De Witt C. Chipman to Abraham Lincoln, February 29, 1864

De Witt C. Chipman,

Collector.

Collector's Office, 11th Indiana District,                  

Noblesville, February 29 A. D. 1864

Dr Sir

Enclosed find a circular signed by S C Pomeroy and franked by Blow. It is marked “private” As I do not recognise the right of any man to send me such a document, with an injunction of “private” upon a matter of such commanding public importance as the Presidency I take the liberty of enclosing it to you

This circular has been forwarded to the Collectors in Indiana, but at a meeting of several of them at Indianapolis on the 23 instant when this state Instructed for you, every one of them declared for you. It was understood then and there that Secretary Chase would remove all who did not actively take the field for him and against you. But they did not and could not believe that Chase was a party to this affair. His high character hitherto, and his spotless integrity precluded the suspicion of it. But whether he did or did not the threat of removal hanging over them in terrorum did not make a single one falter I said then and stand by it now, that my official head might be elevated as high as Hamans Galows before I would be driven to the support of any man I knew you 20 odd years ago in Tazewell Co Illinois as a Lawyer, and do not propose to be bamboozled or driven from my preferinces

The slanderous and disgraceful charges contained in that circular, amounting to legal scandalum magnatum will be rejected by a Country which sees the administration exposing corruption, extravigance and rascality wherever found and pushing a victorious war all over the rebellious territory.

When you issued the Emancipation Proclimation, you did an act which history will chronicle and posterity recognise as the most imperishable monument of Liberty and Justice in the annals of time.

Mr President you are safe, for that Providence which you invoked and that considerate mankind which you appealed to will perpetuate your name among the illustrious benefactors of mankind.

I trust that you will regard this circular as a sufficient excuse for writing this letter, and believe that I am animated by the kindest wishes for your welfare, and the best interest of our Common Country

The enclosed piece of poetry will demonstrate the high estimate which time and sober judgements will place upon that Proclamation

With sentiments of the

highest respect I beg leave to

subscribe myself your obidient

Servant

De Witt. C. Chipman

To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln,

            Washington D. C.

SOURCE: Lincoln, Abraham. Abraham Lincoln papers: Series 1. General Correspondence. 1833 to 1916: De Witt C. Chipman to Abraham Lincoln, Monday,Pomeroy Circular. 1864. Manuscript/Mixed Material. https://www.loc.gov/item/mal3109100/.

Governor Oliver P. Morton's Speech Welcoming Abraham Lincoln to Indianapolis, Indiana, February 11, 1861

Sir, on behalf of the people of Indiana, I bid you welcome.  They avail themselves of this occasion to offer their tribute of high respect to your character as a man and as a statesman, and in your person to honor the high office to which you have been elected.  In every free government there will be differences of opinion, and those differences result in the formation of parties; but when the voice of the people has been expressed through the forms of the Constitution, all parties yield to it obedience.  Submission to the popular will is the essential principle of Republican government, and so vital is this principle that it admits of but one exception, which is revolution.  To weaken it, is anarchy; to destroy it, is despotism.  It recognizes no appeal beyond the ballot box, and while it is preserved, liberty may be wounded but never slain.  To this principle the people of Indiana – men of all parties – are bound, and they here welcome you as the Chief Magistrate elect of the people.  When our fathers framed the Constitution, they declared it was to form a more perfect union, establish justice and to preserve the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity; and for this consideration we proclaim the determination of our people to maintain that Constitution inviolate as it came from their hands.  This Union has been the idol of our hopes, the parent of our prosperity, our title to the respect and consideration of the world.  May it be preserved, it is the prayer of every patriotic heart in Indiana, and that it shall be, is their determination.

You are about to enter upon your official duties under circumstances at once novel and full of difficulty, and it will be the duty of all good citizens without distinction of party, to yield a cordial and earnest support to every measure of your administration calculated to maintain the Union, promote the national prosperity, and restore peace to our distracted and unhappy country.  Our Government, which but yesterday was the theme of every eulogy, and stood the Admiration of the world is today threatening to crumble into ruins, and it remains to be seen whether it possesses living principles, or whether in the fullness of time the hour of its dissolution is at hand.  But we are full of confidence that the end is not yet, that the precious rich inheritance whom our fathers will not elude our grasp or be wrested from us without a struggle; that we are but passing through one of those civil commotions that make the history of very nation, and that we shall emerge from the present gloom into the bright sunlight of peace and fraternity, and march forward with accelerated speed in the paths of prosperity and power.

SOURCE: “Gov. Morton’s Speech,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Chicago, Illinois, Tuesday February 12, 1861, p. 1

Edwin M. Stanton to Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, September 11, 1864 – 7:55 p.m.

WASHINGTON, September 11, 1864 — 7.55 p.m.

Lieutenant-General GRANT:

It is not designed by this department to delay the draft a single day after the credits are made up and quota ascertained. The Provost-Marshal-General has been directed to lose no time in that work. It is represented that the first recruits were a hard lot, but that recently the volunteers are equal to any that have taken the field during the war. The local authorities have been slack in paying their bounties and this has occasioned some delay. I would be glad if you would send me a telegram for publication, urging the necessity of immediately filling up the army by draft. The most difficulty is likely to be in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, from the desire of candidates to retain their men until after the election. We have not got a single regiment from Indiana. Morton came here specially to have the draft postponed, bur was peremptorily refused. But the personal interest to, retain men until after the election requires every effort to procure troops in that State, even by draft. Illinois is much the same way. Not a regiment or even company there has been organized. A special call from you would aid the department in overcoming the local inertia and personal interests that favor delay.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 42, Part 2 (Serial No. 88), p. 783-4

Governor Oliver P. Morton et al to Edwin M. Stanton, September 12, 1864

To Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War:

sir — Assembled from the different parts of Indiana, and practically familiar with the influences now at work in each congressional district of the state, we express it as our profound conviction that upon the issue of the election that occurs within a month from this date may depend the question as to whether the secession element shall be effectually crushed or whether it shall acquire strength enough, we do not say to take the state out of the Union, but practically to sever her from the general government, so far as future military aid is concerned.

We further express the gravest doubts as to whether it will be possible for us to secure success at the polls on the 11th of October unless we can receive aid—

1. By delay of the draft until the election has passed.

2. By the return, before election day, of fifteen thousand Indiana soldiers.

As to the draft, we propose an informal delay only, of which no public notice need be given. Reason sufficient will suggest itself in the time necessary to adjust the local quotas of townships, towns and cities, without the careful settlement of which, great dissatisfaction, even among the loyal, can not be avoided.

Volunteering is going on rapidly at this moment, and we have no hesitation in expressing the confident opinion that if the draft be delayed, and fifteen thousand Indiana troops be ordered home before the election, with suitable arrangements for recruiting, Indiana's entire quota can and will be filled by volunteering within two weeks after election day. She is at this time ahead, after filling former quotas, fully fifteen thousand three years' men.

Thus the government will obtain the recruits it has demanded about as soon as by pressing compulsory measures at once, and it will secure itself against the possible loss of the power and influence of the state for years to come.

If the draft is enforced before the election there may be required half as many men to enforce it as we ask to secure the election. Difficulty may reasonably be anticipated in from twenty to twenty-five counties. If the draft goes on immediately after the election, the soldiers will be on the spot to secure its being carried into effect, should that be necessary. But we are confident that if our propositions are adopted no draft will be needed at all.

The case of Indiana is peculiar. She has, probably, a larger proportion of inhabitants of Southern birth or parentage — many of them, of course, with Southern proclivities — than any other free state, and she is one of the few states in which soldiers are disfranchised.

It is not on the score of Indiana's past deserts that we ask this assistance. All such considerations must give way before the public good. We ask it because the burden of this political contest is heavier than we can bear. Nor have we asked it before exhausting every effort which loyal men can make for their country. We ask it for that country's sake. We ask it, because we feel absolutely assured that in this way more readily and more speedily than in any other can the general government accomplish the object it proposes.

If it were possible that you could see and hear what we, in the last month, each in his own section of country, have seen and heard, no word from us would be needed. You would need no argument to prove that a crisis, full of danger to the entire Northwest, is at hand.

We do not expect any general commanding, engrossed with vast military operations, to realize this. And therefore, while of course we do not urge any withdrawal of troops that would imperil the situation in Georgia or elsewhere, we suggest that a mere request to General Sherman, or other commander, to send home, or not send home, the troops in question, as he might think best, unaccompanied by an expression of the urgent desire of the government in the premises, and a view of the vast interests at stake, would be of no avail. No commander willingly diminishes his command. To what extent it may be prudent or proper to make the order imperative, we, not having the entire situation before us, can not judge. We hope you will see, in our most precarious condition, cause sufficient to do so.

The result of the state election, whether favorable or unfavorable to the government, will carry with it, beyond a doubt, that of the Presidential vote of Indiana.

All which is respectfully submitted,

O. P. Morton.

E. Dumont, 6th District.

godlove S. Orth, 8th District.

C. M. Allen, 1st District.

thomas N. Stillwell, 11th District.

ralph Hill, 3d District.

john H. Farquhar, 4th District.

james G. Jones, A. A. P. Marshal-General.

W. W. Curry, 2d District.

J. H. Defrees, 10th District.

S. Colfax, 9th District.

john L. Mansfield, Maj.-Gen. Ind. Legion.

JAMES Park, Capt. P. Mar. 8th District Ind.

charles A. Ray, Judge 12th District.

A. H. Conner, Postmaster, Indianapolis, Ind.

J. T. Wright, Ch. St. Cent. Com.

indianapolis, September 12, 1864.

SOURCE: William Dudley Foulke, Life of Oliver P. Morton, Volume 1, p. 367-9

Abraham Lincoln to Major-General William T. Sherman, September 19, 1864

Executive Mansion,

Washington, D. C.

September 19^th, 1864.

Major General Sherman

The State election of Indiana occurs on the 11th of October, and the loss of it to the friends of the Government would go far towards losing the whole Union cause. The bad effect upon the November election, and especially the giving the State Government to those who will oppose the war in every possible way, are too much to risk, if it can possibly be avoided. The draft proceeds, notwithstanding its strong tendency to lose us the State. Indiana is the only important State, voting in October, whose soldiers cannot vote in the field. Any thing you can safely do to let her soldiers, or any part of them, go home and vote at the State election, will be greatly in point. They need not remain for the Presidential election, but may return to you at once. This is, in no sense, an order, but is merely intended to impress you with the importance, to the army itself, of your doing all you safely can, yourself being the judge of what you can safely do.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

SOURCE: The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. McClernand, October 21, 1862

CONFIDENTIAL.] 

WAR DEPARTMENT,

Washington City, October 21, 1862.

Ordered, That Major-General McClernand be, and he is, directed to proceed to the States of Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa, to organize the troops remaining in those States and to be raised by volunteering or draft, and forward them with all dispatch to Memphis, Cairo, or such other points as may hereafter be designated by the general-in-chief, to the end that, when a sufficient force not required by the operations of General Grant's command shall be raised, an expedition may be organized under General McClernand's command against Vicksburg and to clear the Mississippi River and open navigation to New Orleans.

The forces so organized will remain subject to the designation of the general-in-chief, and be employed according to such exigencies as the service in his judgment may require.

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 17, Part 2 (Serial No. 25), p. 282

Extraordinary Speech From A Southern Congressman

Hon. Emerson Etheridge, a member of Congress from Tennessee, recently made a speech in Indiana, and a writer to the republican press of the North gives its substance as follows:

“He exhorted his political friends to cast away all ideas of supporting a ‘Bell’ ticket in Indiana, and give their united support to Lincoln.  He advised that all efforts of the united opposition should be directed to the overthrow of the democratic party, which could be only be done by defeating their candidates as many States as possible.  He said if he lived in Indian he would vote for Lincoln, but as he lived in a State where his own ticket had a chance, he would vote for Bell.  This advice from a man of his position held by Mr. Etheridge in his party has great weight with the members of that party in Indiana.”

— Published in The Abbeville Press, Abbeville, South Carolina, Friday Morning, November 9, 1860, p. 2

John Hay to John G. Nicolay, October 13, 1864

Executive Mansion.

Washington, Oct. 13, 1864.

MY DEAR NICOLAY:

I suppose you are happy enough over the elections to do without letters. Here are two. I hope they are duns to remind you that you are mortal.

Indiana is simply glorious. The surprise of this good thing is its chief delight. Pennsylvania has done pretty well. We have a little majority on home vote as yet, and will get a fair vote from the soldiers, and do better in November. The wild estimates of Forney and Cameron, founded on no count or thorough canvass, are of course not fulfilled, but we did not expect them to be.

Judge Taney died last night. I have not heard anything this morning about the succession. It is a matter of the greatest personal importance that Mr. Lincoln has ever decided.

Winter Davis’ clique was badly scooped out in the mayoralty election at Baltimore yesterday. Chapman (regular Union) got nearly all the votes cast. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 237; Michael Burlingame, Editor, At Lincoln’s Side: John Hay’s Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings, p. 97

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, July 20, 1863

Morgan's invasion of Ohio and Indiana is likely to terminate more creditably to the Union cause than Lee's excursion into Pennsylvania. It looks as if the fellow and his force would be captured.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 379

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Sunday July 20, 1862

Camp Green Meadows, Mercer County, Virginia. — Morgan's gang, or Rebels encouraged by him, have got into Warrick County, Indiana. This is the first successful (if it turns out successful) invasion of free soil. I regret it on that account. I wished to be able to say that no inch of free soil had been polluted by the footstep of an invader. However, this is rather an incursion of robbers than of soldiers. I suppose no soldiers have yet set foot on our soil.

I wish we were near or amidst the active movements. We ought to be sent somewhere.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 307

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Saturday July 19, 1862

Some rain. Ride with Quartermaster Reichenbach to the scene of [the] Jumping Branch fight. Read with a good deal of levity the accounts of John Morgan's raid into the blue-grass region of Kentucky. It strikes me that the panic and excitement caused in Cincinnati and Indiana will stimulate recruiting; that Secesh sentiment just beginning to grow insolent in Ohio will be crushed out, and indirectly that it will do much good. All this is on the assumption that Morgan is routed, captured, or destroyed before he gathers head and becomes a power.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 307

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: February 15, 1863

Already, as if quite certain that the great Northwest would speedily withdraw from the Eastern United States, our people are discussing the eventualities of such a momentous occurrence. The most vehement opposition to the admission of any of the non-slaveholding States, whose people have invaded our country and shed the blood of our people, into this Confederacy, is quite manifest in this city. But Virginia, “the Old Mother,” would, I think, after due hesitation, take back her erring children, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, and perhaps one or two more, if they earnestly desired to return to her parental protection.

Some of the Cotton States might revolt at such a project, and even the cabinet might oppose the scheme of adding several powerful free States to the Confederacy; but it would not all suffice to prevent it, if they desire to join us. It is true, the constitution would have to be modified, for it is not to be supposed that slaves would be held in any of the States referred to; but then slavery would be recognized by its proper term, and ample guarantees would be agreed upon by the great free States which abandon the United States on the issue of emancipation.

Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, added to the thirteen Confederate States, would speedily constitute us a people of sufficient military power to defy the menaces of the arms of the greatest powers of the earth; and the commercial and agricultural prosperity of the country would amaze the world.

I am of the opinion that Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Missouri would form a league of union with Ohio, Illinois, and Indiana, even if the rest of the Southern States were to reject the alliance. But who can foresee the future through the smoke of war, and amid the clash of bayonets? Nevertheless, division and subdivision would relieve all of the burden of debt, for they would repudiate the greater part, if not the whole, of the indebtedness of both the present governments, which has been incurred in ravaging the country and cutting each other's throats. The cry will be: “We will not pay the price of blood — for the slaughter of our brothers!”

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 259-60

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: February 14, 1863

A beautiful day. Yet Gen. Lee is giving furloughs, two to each company. If the weather should be dry, perhaps Hooker will advance: a thing desired by our people, being confident of his destruction.

The papers issued extras to-day with news from the Northwest, based upon the account of a “reliable gentleman,” who has just run the blockade. He says Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, and Illinois have resolved to meet in convention, at Frankfort, Ky., for the purpose of seceding from the United States,- and setting up a confederacy for themselves, or joining the Southern Confederacy. I fear the “reliable gentleman” is not to be relied upon. Yet it would be well for the Western States, a just retribution to New England, and a very great relief to us.

Gen. Lee is urging the department to have the meat at Atlanta brought to his army without delay. It is here the army will be wanted.

I saw pigs to-day, not six weeks old, selling in market at $10 a piece.

I met Col. Bledsoe to-day, on a visit to the city, who told me Fenelon never tasted meat, and lived to be ninety years old. I am no Fenelon, but I shall probably have to adopt his regimen. I would barter, however, some of his years for a good supply of food. We must have peace soon, or a famine.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 258-9

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: February 1, 1863

The Virginia Legislature, now in session, has a bill under discussion for the suppression of extortion. One of the members, Mr. Anderson, read the following table of the prices of

AGRICULTURE PRODUCE.
Before the War.		Now.
White wheat, per bushel	$1.50	White wheat, per bushel	$4.50
Flour, per barrel	7.50	Flour, per barrel	22.00
Corn, per bushel	.70	Corn, per bushel	3.50
Hay, per hundred	1.00	Hay, per hundred	3.50
Hides, per pound	.07	Hides, per pound	.40
Beef, per pound	.08	Beef, per pound	.50
Bacon, per pound	.13	Bacon, per pound	.60
Lard, per pound	.15	Lard, per pound	1.00
Butter, per pound	.30	Butter, per pound	1.50
Irish potatoes	1.00	Irish potatoes	5.00
Sweet potatoes	1.00	Sweet potatoes	6.00
Apple brandy	1.00	Apple brandy	15.00
Wool, per pound	.30	Wool, per pound	2.00
MANUFACTURERS
Bar iron, per pound	.04	Bar iron, per pound	.20
Nails, per pound	.04	Nails, per pound	.60
Leather, sole, per pound	.25	Leather, sole, per pound	2.50
Leather, upper, per pound	.33	Leather, upper, per pound	3.50
COTTON GOODS.
Osnaburgs, per yard	.10	Osnaburgs, per yard	.75
Brown cotton, per yard	.10	Brown cotton, per yard	.75
Sheeting, per yard	.15	Sheeting, per yard	1.25
WOOLEN GOODS.
Coarse jeans	.45	Coarse jeans	4.00
Crenshaw’s gray	2.00	Crenshaw’s gray	28.00
MISCELLANEOUS.
Coarse shoes	$1.50	Coarse shoes	15.00
High-quartered shoes	3.50	High-quartered shoes	25.00
Boots	7.50	Boots	60.00
Wool hats, per dozen	7.00	Wool hats, per dozen	50.00
STOCKS.
Dividends on stocks in cotton companies, worth in May, 1861, $25 to $50 per share, now from $112 to $140

It is doubtful whether the bill will pass, as most of the members are agriculturists.

It is said and believed that several citizens from Illinois and Indiana, now in this city, have been sent hither by influential parties, to consult our government on the best means of terminating the war; or, that failing, to propose some mode of adjustment between the Northwestern States and the Confederacy, and new combination against the Yankee States and the Federal administration.

Burnside has at last been removed; and Franklin and Sumner have resigned. Gen. Hooker now commands the Federal Army of the Potomac — if it may be still called an army. Gen. R——, who knows Hooker well, says he is deficient in talent and character; and many years ago gentlemen refused to associate with him. He resigned from the army, in California, and worked a potatoe patch, Yankee like, on speculation — and failed.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 252-3

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 27, 1863

It is too true that several thousand of our men were captured at Arkansas Post, and that Little Rock is now in danger.

There seems to be no probability, after all, of an immediate advance of the enemy across the Rappahannock.

But there are eight iron-clad gun-boats and ninety sail at Beaufort, North Carolina, and, it is reported, 52,000 men. Wilmington will probably be assailed.

Mr. Foote said, yesterday, if Indiana and Illinois would recede from the war, he should be in favor of aiding them with an army against Lincoln. And all the indications from the North seem to exhibit a strong sentiment among the people favoring peace. But the people are not the government, and they sink peace and reconstruction together.

Yesterday Mr. Crockett, of Kentucky, said, in the House of Representatives, that there was a party in favor of forming a Central Confederacy (of free and slave States) between the Northern and Southern extremes. Impracticable.

To-day we have news of the bombardment of Fort McAlister, near Savannah. No result known. Now we shall have tidings every few days of naval operations. Can Savannah, and Charleston, and Wilmington be successfully defended? They may, if they will emulate the example of Vicksburg. If they fall, it will stagger this government — before the peace party in the North can operate on the Government of the United States. But it would not “crush the rebellion.”

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 247-8

Abraham Lincoln, Address to the 140th Indiana Infantry, March 17, 1865

Fellow Citizens. A few words only– I was born in Kentucky, raised in Indiana, resided in Illinois, and now here, it is my duty to care equally for the good people of all the States. I am to-day see glad of seeing it in the power of an Indiana regiment to present this captured flag to the good governor of their State. And you yet I would not wish to compliment Indiana above other states, remembering that all have done so well. There are but few aspects of this great war on which I have not already expressed my views by speaking or writing– There is one – the recent effort of our erring brethren, sometimes so-called, to employ the slaves in their armies– The great question with them has been; “will the negro fight for them?” They ought to know better than we; and, doubtless, do know better than we– I may incidentally remark, however, that having, in my life, heard many arguments, – or strings of words meant to pass for arguments, – intended to show that this negro ought to be a slave, that if he shall now really fight to keep himself a slave, it will be a far better argument why should remain a slave than I have ever before heard– He, perhaps, ought to be a slave, if he desires it ardently enough to fight for it– Or, if one out of four will, for his own freedom, fight to keep the other three in slavery, he ought to be a slave for his selfish meanness– I have always thought that all men should be free; but if any should be slaves it should be first those who desire it for themselves, and secondly those who desire it for others– Whenever [I] hear any one, even a preacher, arguing for slavery I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him peronally–

There is one thing about the negroes fighting for the rebels which we can know as well as they can; and that is that they can not, at same time fight in their armies, and stay at home and make bread for them– And this being known and remembered we can have but little concern whether they become soldiers or not– I am rather in favor of the measure; and would at any time if I could, have loaned them a vote to carry it– We have to reach the bottom of the insurgent resources; and that they employ, or seriously think of employing, the slaves as soldiers, gives us glimpses of the bottom. Therefore I am glad of what we learn on this subject—

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, Sunday Evening, August 5, 1860

Harrisburg, Pa

=Sunday Evening—

Augt 5, 1860

Dear Lincoln

— I reached Fort Wayne about 12 oclk Thursday night, & met Mr Williams at the Depot having previously Telegraphed him to meet me there– He went on with me to the next station & we talked over Indiana politics pretty thoroughly= The Breckenridge movement headed by Bright & Fitch he says, is in Earnest, & the State will go for you, no matter what the result of the October Election may be– He thinks Col. Lane will be elected, but of this he is not so entirely hopeful– The Breckenridge men have not put up a State Ticket, as you know in Indiana-- Mr Williams thinks that the naming of the Breckenridge Electoral Ticket in Indiana (a movement more formidable than in Illinios) will so far demoralize the party – as to increase greatly our chances for carrying the State in October–

Friday at 3 oclk reached Pittsburg, and remained over until 9 at night – I saw Mr Erret & Mr Williams of the Gazette– Genl Purviance not at home– Everything in Pittsburg and that region of the State, is just as we could desire it.—

The Republican vote will be immensely increased, in the West & Northwest—

– I found the opinion there as to the Central Committee pretty much as we had received it from others– I also ascertained that a meeting was appointed of some 18, or 20 of our friends – to meet in Phild. Tuesday Evening. Which I intend to attend– I expected to go to Baltimore tonight, but finding that Col Curtin will be in an adjoining County to night-morrow, I have concluded to stay & go & see him– This deranges my plans somewhat– I spent the entire day of yesterday – with Genl Cameron, & my interview has been pleasant & eminently satisfactory– He is certainly a genial, pleasant, and kind hearted man, & many prejudices that I have heretofore entertained have been removed—

– I found him, exceedingly anxious to have your views on the subject of the tariff, & that he wanted them so as to be able to assure the people of the State that they were Satisfactory to him.

Pennsylvania has been deceived so often on the subject of the Tariff, that it is not surprising that they are fearful & sensitive about it—

I explained to him, that what your views had been all your life, & that if you had entertained other views when you embarked in life that you would have had Douglas's position in the State & that the reason your speeches were not published, was, that there were no reporters in those days

I then took out your notes, and commenced reading them, stating that you wished me to present them to him– He requested me to leave them with him, & he would hand them to me at Phild– I have seen him to day, & he says he has read the notes carefully and they are abundantly satisfactory to him– Genl Cameron, says, that there is not a shadow of doubt of your carrying Pennsylvania – that you will carry it by a large majority – that Curtin will be elected – that the Bell movement amounts to nothing in the State, and that outside of Philadelphia it is literally nothing– He says that there is a lack of confidence with McClure, but that they will get along with that harmoniously

Genl Cameron also says that they do not want any money in the state – that they can raise all they need – but that if money is furnished that the amount will be magnified, & parties in the State will be jealous if they dont get some

He has also a pride not to receive money – thinks it humiliating that Pa. should receive money from NY. & Boston– He advised agt our receiving any in Illinois from abroad– more hereafter

yr frd

D Davis —

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

Mark W. Delahay to Abraham Lincoln, May 13, 1860

Tremont House,

Gage, Bro. & Drake, Proprietors

Chicago, 10 P M May 13^th 1860

Hon A Lincoln

My Dear Sir

Since your Springfield friends have been fairly located matters have been looking up. I have taken to their quarters a number of the Iowa Delegates, some of the Minnesota and all the Kansas. I have taken “Cottenwood” into my Room, he is sound. Ross & Proctor of Kansas I think can be managed their prefference is Chase. But even with the Seward Delegates you are their 2nd Choice – Greely is here as a Proxie for Origon, and is telling a Crowd now around him that NY can be carried for Bates I think he is Calculated rather to injure Seward – Some of the N. J. men talk very well as I just learned from Col Ross – and so do some of the Mass men – they say they are for a success – I have induced the Penna Delegates to stop talking about their man as an ultum attim. They have mooted one thing, that would Kill them off and I have admonished them to abandon it, which was to call Ills Ind Penna & N. J. Delegates together to harmonize between you & Cameron, such a move would appear like a “Slate” and Seward is too potent here to attempt such a meeting, his friends would probably Slate us, if it were done – I have been up late & Early and am perfectly cool & hopeful –

Delahay

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

Carson Dobbins Hay to Abraham Lincoln, March 27, 1860

Newton Jasper Co. Ills

March 27th 1860

Hon. A. Lincoln

Honored & Dear Sir

I have been highly delighted at Seeing the perfect Success of your tour East. It is very evident that nothing has transpired recently to so much advance your interest and elevate you in the minds of the people, as that short trip.

I regret you did not address the people of Pennsylvania & New Jersey. I see by the papers that you were urged by the people of those States to do so. Cant you do it yet? Those are two of the doubtful States, and we must have Pennsylvania or we are almost certainly defeated, and I believe there is no man can do as much to secure Penna. as yourself. After the meeting of the Chicago Convention it will probably be too late for you to Speak in Penna. as I think in all probability you will be chosen our Standard-bearer—

I saw one of the delegates to that Convn the other day from the Southern part of Indiana and he Said that the Indiana delegation would will go for Abraham Lincoln on the first balot. He said it was all a mistake about Indiana going for Bates. It is ascertained that the Germans are opposed to Bates, and this fact being once fully understood, will lay him on the Shelf.

I was of opinion some time since, that as it was so all important to carry Penna. it would be pollicy for us to place a Pennsylvanian at the head of the ticket, but I am now fully of the opinion that the Strongest ticket we can get is Abraham Lincoln for President and Simon Cameron for Vice P. –

I shall be at the Decatur Convention and hope to meet you there—

I must not close, without mentioning the fact that we have a little Abraham Lincoln at our house, about twenty four hours old– His arrival created something of a Stir in our little town as it got noised around that your Honor was at Mr Hays, and Several persons were on their way to call on you, when it was discovered that it was not the original, but only a namesake—

I hope you will not think I am trying to flatter you . . . What I write comes from the bottom of my heart –

Believe me very Sincerely and Truly Your Friend and Humb. Sevt.

C. D. Hay

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Sunday, October 5, 1862

At home to favor foot. Much better in the afternoon, and rode over to Insane Asylum to see Hooker. Was glad to find him much improved. He said we had plenty of good officers, and that all the courage, ability and genius we needed could be found among our Volunteer Colonels. He then said that an aide of McClellan's had been down to see him with an inquiry as to how soon he would be able to take the field, and expressing his confidence with hints of important command of army moving from Washington. He expressed the belief that no decisive victory would be achieved so long as McClellan had command.

Before starting on this visit, John A. Stevens, Jr., called wishing me to see Col. Hamilton about Texas;¹ and I asked him to bring him to dinner. Accordingly both came. Secretary Stanton also, by accident, and Mr. Montgomery, by Katie's invitation. After dinner, Col. Hamilton spoke fully of Texas — described his escape and hiding in the woods — said that many hundred loyal Texans were now concealed in Texas as refugees — declared that the War was a war of the oligarchy upon the people — that Slavery was the basis of the oligarchy, but that the perpetuation of slavery was not more their object, than the despotic power of the class over the mass. I entered fully into his feelings; and promised to go with him to the President's tomorrow.

After he went, Gov. Morton came in and spoke very earnestly of the condition of matters in Indiana. Apprehends State defeat on the 14th, and loss of all the Congressional Districts except Julian's, Colfax's, and perhaps Shank's. Wants Indiana Regiments in the State furloughed so that they can vote. Thinks Buell utterly unfit for command of the great army under him — is slow, opposed to the Proclamation, and has bad influence every way. Wishes me to go with him to President's about the regiments, which I promised to do tomorrow.

______________

¹ Andrew Jackson Hamilton, 1815-1875. G. S. Denison gives an account of him in his letter of September 19, 1862, p. 314.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 100-1