James Hunter to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, December 3, 1855

RICHMOND, [VA.], December 3, 1855.

MY DEAR SIR: I have merely time to write to you to ask you to see Mr. Bright and represent to him that it is indepensible and absolutely necessary in perfecting the Papers to organize the Kanawha Coal Company that his name for the present should remain as one of the Stock holders. After the Company is organized he can make such disposition as he pleases of his stock. Please attend to this at once and write to Mr. E. T. Morris and mention, that you have made this arrangement with Mr. Bright. I forgot to mention that it is necessary that Mr. Morris should know the name of Mr. Bright's wife in drawing the papers.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 172

Senator Jesse D. Bright* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, September 2, 1854

MADISON, IND., September 2d, 1854.

DEAR HUNTER: Yours of the 15th ultimo with letter in behalf of Mr. Lyle is received and for which accept my thanks.

Several of our Papers have come out in favor of your Bill, but not as plainly and pointedly identifying you with it, as they might and ought to have done. I have this day written two articles on the subject, one for the "Madisonean" and the other for the "Democratic Platform " published at the Capitol. I will see that they go into the Cincinnati and Louisville papers, and that they are generally copied into our County papers. Tucker shall be furnished with copies. Nothing was done in reference to the Military reservation up to the time I left Washington. I wrote Wilson last week on the subject but have not as yet received a reply. I also wrote Mr. Cameron to-day about it.

Letters from Robertson and Rice speak in the most flattering manner of the property of Superior. Robertson says he is selling Lots rapidly and at fair prices. For fear that I could not get off this Fall, (on account of our elections which are forcing me into the Hustings) I sent my nephew Michael S. Bright Esqr. up to Superior last week, and if there is to be a Partition, he will be present and see fair play. I gave him all the particulars, he is smart and I will guarantee, look after your interests, Dawson's, Corcoran's, Douglass' and mine closely. I may go up myself about the 20th of this month, I certainly shall, if I find my friends will not complain, at my leaving the mongrel mixed up political Canvass going on here now. I am afraid my friend from the signs, that the Free States (Indiana included) are lost for the time being to our Party. Iowa has set a significant example. Dodge stands not the least chance of a reelection.

The title Bonds I forwarded for the signature of Robertson, has not yet been returned, when they are you shall have yours. It will be all right.

Speaking in the open air, this warm weather is more than working on the "Appropriation Bills" with Gwinn¹ thrown in, to oppose. By the way I have information which satisfies me he cannot be re-elected, and for which God and the Californians be praised. Glad to hear from you whenever you can find time to write.

_______________

* Democratic Senator in Congress from Indiana, 1845-1862, when he was expelled for having, in a letter to Jefferson Davis, recognized him as President of the Confederated States."

¹ William McK. Gwin, United States Senator from California, 1850-1855, 1857-1861.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 158-9

The Sumner Assault—Mr. Brooks’ Letter — published June 4, 1856

WASHINGTON, June 2.—The following is Mr. Brooks’ letter to the President of the Senate, referred to in the Senate proceedings of yesterday.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, June 2, 1856

 

Sir:—I have seen in the public journals of this morning the report of the Senate Committee to whom was referred a resolution of the Senate Directing an inquiry into an assault made by me on the 22d inst., on a senator from Massachusetts. It is with unfeigned regret, I find in their report that what I had intended only as a redress for personal wrong, has been construed into, or must necessarily be held as a breach of the privilege of the Senate. Whilst making a full and explicit disclaimer of any such design or purpose, I ask leave to say that, for the occasion, considering myself only as a gentleman in society and under no official restraint as a member of the House of Representatives, I did not advert to or consider there was any alternative restraint imposed upon me by reason that the offence came from a member of the Senate. I had read attentively and carefully a speech delivered on the 19th and 20th ult. by a Senator of Massachusetts, and found therein language which I regard as unjustly reflecting not only on the history and character of South Carolina but also upon a friend and relative. To such language I thought I had a just right to take exception, under the circumstances,—the Senator from South Carolina, who was effected by these remarks being absent from the Senate and the city. I had reason to believe that the personal responsibility for wrongs in personal deportment which would have saved me the painful necessity of the collision which I sought; and in my judgement, therefore, I had no alternative but to act as I did.

 

That the assault was made in the Senate Chamber was caused only by the fact that, after a careful search elsewhere, on the previous as well as the same day, the offender could not be found outside of the walls of the Senate Chamber, and the Senate had just adjourned for more than an hour previous to the assault.

 

I submit the forgoing statement from high respect for the Senate of the United States, and ask that it may be received as a full disclaimer of any design or purpose to infract its privileges, or offend its dignity.

 

I cheerfully add, should the facts as reported by the Committee of the Senate be nevertheless necessarily considered as a breach of privilege, as a conclusion of law, my earnest desire to atone for it, so far as may be by this unhesitating and unqualified apology, and that you will oblige me by communicating this to the Senate as its presiding officer.

 

I have the honor to remain, sir, with great respect, your servant,

P. S. BROOKS.

Hon. Jesse D. Bright, Pres’t of the Senate.

 

The Majority report of the select committee of the House, to inquire into the assault, concludes as follows:

That this House is of opinion that it not only has the power to punish Preston S. Brooks for a breach of privilege, but for an act of disorderly behavior.

 

And whereas it further appears that Henry A. Edmundson and Lawrence M. Keitt, some time previous to the said assault, were informed that it was the purpose of the said Brooks to commit violence on the person of said Sumner, for words passed by him in debate as a Senator, in the Senate, and took no measure to discourage or prevent the same, but on the contrary, anticipating the commission of the violence, were present on one or more occasions to witness the same as friends of the assailant, therefore

 

Resolved, That Preston S. Brooks be and he is forthwith expelled from this House as representative from the State of South Carolina.

 

Resolved, That this House hereby declares its disapprobation of said act of Henry A. Edmunson and Lawrence M. Keitt in relation to said assault.

Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, presented a minority report; both reports were laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. The minority report argues that no breach of privilege, under the Constitution, had been committed, and that the House has no power to go beyond the Constitution, in deciding that a breach of privilege had been committed.

The Majority report is signed by Messrs. Campbell of Ohio, Pennington and Spinner.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Wednesday Morning, June 4, 1856, p. 2

Investigation Of The Sumner Assault — published May 28, 1856

We find the following in the Baltimore Papers. With regard the Sumner’s statement, we may remark that it disagrees, in important particulars, with authentic accounts heretofore published.

WASHINGTON, May 26.—The House committee of investigation waited on Mr. Sumner to-day in discharge of their duty regarding the resent assault. He was in bed but have is testimony and was also cross-examined. He was unable to set up during the visit of the committee, but did so a short time today. He is still very week and his physicians counsel him not to move out of the House for a week.

The following is Mr. Sumner’s statement on oath.—“I attended the Senate as usual on Thursday the 22nd of May. After some formal business a message was received from the House of Representatives, announcing the death of a member of that body from Missouri. This was followed by a brief tribute to the deceased from Mr. Geyer, of Missouri, when, according to usage and out of respect to the deceased, the Senate adjourned. Instead of leaving the Chamber with the rest on the adjournment, I continued in my seat, occupied with my pen. While thus intent, in order to be in season for the mail, which was soon to close, I was approached by several persons, who desired to consult with me, but I answered them promptly and briefly, excusing myself, for the reason that I was much engaged.

When the last of these persons left me, I drew my arm chair close to my desk, and with my legs under the desk, continued writing. My attention at this time was so entirely drawn from all other objects, that, though there must have been many persons in the Senate, I saw no body. While thus intent, with my head bent over my writing, I was addressed by a person who approached the front of my desk, so entirely unobserved that I was not aware of his presence, until I heard my name pronounced. As I looked up, with my pen in my hand, I saw a tall man, whose countenance was not familiar, standing directly over me, and at the same moment I caught these words:—“I have read your speech twice over carefully.—It is a libel on South Carolina and Mr. Butler who is a relative of mine.”

While these words were still passing from his lips, he commenced a succession of blows with a heavy cane on my head, by the first of which I was stunned so as to lose sight. I no longer saw my assailant nor any other person or object in the room. What I did afterwards was done almost unconsciously, acting under the instincts of self-defence, with my head already bent down, I rose from my seat, wrenching up my desk which was screwed to the floor, and then pressed forward while my assailant continued his blows.—I had no other consciousness, until I found myself ten feet forward in front of my desk, lying on the floor of the Senate, with my bleeding head supported on the knee of a gentleman, whom I soon recognized by voice and manner as Mr. Morgan of New York. Other persons there were about me offering friendly assistance, but I did not recognize any of them. Others there were at a distance, looking on and offering no assistance of whom I recognized only Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, Mr. Toombs of Georgia, and, I thought, also my assailant standing between them.

I was helped from the floor and conducted into the lobby of the Senate, where I was placed upon a sofa. Of those who helped me there I have no recollections. As I entered the lobby I recognized Mr. Slidell, of Louisiana, who retreated; but I recognized no one else until I felt a friendly grasp of the hand, which seemed to come from Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, I have a vague impression that Mr. Bright, President of the Senate, spoke to me while I was on the floor of the Senate or in the lobby. I make this statement in answer to the interrogatories of the committee and offer it as presenting completely all my recollections of the assault and of the attending circumstances, whether immediately before after. I desire to add that besides the words which I have given as uttered by my assailant, I have an indistinct recollection of the words “old man,” but these are so enveloped in the mists which ensued from the first blow, that I am not sure whether they were uttered or not.

On the cross examination Mr. Sumner said that he was entirely without arms of any kind, and that he had no notice or warning of any kind direct or indirect, of this assault.

In answer to another question, Mr. Sumner replied:—That what he had said of Mr. Butler was strictly responsive to Mr. Butler’s speeches.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Wednesday Morning, May 28, 1856, p. 2

David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, Sunday Evening, August 5, 1860

Harrisburg, Pa

=Sunday Evening—

Augt 5, 1860

Dear Lincoln

— I reached Fort Wayne about 12 oclk Thursday night, & met Mr Williams at the Depot having previously Telegraphed him to meet me there– He went on with me to the next station & we talked over Indiana politics pretty thoroughly= The Breckenridge movement headed by Bright & Fitch he says, is in Earnest, & the State will go for you, no matter what the result of the October Election may be– He thinks Col. Lane will be elected, but of this he is not so entirely hopeful– The Breckenridge men have not put up a State Ticket, as you know in Indiana-- Mr Williams thinks that the naming of the Breckenridge Electoral Ticket in Indiana (a movement more formidable than in Illinios) will so far demoralize the party – as to increase greatly our chances for carrying the State in October–

Friday at 3 oclk reached Pittsburg, and remained over until 9 at night – I saw Mr Erret & Mr Williams of the Gazette– Genl Purviance not at home– Everything in Pittsburg and that region of the State, is just as we could desire it.—

The Republican vote will be immensely increased, in the West & Northwest—

– I found the opinion there as to the Central Committee pretty much as we had received it from others– I also ascertained that a meeting was appointed of some 18, or 20 of our friends – to meet in Phild. Tuesday Evening. Which I intend to attend– I expected to go to Baltimore tonight, but finding that Col Curtin will be in an adjoining County to night-morrow, I have concluded to stay & go & see him– This deranges my plans somewhat– I spent the entire day of yesterday – with Genl Cameron, & my interview has been pleasant & eminently satisfactory– He is certainly a genial, pleasant, and kind hearted man, & many prejudices that I have heretofore entertained have been removed—

– I found him, exceedingly anxious to have your views on the subject of the tariff, & that he wanted them so as to be able to assure the people of the State that they were Satisfactory to him.

Pennsylvania has been deceived so often on the subject of the Tariff, that it is not surprising that they are fearful & sensitive about it—

I explained to him, that what your views had been all your life, & that if you had entertained other views when you embarked in life that you would have had Douglas's position in the State & that the reason your speeches were not published, was, that there were no reporters in those days

I then took out your notes, and commenced reading them, stating that you wished me to present them to him– He requested me to leave them with him, & he would hand them to me at Phild– I have seen him to day, & he says he has read the notes carefully and they are abundantly satisfactory to him– Genl Cameron, says, that there is not a shadow of doubt of your carrying Pennsylvania – that you will carry it by a large majority – that Curtin will be elected – that the Bell movement amounts to nothing in the State, and that outside of Philadelphia it is literally nothing– He says that there is a lack of confidence with McClure, but that they will get along with that harmoniously

Genl Cameron also says that they do not want any money in the state – that they can raise all they need – but that if money is furnished that the amount will be magnified, & parties in the State will be jealous if they dont get some

He has also a pride not to receive money – thinks it humiliating that Pa. should receive money from NY. & Boston– He advised agt our receiving any in Illinois from abroad– more hereafter

yr frd

D Davis —

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

Politics in Indiana

At the election to be held in Indiana next October, Congressmen are to be chosen with minor State officers (Secretary, Treasurer, &c.,) and a Legislature upon which it will devolve to fill Mr. Wright’s seat in the Senate.  Some months since the Jesse D. Bright Democracy held a convention and nominated candidates, opening a canvass that was avowedly to give the expelled Senator a new lease of power. – Their disgusting fondness for a branded traitor, and their leniency toward the seceded States, has driven off many Democrats, and there are several old Democratic organs that refuse to support the ticket, while the ticket itself has begun to break up.  Hon. Milton B. Hopkins, nominated for Superintendent of Schools, withdraws his name with a very pointed letter of rebuke for the disloyal combination which is trying to steal the name of Democracy to serve treason in.  Mr. Hopkins but reflects the intentions of thousands of honest democrats who intend to vote against the concern. – Exchange paper.

The Indiana convention and platform got up last winter, was hailed by the Vallandigham press throughout the country and by the Mahony press of Iowa, as a glorious revival of the Democratic party.  It was followed up by the Vallandigham Congressional caucus, and the leading Mahony presses of Iowa, including Mahony’s Herald, the Davenport Democrat, defaulter Babbitt’s Council Bluffs Bugle, and Claggett’s Constitution, have enlisted in the scheme.  Dodge of Burlington, has also bestirred himself, and another of the same stripe of papers is about to be established in Burlington.

Bright, it will be remembered, was expelled from the Senate on the charge of treason, and our Bright, – Geo. W. Jones, – who seems now to be on a mission to reorganized the Mahonyites, was imprisoned on a similar charge in Fort Lafayette.  Will the Iowa traitor have any better success than he of Indiana? – Gate City

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, May 17, 1862, p. 2

First Session -- 37th Congress

WASHINGTON, Jan. 24. – HOUSE. – The House considered the Senate amendments to the diplomatic appropriation bill and [then] concurred in those including Florence among Consul Generalships, and striking out Hayti, Liberia &c.  The bill will be returned to the Senate.  House adjourned.

SENATE. – The Bright expulsion case was continued.  Several Senators speaking for and against expulsion.  The subject was concluded.  After Executive session, the Senate adjourned till Monday.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 4

Remarks of Mr. Harlan

In the Senate, Thursday last, Mr. Harlan made the following reply to Mr. Davis of Kentucky, the subject under discussion being the ever present contraband.

Mr. HARLAN (of Iowa) – Mr. President, I do not intend to reply in detail to the somewhat extraordinary speech that has just closed for two reasons satisfactory to myself.  In the first place I should hardly hope to equal the eloquence and learning that have been displayed and in the second place I agree too fully with many things that have been said to make it necessary for me to attempt a detailed response to the speech.  I will say, however and I trust the Senator will pardon me for the allusion that it does seem to me that the whole speech has been a little ill timed and especially that part of the speech which makes it necessary for me to say one word.  The Senator has expressed the hope that the unending Slavery question may not agitate this body and the country and yet, as extraordinary as it may seem in connection with that expression he himself has unnecessarily detained the Senate and retarded the public business of the country for more than an hour in the discussion of that very question.  Sir, what is the question now before the Senate?  The propriety or the impropriety of retaining as a member of this body the sitting Senator from Indiana.  Now I ask what pertinency to that question has been the whole speech which has occupied the Senate for more than two hours to-day?  I make this remark not for the purpose, not with the desire, of chiding the Senator who has taken his seat but I wish the Senator to bear me witness here and the country to take notice of the fact that every long labored excited discussion of the Slavery question that has taken place in this Chamber for the last six years in which I have had the honor to occupy a seat here has been lugged in in that manner and by gentlemen holding seats from Slaveholding States.

Mr. DAVIS – Will the gentleman allow me to say a word?

Mr. HARLAN – Certainly.

Mr. DAVIS – I confess to the gentleman’s impeachment that a great part of my speech was inappropriate but it was designed in some measure to meet the numerous petitions that have been presented by the Senator from Massachusetts and other gentlemen upon this floor.

Mr. HARLAN – I will however, Mr. President, while I am on the floor and before I allude to the proper question of discussion attempt to set myself right on the point alluded by the Senator.  When I made the remarks to which he evidently alluded, this body was entertaining and considering Senate joint resolution No. [23] which proposes to authorize the commander of the army in the Western Division, including Kansas, to muster into the United States service such persons as may present themselves for that purpose and organize them therefore and to retain them therein such length of time as in the opinion of such commander the exigencies of the service may require.  This was opposed on the ground that the commander of that division of the army might, using his personal discretion, muster into the service of the United States Indians and persons of African descent.  I expressed myself in favor of the proposition and in reply to some remarks dropped by the Senator from Delaware (Mr. Saulsbury) I stated that I individually had no objection to mustering into the service of the United states men of color, either Indians or negroes, and I attempted in a few brief remarks to illustrate my view on that subject.  I stated that I could perceive no reason why an able bodied man native born in the United States should not aid and defending the Constitution and the laws.  Nor do I now perceive a reason why this should not be done.  I know it is said in language pathetic and eloquent.  What, arm the slaves against their masters?  I might make a truthful appeal still more startling and ask, What arm the children against their fathers?  And yet that is being done by your mustering officers every day where the father chances to be a traitor and a rebel.  Are you not to permit the young men of the country to arm themselves in defence of the Constitution and the laws because their parents happen to be traitors? – You exercise the right to take my son under the age of twenty one years and place him between your violated Constitution and the country’s foes regardless of my rights to his service or the control of his person.  Now I ask the Senator from Kentucky what better is his slave then my son.

Mr. DAVIS – Not half so good.

Mr. HARLAN – I will illustrate what I mean on this subject by supposing that the Senator with some of his well taught and Christian slaves was engaged in a personal contest for life and death between me and my son.  As we gradually become exhausted on the one side and the other, I knowing full well that the moment I give his slaves the intimation that I would protect them they would flee from their master to my defense, should I be much short of an idiot, much short of a fool, if I were not to invite them away?  The loyal States of this nation are now engaged in a contest for its very existence.  On the one side we have arrayed the loyal old men and middle aged men of this country.  On the other side we have the rebel owners of slaves arraying their young men and slaves.  On the other there are some hundreds of thousands of colored people, native born on the soil on which they live, who will leave their rebel masters the very moment they have an intimation that they will receive the protection of the Constitution and laws of the United States, and yet we insanely continue this controversy, not permitting these strong armed men to aid us and save the lives of our brothers and our sons.  But the Senator from Kentucky said that he thought on this subject with horror when he reflected what massacres had occurred of white people in some of the West India Islands.  Mr. President oppressed people in every age, in asserting their right to themselves, have committed acts of atrocity that civilized communities could never justify.  It is no more common to the African race than to the Anglo Saxon or the Caucasian of whatever country.  I will ask him with his perfect knowledge of history to compare the scenes of carnage and blood enacted there with those enacted but a few years since in the streets of Paris, the capital of one of the most enlightened and refined nations that have existed and which at this time stands at the very head of the civilized nations of the world.  The proposition which was made to which I was speaking was a proposition to allow the commander of this division of the army to muster into the service of the United States such loyal persons as might present themselves irrespective of color.  What does that imply?  That they shall be organized, that they shall be officered, that they shall be commanded, that they shall be controlled by the laws of the United States and by the articles of war.  I took some pains to state on that occasion that I would not advocate a proposition to arm indiscriminately the mass of the servile population even in the rebel States, but that if arms were placed in their hands they should be organized, disciplined and placed under the ordinary restraints of military rule.  I have no criticism to make in regard to the Senators eulogium of the peaceful condition of his own slaves other than this.  If they are the character which he has described and have ever been ready to stand by him and their masters in times of pestilence and danger – if that statement of the character of his own slave household be correct, I draw the conclusion that the alarm of the Senator is totally without foundation.  If they are thus Christianized, are thus enlightened, and will stand by their masters through every kind of calamity that can arise what will be the danger of placing them in an attitude not only to defend themselves but their masters and their country?  But.  [Since] all this eulogium of the character of the houses and clothing of the slaves, if it were a legitimate subject of discussion at this time, I take it, might be said with equal truth of the Senator’s horses and cattle and oxen and mules.  I would ask him if he treats his slaves as men, possessing spirits immortal, that are to live parallel with his own spiritual existence and if he gives them the means of mental cultivation and moral development or if it be not in his own State with his sanction a penitentiary offence to teach these slaves to read the word of God?  They are well clothed so would be his cattle if necessary to their health and vigor.  They are tenderly treated, so is every other species of property that is under his control.

The question however with me is not how this Christian gentleman or the other may happen to treat those over whom he may exercise absolute control but what is the system?  How may he with impunity treat those human cattle if he chose to treat them with severity? – I will venture here to throw in the remark, and risk its being successfully contradicted, that there is not now in existence and has not been in existence since the dawning of civilization a system of Slavery so bad as the one now in existence in the United States.  There never has existed and does not now exist, a system of human bondage on this whole earth so loathsome as the one that now exists in the bosom of this Christian Nation.  And I defy successful contradiction.  I do not say that Christian gentlemen may not, regardless of the law and regardless of the system treat their slaves humanely.  They do, I know they do.  I am proud to say that I know they do.  But it is a tribute to humanity and to the influence of Christianity on the minds of men and not a tribute to the system of slavery itself.  I united very cordially with the Senator in his expression of the hope that these collateral outside questions may not be discussed, and that we may unite harmoniously for the purpose of putting down this rebellion and I trust that he may be willing out of the abundance of his patriotism even to give his slaves to the cause of the Union if it becomes necessary, and not be giving the weight of his influence and of his talent – which is by no means small – unintentionally on his part, to the cause of the rebellion.  If any speech delivered during this session of the congress of the United States shall see the light in the rebel States, it will be the speech which the Senator from Kentucky has just concluded and thus has he very unintentionally on his part, neutralized much that he has said of the policy and bearing of the Senator from Indiana during the earlier part of this rebellion, which he has so severely criticized. I had intended, Mr. President, after making these explanations to say a few words in relation to the legitimate subject of discussion before the Senate, but on account of the lateness of the hour I will not claim the further indulgence of the Senate.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 3

First Session -- 37th Congress

WASHINGTON, Jan. 28. – SENATE. – Mr. TRUMBULL modified the amendment so as to confine the bill to any State or District in which the laws of the Sate are opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed by insurgents or rebels against the U. S. too powerful to be suppressed by ordinary courses of judicial proceedings, which was agreed to, yeas 19 nays 17.  The bill was then passed, yeas 23 nays12 as following – Messrs. Browning, Cowan, Davis, Fessenden, Foster, Grimes, Harris, McDougal, Powell, Trumbull, Salsbury and Powell.  Adjourned.

WASHINGTON, Jan. 29. – HOUSE. – The House passed the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial appropriation bill.  Among the provisions are the following, viz.

That nothing in this act shall prevent hereafter a reduction of salaries, and mileage now due by law, shall be paid as soon as certified by the presiding officer of each House, but there shall be no construction for mileage beyond what is allowed by law, to whit.  Mileage for each regular session only, the bill makes appropriations merely for objects authorized by existing statutes.

Mr. LOVEJOY, form the committee on Agriculture, reported a bill appropriating $3,000 to be expended under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, for purchasing up-land cotton seed for general distribution, through the Patent office.  Passed.

The House passed the bill providing in all cases that where a volunteer regiment has been or shall be raised to the minimum standard, the Colonel and other field officers who shall have been commissioned as such, shall be entitled to receive the pay and allowance established by law for their respective grades from the time they were severally authorized in writing by the President, Secretary of War, or Governor of their State to raise such regiment; provided however, that in no case shall such pay date back more than three months prior to such regiment being organized to the minimum standard.

The provisions of the bill are also to apply to Captains, excepting their pay shall extend back only two months.

Mr. BLAIR of Missouri, urged the passage of the Senate bill authorizing the President in certain cases to take possession of the Railroad and Telegraph lines, when in his judgment to the public safety may require it.

WASHINGTON, Jan. 29. – SENATE. – Mr. WILSON, of Missouri, presented the credentials of Mr. Henderson.

The resolution was adopted providing for the distribution of documents belonging to seceded Senators among the members present.

The joint resolution on secret session was taken up, and after some amendments, passed.

Mr. BRIGHT’s case resumed – no action after extra session.

HOUSE. – The bill passed giving the President authority to take possession of railroads, telegraphs, &c. by 113 to 28.

The Consideration of the Treasury note bill resumed – no action.

The Army bill was taken up.

Mr. GURLEY made an attack on the inactivity of leading Generals.

The joint resolution on secret session was taken up and passed.  Adjourned.

WASHINGTON, Jan. 30 – SENATE. – Several resolutions were adopted.  A debate ensued on the want of proper management at the Hospitals.

Mr. JOHNSTON, from the special committee on that part of the President’s message relating to the construction of a Military Railroad from Kentucky to Tennessee, reported a bill for that purpose.

The case of Mr. Bright was then taken up.

Mr. HOWE proceeded to speak at length on the subject.  He thought it was a very poor apology for the Senator to say that he had forgotten that he had ever written that letter or that Mr. Lincoln was his friend.  Adjourned.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2

Expulsion of Bright

(Special to the Tribune.)

WASHINGTON, Jan. 28. – A telegram, signed by Representatives McKean, Fenton, Wheeler, Clark, Spaulding, Frank, Van Valkenburg, Pomeroy and Baker, of New York, was sent to Albany to-day, urging the Legislature to pass resolutions instructing Senators Harris and King to vote for the expulsion of the traitor Bright. – More of the New York Delegation would have signed the paper had they been in session.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2

From Washington

WASHINGTON, Jan. 24, 1862

It is raining in this miserable city, – it has rained for more than two weeks.  The roads are almost impassable.  I understand the horses on the other side of the Potomac are suffering for want of forage, because it is impossible to carry it in sufficient quantities.  Fever and small pox are prevailing to an alarming extent.  Everybody gets vaccinated, but still everybody trembles.  And it is to this long spell of bad weather, that the wiseacres tell us the slow movements of the army are owing.  Gen. McClellan, they say, contemplated a grand movement of our entire army – the Burnside expedition, the Cairo expedition, the brilliant maneuver in Kentucky, Halleck’s advance in Missouri, that of Rosecrans in Virginia and that of the great army of the Potomac, were to be projected simultaneously.  The plan is frustrated by the weather.  I hope and believe it was so contemplated, for the pressure from the North and from Congress must have forced a forward movement of some kind, but I only give you the rumors, and you can judge.  And by the way, I hear that the member of the cabinet most strenuous for an immediate advance is the Attorney General., Mr. Bates.  Postmaster General Blair has heretofore occupied this position, but it is now occupied by a man whom we have been accustomed to consider and old fogy of the slowest kind.

The war will continue according to General McClellan’s policy, endorsed as it is by the President, and such men as Garrett Davis and Mr. Crittenden.  The story of a conversation between Jim Lane and Mr. Lincoln, in which the latter endorsed the former’s opinions is a most ridiculous hoax.

Judge Swayne of Ohio is appointed to the Supreme Bench to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of Justice McLean.  The appointment will create some surprise as it was understood no immediate appointments were intended. – But it has been difficult sometimes to obtain a quorum of the Court, and hence the appointment now.  Judge Swayne is an Ohio man, of about fifty years of age, and a Republican of what they please to call conservative tendencies.  If the bill creating another Circuit in the West passes, Senator Browning or Secretary Smith will probably be created a Justice.

The expulsion of Bright is occupying the attention of the Senate.  The charge against him is similar to that of against our illustrious fellow-citizen Gen. Jones, of writing letters to Jefferson Davis, asking him as President of the Confederate States, friendly offices towards a Mr. Lincoln, a new inventor in fire arms.  He will hardly be expelled, (a two-thirds vote being required,) but a majority will probably be recorded against him.

The War Department under Secretary Stanton is at present very active and efficient.  But “as new broom always sweeps clean,” and the present is no indication of the future.  A bill has been posted up, allowing Congressmen Saturdays to transact their business, and the ungloved Public  Mondays, while for the rest of the week the Department is closed to outsiders. – Mr. Stanton says that without such an arrangement he cannot proceed.

A movement is in progress to make a Major General of Brig. Gen. Sigel.  I understand the President favors it as a recognition of the services of our German fellow citizens during the war; their regiments being acknowledged on all hand to be among the most efficient and the best drilled of the troops in the field.

XOX.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2

In an able speech . . .

. . . made in the Senate of New York in the debate on the expulsion of Mr. Bright, by Judge Law of Sullivan County, we find the following striking passages:

“We fail to appreciate the era in which our lot is cast.  We fail to realize the rapidity of the march of events, moving swiftly and irresistibly forward, but never backward, and changing almost in a moment the whole aspect of the country and sweeping from our minds the tissues of forms, precedents, technicalities and learned absurdities as the swift wind drives away the mountain mists.  The truth is – and we might as well learn it at once – we are making history for the future; not reading that of the past.  We are stamping our own character and impress upon the people and nationalities yet unborn, and whose weal or woe will be determined by our conduct now.

“I have no fear of the guillotine in the intelligent, the free, the patriotic North.  But I will tell the learned Senator where, at no distant day, he may find the counterpart of the bloody horrors he has invoked.  Where wrong and crime and oppression have already worn deep the channels of human suffering; where the pent-up aspirations of enslaved and degraded men beat vainly against their prison bars; where the chains of human bondage clank harshly upon the unwilling ear, and the cowering victim that wears the image of his God is bought and sold and worked and whipped by his fellow man, where violence and treachery and terror stalk through the land; where loyal men are dragged to the scaffold for no crime but that of fealty to their Government, and weeping women and innocent children are fleeing to the rocks and mountains to hide themselves from the armed robbers that scourge the land.”

Judge Law has always been a thoroughgoing member of the Democratic party, and such words from him afford a clear indication of the revolution which this atrocious rebellion has produced and is still producing in the minds of a very influential class of Northern men.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 1

Jesse D. Bright

The Indianapolis Journal says:

“We understand that Jesse D. Bright returned home last Saturday, and stopped at Madison on his way up.  He was very coldly received. – It is said that he has rented a house near Jeffersonville, and intends to become a temporary resident of the State, in order to carry out his purpose of ‘appealing to the people’ and getting back to the place he has dishonored.”

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 22, 1862, p. 3

From Washington

WASHINGTON, Jan. 31

Jesse D. Bright will be expelled from the Senate, but probably not till Tuesday, as there will be a long executive session on Monday.

The postal receipts for letters carried during the last quarter of 1861 are but little less than during the same period last year, when the mails went all over the Union.  The cost of transportation is three millions less.

A new development in reference to the Morgan purchase of vessels for the government has just been made.  It appears that before the Savannah steamers were sold, the owners agreed to give a certain broker two per cent if he would sell the property to the government.  He sold to Morgan, to whom he paid two and a half per cent.  The broker now sues the owners for his two per cent.  The owners contest the claim, insist that they are not bound to pay, and declare that they can prove that a plan was formed by some parties to fleece the government in the purchase of these ships, by making five per cent on exorbitant prices.  The matter will be exposed in Court.

Times’ Dispatch.

Private letters received in Washington from persons abroad, confirm the impression that the governments of England, France and Spain meditate an early recognition of the Confederate States.  This recognition, it will be pretended, is made in the cause of humanity.

It is now confidently asserted that there are not 10 Republican members of the House who are prepared to advocate the immediate and unconditional emancipation of salves.  All hope of legislation favorable to this class of politicians is abandoned, and the administration programme of preserving the Union and constitution and enforcing the laws is said to be omnipotent [sic] in the House.

Herald’s Dispatch.

The President has submitted to Congress the correspondence in reference to the Spanish bark seized by our cruiser, and brought in as a prize.  Lewis Taylor, who was approved by the government and accepted by the Spanish Minister as reference, has awarded $2,791,91 [sic] damages to be paid by the government to the master of the bark.

A deserter from the 1^st N. C. Cavalry who gives his name as N. T. Emmett, confirms the statements of previous deserters as to the condition of the rebel troops an entrenchments about Manassas.  The term of enlistment of over 80,000 men, he alleges, expires at the end of this month.  Of this number not one-tenth will reenlist, and if an attempt at coercion is made, he prophesies desperate and bloody resistance.

The President, Secretary of War and Q. M. General have been in consultation with parties from the West to-day, in regard to the frauds in the Q. M. Department at Cairo.  Frauds in the way of contracts are said to exist, which will be investigated to the fullest extend

The investigating committee find that parties in Philadelphia claim from government, for army supplies of different kinds, over $16,000,000.  Specimens of some of the goods, for the payment of which a portion of this enormous sum is demanded, were brought here by the committee, and are positive evidence that government has been defrauded.

Messrs. Covode and Odell reported the result of their investigation to the Secretary of War to-day.

The Richmond Dispatch admits that the aggregate force of the rebels now in the field is but 250,000.

Special to the Commercial.

WASHINGTON, Feb. 1.

It is reported that the transports of the Burnside expedition are nearly all of heavier draft than was represented by their owners.  This was the cause of all this difficulty at Hatteras bar.

The House committee of way and means are more confident to-day of their ability to pass the legal tender clause of the hundred million note bill.

Tribune’s Special.

Secretary Chase’s answer to the committee of ways and means was received this morning.  Their resolution required him to express his opinion as to their propriety and necessity of the immediate passage by Congress of Mr. Spaulding’s legal tender bill.

The Secretary begins by saying that the condition of the treasury is such that the committee’s bill should be passed at the earliest possible moment.  The general features of the bill he admits to be correct, and to have his approval.  In regard to the legal tender feature, he urges the passage of this scheme of banking, recommended in his report as a means for funding a considerable amount of the public stock, and concluded by suggesting some unimportant formal amendments, to which in no way affected the principles of the bill.

A letter received here this morning, from one of the most distinguished merchants in New York, says that only eight bank presidents in that city coincide with Mr. Gallatin.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport Iowa, Monday Morning, February 3, 1862, p. 1

From Washington

WASHINGTON, Jan. 31.

Mr. Foster of Connecticut, having repented in the Bright case, and McDougal having also pronounced against him, there is little doubt of his expulsion.  Both the Missouri and Virginia Senators are expected to vote for it.

Andy Johnson’s speech affected many in the galleries to tears.

The St. Louis Commissioners have written here for authority to cause McKinstry to render his accounts; their letter, which will be laid before Congress, suggests that they retain the custody of all papers, by detailing an officer to attend McKinstry, while making the accounts in the presence of such officer.  Until the accounts are rendered, their investigation is a dead lock.

Mr. Glover, the lawyer associated with the commission, writes that from the mass of papers, covering immense transactions, it is impossible for him, without additional assistance to extract specifications for charges.  An officer will be sent him, and authority conferred to employ clerks.  The request of the commissioners will also doubtless be granted.

Secretary Stanton was in conference with Commissioners Amos and Fish yesterday and to-day; and has been inaccessible even to officers on business.

A Baltimore vessel managed to get by the flotilla boat with a cargo of salt and other contraband, which she landed at Aquia Creek wharf.  One schooner’s topmasts was shot off by the rebel batteries, being the only damage done for weeks.

It is not exactly true that Tucker was confirmed as Assistant Secretary of war on Wednesday.  Action will probably be taken on the case to-day.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport Iowa, Monday Morning, February 3, 1862, p. 1

Latest By Telegraph

REPORTED FOR THE DUBUQUE DAILY HERALD.

THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS.

An Immense Corcoran Meeting in Boston.

SENATOR BRIGHT EXPELLED.

GEN. MEAGHER ASSUMES HIS COMMAND.

A SECRET DISPATCH SENT TO ENGLAND AND FRANCE BY JEFF. DAVIS.

Probable Passage of the Legal Tender Clause.

IMPORTANT INFORMATION FROM HONOLULU

SECESH PENSIONISTS STRUCK FROM THE ROLLS.

Firing and Mysterious Movements at Sewell’s Point.

GEN. BUTLER’S EXPEDITION.

EMBARKATION OF TROOPS.

THE ENTIRE DIVISION TO CONSIST OF 10,000 MEN.

Fire at Mendalia [sic], Illinois.

– Published in The Dubuque Herald, Dubuque, Iowa, Friday Morning, February 7, 1862, p. 1

Afternoon Report

WASHINGTON, Feb. 5. – Herald Correspondence. – The only event yesterday was the assumption of his command by General Thos. F. Meagher, who accompanied by Gen. Shields took command of the Irish Brigade amidst great enthusiasm.  Gen. Shields addressed the troops in most effective terms.

Capt. Griffin’s battery did some splendid shooting to-day at Masons Hill.  They fired a dozen rounds with Schrepnell shell from two 12-pounder Parrott guns at a tree 1,600 yards distant.  All the shells but one exploded, and every shot struck within a few feet of the tree.

WASHINGTON, Feb. 6. – Those who voted against Bright’s expulsion, were, Nays, Bayard, Cowan, Carlisle, Harris, Kennedy, Upham, Nesmith, Pearce, Powell, Rice, Salsbury, Ten Eyek, Thompson and Willey. – 14.  Yeas. 32.

The Vice President said that as two-thirds had voted in favor of the resolution, it was adopted.

(Tribune Correspondence.) – It is believed that Secretary Stanton will speedily take in fact as he has commenced in form, the conduct of the war, which usage and departmental law gives him the right to do.

The scene at the close of the expulsion of Senator Bright was dramatic.  There was a desperate decisiveness in the “no” with which Mr. Bayard answered to his name.  When Mr. Carlisle of Virginia voted “no” the flutter was significant and loud.  He had been counted only among the doubtful.

The Californians, McDougal and Simmons, were at first absent, but not a moment too soon they came in, and 32 votes declared the law that in the American Senate hereafter no traitor shall occupy a seat.  When the result was announced the galleries burst into applause, but was checked instantly

Mr. Bright bundled up the portable property on his desk, turned his back upon the Court which had tried him, went to Secretary Forney’s room and drew his pay to the last cent, and with a defiant stride passed into the Public Land Committee room, where his wife awaited him.  In her presence the actor’s costume fell.  The ruined politician sat down and haggard and crushed, contemplated the wreck he had made of his fortunes.

Mr. Arnold was authorized to-day to report fully the views of the Lake and River defence Committee on the fortifications of the frontier and the army and equipping of vessels for the Lakes.  Their recommendations will be thorough.

It is said Gov. Morgan’s nomination as Maj. General, will be rejected by the Senate.  If it is confirmed it is apprehended every Governor of every free State will claim this rank and emolument.

The New York Times Paris correspondent states that a secret dispatch from Jeff Davis had been furnished the Governments of France and England which gives full details of the military and commercial resources of the confederacy, and which points out in detail the advantages which France would derive by aiding in the establishment of the new Government.  In its details of military resources, France is expected to see that the Confederacy is able to resist the North forever, which entitles them to recognition, while in its commercial details are seen the enticing phantom of free trade and commercial riches.

Times Washington Correspondence – Vallandigham, Pendleton and Corning, with Morrill, Conkling, Horton and a few others, held a caucus this P. M. and agreed to compromise all their proposed amendments of the demand Treasury Note scheme in one bill, with the view to making a stronger combination against the bill of the committee of Ways and Means, which the Administration has endorsed as indispensable to maintaining the Government and carrying on the war.  The vote may be close, but the chances are decidedly in favor of the legal tender clause.

Hon. Jno. Parker, U. S. Consul at Honolulu, has arrived here with important information from that Government.  He says agents have been sent to England to hypothecate the entire group of the Sandwich Island to Great Britain.

The President has approved the bill authorizing the Secretary of the Interior to strike from the pension rolls the names of all such persons as have or may hereafter take up arms against the Government of the United States, or who have in any manner encouraged the rebels or manifested a sympathy with their cause.  It is known that some persons in the West, after drawing their pensions, have openly joined the enemy, while others who have not taken this extreme step have openly sympathized with the rebels and drawn their pensions.  The law just passed affords a partial remedy against disloyal pensioners receiving money from the Government.

– Published in The Dubuque Herald, Dubuque, Iowa, Friday Morning, February 7, 1862, p. 1

So Bright Is Expelled

The telegraph told us yesterday and we tell our readers to-day that Jesse D. Bright has been expelled from the United States Senate for writing a letter of introduction with one Mr. Lincoln to Jefferson Davis.  This act was derogatory to the Constitution of the United States, and on that principle the expulsion was proper.

Now, let the Senate purge itself of the Abolition traitors who have been offering violence to the Constitution for years every day of their term in Congress.  Let Sumner and Hale, and Wade and other violators of the Constitution be extruded from a chamber where none but patriots should dare to put his foot.  If the composition of the Senate as it now exists be such as to favor Abolition treason while ridding the Chamber of an offender who sympathized with traitors to the Union, then let the people arouse themselves and demand that every Abolition traitor be extruded from the Senate Chamber.  The Senate has set an example which must be followed up till that body be purged of traitors, whether to the Constitution or the Union.

Out, then, with those who have been the primary cause, by their attacks upon the Constitution, of the rebellion against the Union.  Out now with Sumner and Hale, with Wade and Chandler, or the people will put them out indignantly and with far less ceremony than Bright has been disposed of.

– Published in The Dubuque Herald, Dubuque, Iowa, Friday Morning, February 7, 1862, p. 1