohio. The resolutions were accompanied by a note from Gov. Tod, saying that the negroes had been sent there as prisoners without permission, and that Col. Moody was obliged to take care of them.

Mr. Sherman said, the fact was, the negroes were sent there with their masters as prisoners, and did serve their masters, but he believed no blame could be attached to Col. Moody or the Governor of Ohio, for thus Maj. Jones, the Inspector at Camp Chase, reported matters all right there.

Mr. Grimes asked if any steps had been taken to free these negroes, as he supposed them to be free by the act of last summer, being captured in the service of the enemy.

Mr. Sherman replied, that no steps had been taken that he knew of. The negroes, he believed, were still there.

Mr. Wilson said he should call up the matter on Monday. He thought some action ought to be had on the subject.

Mr. Trumbull presented a petition for the construction of a ship canal to connect Lake Michigan with the Mississippi river.

Mr. Latham introduced a bill to quiet certain land titles in the State of California. – Referred.

Mr. Cowan introduced a bill to amend the act of April 30th, 1790. He said he should move to refer this bill and all other bills concerning the punishment of rebels and the confiscation of their property, to a select committee of five.

The chair suggested that if this motion meant to include the confiscation bill now before the Senate, it would be more appropriate to move when the bill should be taken up.

The motion was then withdrawn for the present.

The bill for the line of steamships from San Francisco to Shanghai, was taken up and passed by yeas 26, nays 16.

Mr. Wade introduced a bill concerning private actions against public officers. Referred to the judiciary committee.

On motion of Mr. Wilson, of Mass., the Senate went into executive session, and adjourned till Tuesday.


HOUSE. – When the House adjourned yesterday, the resolution of Mr. Hutchins was pending to censure Mr. Vallandigham for words spoken in debate against Senator Wade, &c. The Speaker stated that this was a question of privilege on which Mr. Vallandigham had raised a point of order. After citing from the rules of the House, the Speaker under all the circumstances sustained Mr. Vallandigham’s point of order, and thus was disposed of the question of privilege.

The House considered, but came to no conclusion, the bill appropriating $6,000,000 for bounties for widows and legal heirs of such volunteers as were called out under the act of July last, and have died or may be killed.

The report of the select committee on government contracts was taken up, and after some lengthy remarks by Mr. Davis, the consideration of the subject was postponed till Monday.

Adjourned.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, April 26, 1862, p. 1

XXXVIIth Congress – First Session

WASHIGNTON, April 24.

SENATE. – A communication was received from the War Department, transmitting copies of contracts made by that Department for 1861.

Mr. Grimes presented 420 petitions from beer and malt liquor manufacturers, asking a reduction in the proposed tax on beer and malt liquors.

Mr. Pomeroy presented similar petitions.

Mr. Powell moved to take up the resolution offered by him, concerning the arrests of citizens of Kentucky and Ohio.

Mr. Sherman opposed taking it up, as inexpedient at the present time.

The bill for the recognition of Hayti and Liberia, being the special order, was taken up.

Mr. Davis moved the adoption of a substitute, authorizing the President to appoint a Consul to Liberia, and a Consul General to Hayti, with power to negotiate treaties. He was opposed to sending any ambassadors to those countries. If they send ministers here, and send a full-blooded negro, he could demand to be received on equal terms with white men. He knew that a big negro fellow was admitted to the Court of France as Minister from Hayti but he (Davis) wanted no such exhibition here. He was sick and disgusted with the subject of slavery in the Senate.

Mr. Sumner said the Senate would bear him witness that he had said nothing about slavery in his bill. The Senator from Kentucky may banish all fear of any social difficulty. He was sure that no representative from Hayti would ever force himself where he was not wanted. Mr. S. Said the committee had come to the conclusion that we should be represented by diplomatic agents in this country, and that was in accordance with the precedents of this Government and the examples of other nations.


HOUSE. – Mr. Vallandigham offered a resolution requesting the President to transmit to the House, if not incompatible with the public interest, copies of the correspondence between the French and U. S. Governments that may have been received within the last two months, relative to the present troubles in America. Referred to the committee of foreign affairs.

Mr. Aldrich, from the committee on Indian affairs, reported a bill authorizing a treaty to be made with the Indians of Utah, with a view to purchasing lands. Also a bill authorizing treaties with the Navajoe [sic] Indians of New Mexico, defining their limits and extinguishing their title to lands outside of the United States. Referred to committee of the whole.

The House resumed the consideration of the confiscation bills from yesterday.

Mr. Lovejoy said that while this government is engaged in serious war to put down rebellion, it was seen that this unnatural and parricidal insurrection has sympathizers and advocates on this floor. Those who defend slavery are the defenders of the rebellion, for slavery and rebellion are synonymous; they are unchangeable terms.

Mr. Roscoe Conkling expressed himself in favor of a confiscation bill to amplify the punishment of treason. The subject was referred to a select committee of seven.

House went in to committee of the whole, and took up the bill making appropriation for bounties to widows and the legal heirs of volunteers.

House adjourned.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport Iowa, Friday Morning, April 25, 1862, p. 1

XXXVIIth CONGRESS – FIRST SESSION

WASHINGTON, April 22.

HOUSE. – On motion of Mr. Morrill it was resolved that the President should be requested to strike from the rolls the name of any army officer who has been known to be habitually intoxicated by the use of intoxicating liquors, while in the service. Mr. Morrill stated that he had been assured that the commanding General who failed to reinforce the two Vermont companies who suffered so severely at Yorktown, was drunk, and hand fallen off his horse into the mud. Mr. Morrill was asked for, but declined to give the name of the General.

An unsuccessful effort was made to lay fifteen or sixteen confiscation bills on the table, but the motion to do so was lost by yeas 39, nays 60.

Mr. Bingham’s substitute providing for capture and condemnation of the enemy’s property, and to indemnify the U. S. for expenses incurred in suppressing the rebellion, was agreed to – 62 against 48.

Adjourned.


WASHINGTON, April 23.

SENATE. – Mr. Trumbull presented a petition from W. C. Jewett for a defensive stand-still policy at Yorktown, to secure a reserve force of 25,000 men.

Mr. Hale offered a resolution that the military committee inquire whether any General before Yorktown had exhibited himself drunk in the face of the enemy; and if any measure had been taken for the trial and punishment of such officers. Mr. Hale referred to the statement of Mr. Morrill in the House yesterday, and thought it high time some notice should be taken of this state of things. If officers thus leave men to be slaughtered like beasts, no punishment is too great for them.

Messrs Foster and Foot concurred in the remarks of Mr. Hale, and thought that the Senate would not confirm the nomination of officers known to be intemperate.

The resolution was adopted.

Mr. Davis introduced a bill prescribing an additional oath for grand and petit jurors in the U. S. Courts.

The bill recognizing the independence of Hayti and Liberia, and the appointment of a diplomatic representative, was taken up.

Mr. Sumner said that our government, usually friendly to new governments, had turned aside from these nations. It was time to put an end to this anomaly in history. Mr. Sumner concluded his speech by saying – By recognizing these two nations we only tardily follow the example of the principal nations of the globe. The bill was then postponed till to-morrow.

The confiscation bill was taken up. Mr. Davis resumed his remarks in opposition to the bill. He concluded that Congress had no right to pass such a bill under the war power.

HOUSE. – The House resumed the consideration of the confiscation bill, which was tabled by 48 against 14.

The bill to facilitate the suppression of the rebellion and prevent the recurrence of the same, was taken up. It authorizes the President to direct our Generals to declare the slaves of the rebels free, and pledges the faith of the United States to make full and fair compensation to loyal men who have actively supported the union, for any losses they may sustain by virtue of this bill.

Mr. Olin understood that the committee on Judiciary had agreed substantially that none of the confiscation bills referred to them ought to pass.

Mr. Thomas, of Mass., remarked that the committee recommended that none of the confiscations bills pass.

Mr. Olin said the disposition of the House and country was that there should be some legislation on the subject. As the judiciary committee could not agree on the matter, he proposed that a select committee of seven be appointed to take the subject into consideration, and if such a committee be untrammeled, the House might anticipate a proper measure of legislation.

Mr. Dunn regarded the subject of confiscating rebel property as one of the most difficult questions before Congress, in the decision of which was involved the restoration of the Government to its former state of prosperity. He congratulated the House and the country that this morning there had been laid upon the table a bill, which, if it had been passed, would have disgraced the civilization of this age. {Exclamations on the Democrat side of “Good! That’s so!”} It was a bill, which at one fell swoop, would have impoverished the people generally, from old age down to innocent childhood.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, April 24, 1862, p. 1

First Session – 37th Congress

WASHINGTON, April 22. – HOUSE – On motion of Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont, it was resolved that the President should be requested to strike from the rolls, the name of any army officer has been known to be habitually intoxicated by the use of spirituous liquors, while in the service.

Mr. MORRILL stated that he had been assured that the commanding General who failed to reinforce the two Vermont companies who suffered severely at Yorktown, was drunk and had fallen off his horse into the mud.

Mr. Morrill was asked for, but declined to give the name of the General.

An unsuccessful effort was made to lay the fifteen or sixteen confiscation bills on the table, but the motion to do so was lost , by yeas 39, nays 60.

Mr. BINGHAM’S substitute, providing for the capture and condemnation of the enemy’s property, and to indemnify the United States for expenses incurred in the suppression of the rebellion was agreed to, 62 against 48, and the House adjourned.


SENATE – Mr. DAVIS spoke two and a half hours against the bill without concluding, when there was an Executive session, and then Senate adjourned.

The select committee to whom was referred the question of the loyalty of Senator Starke [sic], of Oregon, reported, to-day, that he is disloyal to the Government of the United States, having found that for many months prior to November he was an ardent advocate of the rebellion, and after the formation of the Rebel constitution, openly declared his admiration for it, and warmly avowed his sympathy with the rebel cause.

It subsequently appeared that the committee found that Senator Starke is disloyal to the government of the United States.

A caucus of the Republicans in Congress is called for to-morrow night.


WASHINGTON, April 23 – SENATE – Mr. TRUMBULL presented a petition from W. C. Jewett for a defensive stand still policy at Yorktown to secure a reserve force of 250,000 men.

Mr. TRUMBULL from the Judiciary Committee reported a resolution in relation to the pay of the first Senators and Representatives from the State of Minnesota, which was passed.

Mr. HALE offered a resolution that the Military Committee inquire if any General in the army before Yorktown had exhibited himself drunk in the face of the enemy, and if any measures had been taken for the trial and punishment of such officer.

Mr. SUMNER suggested the subject be referred to the Committee on the Conduct of the War.

Mr. HALE referred to the statement of Mr. Morrill in the House yesterday, and stated that he thought it high time some notice should be taken of these things. If officers thus leave brave men to be slaughtered like beasts, no punishment is too great for them.

Mr. FOSTER said the Senate had not taken high ground enough. The Senate should never have confirmed men known to be intemperate. It becomes us to weed our garden first and correct our laxity and he was pained to say criminality in this respect.

Mr. FOOTE said that the General referred to has not been confirmed.

Mr. HALE said that the Senate had not taken high ground enough, but if officers were so drunk that they could not sit on their horses he tho’t some notice ought to be taken of it. The resolution was adopted.

Mr. DAVIS introduced a bill prescribing an additional oath for Grand and Petit Jurors in the United States Court.

The bill recognizing the independence of Hayti [sic] and Liberia, and the appointment of a diplomatic representation was taken up.

Mr. SUMNER said thus far our Government friendly to new Governments, had turned aside from these nations. He thought that it was time to put an end to this, an anamoly [sic] in history.

Mr. SUMNER continued his speech in favor of the recognition of Hayti and Liberia, and concluded by saying, by recognizing these two nations we only tardily follow the example of the principal nations of the world.

The bill was then postponed until to-morrow and the confiscation bill was then taken up.

Mr. DAVIS resumed his remarks in opposition to the bill. He said that he had already detained the Senate at some length on this question, but he considered that in the importance of its effect the bill had no parallel. He contended that Congress had no right to pass such a bill under the war power.


HOUSE – The House resumed the consideration of the confiscation bill which was pending when the adjournment took place yesterday and upon which the main question had been ordered – the bill was tabled by a vote of 54 against 48.

The next bill taken up was to facilitate the suppression of the rebellion and prevent the recurrence of the same. It authorizes the President to direct our Generals to declare the slaves of rebels free, and pledges the faith of the United States to make full and fair compensation to loyal men who have actively supported the Union, for any losses they may sustain by virtue of this bill.

Mr. OLIN understood that the committee on Judiciary had agreed substantially that none of the confiscation bills referred to them ought to pass.

Mr. THOMAS of Mass., remarked that the committee recommended that none of the confiscation bills pass.

Mr. OLIN said that the disposition of the House and the country was that there should be some legislation on the subject; as the Judiciary committee could not agree on the matter, he proposed that a select committee of seven be appointed to take the subject into consideration, such a committee being [untrammeled] the House might anticipate a proper measure of legislation.

Mr. DUNN was glad to hear Mr. Olin’s suggestion. The subject of confiscating Rebel property, was one of the most difficult questions before congress, and the decision of which was involved the restoration of the Government to is former state of prosperity. He congratulated the House and country, that this morning, there had been laid upon the table, a bill which if it had been passed would have disgraced the civilization of this age. (Exclamations on the Democratic side of “good,” “good;” “that’s so.”) It was a bill which, at one fell swoop, would have impoverished the people generally – from old age down to innocent childhood.


WASHINGTON, April 23. – HOUSE – Mr. COLFAX advocated the appointment of a Select Committee.

Mr. DUNN was opposed to a sweeping confiscation bill. He wanted a distinction made against leaders.

Mr. BINGHAM maintained the propriety of a law to punish all who willfully rebel by depriving them of their property.

Mr. LEHMAN was opposed to confiscation bills. He looked on the march of our armies as the proper mode of suppressing the rebellion and re-establishing the Constitution.

Mr. HICKMAN claimed that the Constitution gave the President ample power without Congressional action.

Mr. Crittenden was against all confiscation measures which would tend to exasperate the war and postpone the time of putting down the rebellion.

After further debate, without action the House adjourned.


SENATE. – Mr. SHERMAN offered an amendment specifying persons to whom confiscation should apply, including those who may hereafter hold office under the rebels.


WASHINGTON, April 24. – HOUSE. – Mr. VALANDIGHAM offered a resolution requesting the President to transmit to the House, if not compatible with the public interest, copies of the correspondence between the French and Unites States Governments, as may have been received within the last two months, relative to the present troubles in America. Referred to the committee on Foreign Affairs.

Mr. ALDRICH from the committee on Indian Affairs, reported a bill authorizing a treaty to be made with the Indians of Utah, with a view to purchasing lands.

Also a bill authorizing a treaty with the Nevajoe [sic] Indians, of New Mexico, defining their limits and extinguishing their titles to lands outside of the United States. Referred to the committee of the Whole.

The House resumed the consideration of the confiscation bills from yesterday.

Mr. LOVEJOY, said that while this government is engaged in a serious war to put down the rebellion, it was seen this unnatural and parricidal insurrection has sympathizers and advocates on this floor. Those who defend slavery are the defenders of the rebellion, for slavery and rebellion are synonymous. They are unchangeable terms. Wherever slavery is there is rebellion. It is the corner stone, pillar and support. He took the position that either slavery or the Republic must perish. He would tell the gentleman from Kentucky, (Crittenden,) and all other advocates and defenders of the system, and those who cry themselves hoarse, in attempting to throw the protection of the Constitution around it, that it is the desire of the Republic that it should cease to exist. – There is no city of refuge for it. Like an infernal assassin, it has its knife drawn, and is endeavoring to strike it at the heart of the Republic. We are bound to strike the monster, and gentlemen need not cry the Constitution for its defence [sic]. It shall be said, “be slain in the name of my country and my God.”

He denied that slavery has any quarter or recognition in the Constitution. He argued that it was their right duty to destroy slavery because slavery is destroying or will destroy the Republic. He was in favor of the restoration of the Union with the right to stand on the American soil anywhere and proclaim his sentiments. He wanted to stand anywhere on American soil without the enforcement of a despotism to make him hold his tongue. He wanted to speak in South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi and Louisiana, without the fear of lynching or a coat of tar and feathers. The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) asked what would four millions of slaves do turned loose. This term was used as if the slaves were wild beasts. Now he (Mr. Lovejoy) had this to say: At present he let them alone to take care of themselves, which they were abundantly able to do. The slaveholders had better turn their attention to another point, namely: What will they do when they cease to live on the unrequieted sweat and toil of slaves? He denied that he and his friends want to make this an antislavery war, but the only way to put down the rebellion and restore the Union was to destroy slavery.

Mr. ROSCOE CONKILING expressed himself in favor of the confiscation bill, to amplify the punishment of treason. He wanted to punish the ring leaders of the rebellion, and have reimbursement of the expenses incurred in suppression the rebellion. The subject was referred to a select of seven.

The House went into committee of the Whole, and took up the bill making appropriations for bounties to widows, and the legal heirs of Volunteers.

Mr. ROLLINS, of Missouri, made a speech against the Rebellion, and complimented Mr. Lincoln for his efforts in behalf of the Union. He was opposed to any and all extreme measures and for prosecuting the war on the principle laid down at the extra session, that when the supremacy of the Constitution and Laws are established the war ought to cease.


SENATE.

A communication was received from the War Department, transmitting copies of contracts made by that Department, for 1861.

Mr. GRIMES presented 420 petitions from beer and malt liquor manufacturers, asking fro a reduction in the proposed tax on beer and malt liquors.

Mr. BROWNING presented similar petitions.

Mr. POWELL moved to take up the resolution offered by him concerning the arrest of civilians in Kentucky, &c.

Mr. SUMNER opposed taking the resolution as independent.

Mr. POWELL did not see why the Senator should make any opposition to the resolution. It simply asked how many citizens of the free States have been dragged from their homes without warrant of law and called on tyrants and usurpers to know where they are and what their names are.

They are free white men, if they had been negroes the Senator from Massachusetts would make no opposition to the resolution. He (Sumner) was extremely pained about the wrongs of the negro but white men had some rights, and he wanted the Secretary to tell us why and what for these men were thus unlawfully dragged to prison without any charge of crime being bro’t against them.

Mr. SUMNER said the Senator from Kentucky had made an inflammatory speech and had called a high officer of the Government a tyrant and usurper. In the event of the resolution being taken up, the whole question must be gone into. If the Secretary of War was a tyrant and usurper, there were men arrested who were traitors.

Mr. POWELL (in his seat). Who are they? Name them.

MR. POWELL said that some of the men who have been arrested are as loyal as the Senator from Massachusetts (Sumner). He defied the Senator to point out any law by which the Secretary of State can carry off citizens of Kentucky and imprison them in the forts of Massachusetts and New York.

The bill for the recognition of Hayti and Liberia, being the special order was taken up.

Mr. DAVIS moved to substitute, authorizing the President to appoint a Consul to Liberia and a Consul to Hayti, with power to negotiate treaties. He was opposed to sending any ambassadors to those countries. If they send ministers here, and send a full blooded negro, he could demand to be received on equal terms with white men. He knew that a big negro fellow was admitted to the Court of France as Minister from Hayti, but he (Davis) wanted no such exhibition. He was sick and disgusted with the subject of slavery in the Senate.

Mr. SUMNER said the senate would bear him witness that he had said nothing about slavery on this bill, the Senator from Kentucky did that. The Senator from Kentucky might banish all fear of any social difficulty. He (Sumner) was sure that no representative from Hayti would ever force himself where he was not wanted. He said the Committee had come to the conclusion that we should be represented by diplomatic agents in those countries and this was in accordance with the precedents of this Government, and the example of other Nations.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 3