Showing posts with label Emancipation Proclamation. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Emancipation Proclamation. Show all posts

Tuesday, August 20, 2024

Diary of Musician David Lane, April 13, 1863

Lebanon, April 13th, 1863.

We have lost our favorite commander, Brigadier General Poe. He is promoted to captain in the regular service, and delivered his farewell address early yesterday morning. He has won the confidence and esteem of every man in the brigade, and they deeply regret his loss. It was his disobedience of orders that saved the First Brigade from slaughter at Fredericksburg. His disobedience led to his promotion. In appearance he is just the man I would select from among a thousand for a bandit chief.

We had a riffle of excitement yesterday in camp. Early in the morning the Eighteenth and Twenty-second Michigan Regiments were ordered to leave for Murfreesboro, Tennessee. The officers of these regiments, in common with others, have employed negroes as servants. Kentucky is violently opposed to the President's Emancipation Proclamation. Here was a fine opportunity for a Kentucky General to show the "Abolitionists" that his state was not included in that pronunciamento. As the Eighteenth was about to board the cars, General Manson, commander of this post, ordered them to halt and deliver up all negroes in the regiment. Upon inquiry it was found that all, except one, were Kentucky negroes, and were given up. This did not satisfy; he must have the free man also. The Sixteenth Kentucky Infantry and the Twelfth Kentucky Cavalry are doing post duty here. These General Manson ordered to form in line of battle, and again demanded the surrender of the negro. But Michigan was not to be intimidated. Colonel Doolittle resolutely refused, formed his men for battle with loaded guns and fixed bayonets, and defiantly bade the Kentuckian to "come and take him." Not caring to attack with only two to one, General Manson sent for the Seventy-ninth New York to come and help him, but the gallant Colonel of that regiment replied: "I am not fighting Michigan men." In the meantime General Burnside had been telegraphed for orders. He replied: "I have nothing to do with it." Colonel Doolittle then telegraphed the War Department, and is now awaiting orders. The Eighteenth lay with their arms beside them all last night, apprehensive of an attack. They kept the negro.

We have a fine camping ground, nearly as good as at Newport News. The brigade is encamped in the form of a square. There is a spring of water in the center. In our front is the City of Lebanon, a place nearly as large as Jackson, and old enough in appearance to have been built in the middle ages. On our right and left are splendid farms, on which negro slaves are busily engaged plowing and planting. In our rear is a piece of timber from which we supply ourselves with fuel. We have thickly planted the borders of our streets with evergreen trees, which not only gives our camp a picturesque appearance, but affords a comfortable shade these hot, sultry days.

Our stay here depends entirely on the movements of the Rebels. We are here to protect the loyal people of Kentucky from guerillas; also to support Rosencrans should his rear be threatened by way of Cumberland Gap. The Ninth Corps is separated into fragments; the Third Division is in Virginia; the First and Second are in Kentucky, a brigade in a place, but so situated they can be quickly concentrated at a given point. Doubtless it is pleasant, this lying in camp with nothing to do but drill and play ball, which is all the rage just now, but it is not satisfying. It may do for regulars, who have so long a time to serve, but for volunteers who enlisted to do a given amount of work, would like to do that work and go home to their families.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 39-41

Friday, March 15, 2024

Diary of Musician David Lane, October 9, 1862

Pleasant Valley, October 9th, 1862.

We moved from Antietam day before yesterday, in order, as reported, to be nearer our supplies. However, as soldiers know nothing of movements until after they are made, we may leave here today. As I was writing the last sentence, I learned we are to move this afternoon, about two miles, where we will have more room and better accommodations. The order to march is always welcome to me. I hate the monotony of camp life. The same is true of nearly all our regiment. We want to finish up our work and go home to our families—for nearly all have families. From our old camp to the present one is about twelve miles—the toughest twelve miles I ever traveled. Our route lay over the Elk Ridge Mountain, about six miles winding up its steep, rocky sides, the remaining half down the opposite side, the midday sun pouring his fierce rays against its rocky surface, making the heat well-nigh unbearable. There was not even a whispering breeze to cool our throbbing brows. Two men of our brigade melted down and died, while hundreds fell out by the way and came straggling into camp next morning. The movement was foolishly conducted on the principle of a forced march when there was no call for haste. I was quite lame at the time, having cut a deep gash in my heel a few days before, which compelled me to walk on the toe of that foot. This made walking over such a road and for so long a distance rather difficult. I fell behind the regiment for the first time, but came into camp about sundown. Some companies left nearly every man by the roadside.

On Friday Robert Covert and myself went down to the river to wash our clothing. The day was hot, and Robert went in to bathe. I was sitting on the shore, in company with others of my regiment, dreamily watching the sportive antics of the bathers, when my attention was attracted to Robert by what I thought to be a peal of laughter.

With an exclamation of horror I sprang to my feet. "My God, boys, he's sinking, drowning!" He had made but two or three strokes when taken with cramps and rendered helpless. I will long remember the pleading look, the agonized cry, as he rose to the surface. There was no time for thought; he was going down the second time; in a moment he will be beyond our reach. I cannot swim, but I seized a long pole and plunged in. It was not quite long enough to reach the place where he went down, but at that instant a man stripped for a swim rushed past me, and, holding to the end of my pole, threw his shirt to Robert as he came to the surface. He caught it, and we pulled him to the shore.

I am frequently asked how I like soldiering. For a wonder, I am not disappointed. If anything, it is more endurable than I expected to find it. There are hardships as a matter of fact, it is all hardship—but I was prepared for all that. I expected to suffer—to endure—and find myself the gainer by it. While others say: "If I had known, I would not have enlisted," I can say with truth I am glad I did. If I can be of service to my country, I will be satisfied. That which troubles and annoys me most, others do not seem to mind. It is the intolerable, nauseating stench that envelops a military camp. My olfactories have become SO acutely sensitive I can smell an encampment "afar off." Many complain of the strictness of military discipline. That does not trouble me. The law is a "terror to evil doers.” I am thankful for the many kind friends I have found here. I hail with delight the President's proclamation. I believe it is a step in the right direction.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 15-7

Tuesday, April 18, 2023

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 24, 1863

March 24.

Tonight the Paul Jones has returned from Palatka, bringing a single contraband, and the intelligence that all the slaves have been run back into the interior. The fact is, if we are ever to get black soldiers, we must make a big hole through the rebel lines so that the blacks can run back to us. Every day of waiting here is a day of strength to our fortifications, but a day of weakness to our purpose. We need nothing so much as black recruits and it seems to me that if the proclamation of emancipation is ever to be anything more than a dead letter, it must be made so before many weeks. Were the North an anti-slavery unit I should not feel at all impatient, but I believe we have more to dread from traitors at home than from their friends who fight against us here. Possibly public opinion may not continue on its anti-slavery decline at home, but if today we had fifty thousand black troops, I should feel more certain of its returning to health. I am perfectly satisfied that there is nothing in this world so dreadful to the rebels as the enlistment of their slaves in the federal service. They will resort to every possible means to prevent our getting recruits.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 378

Sunday, January 23, 2022

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Thursday, May 14, 1863

This morning we take the train for Bethel, and in about one hour we arrive at this outpost and are conducted to the barracks lately vacated by the Forty-third Ohio. We find the Seventh Iowa stationed here, who very cordially welcome the Seventh Illinois as their “Brother Crampers.” The two Sevenths soon come to a mutual conclusion that they can run this part of the line and impart general satisfaction to all concerned. It is said that smiles are not wanting for the “vandals” in these parts. In the afternoon the regiment is paraded to receive Adjutant General Thomas, who is expected to arrive on the afternoon train. After his arrival and reception by the troops, he addresses us for a short time upon the issues growing out of the emancipation proclamation, and then proceeds on his way towards Corinth.

We remain at Bethel from the fourteenth of May until June 7th, 1863. The Seventh will long remember Bethel and Henderson, Tennessee. How they stood picket; how they patroled the railroad; how they drilled; how they run the lines and sallied forth into the country; how they mingled with the chivalry and partook of their hospitality; how they sat down and talked with the beautiful, and how they listened to their music, “Bonnie Blue Flag” and “Belmont;" how the citizens flocked to our lines; how the boys traded “Scotch snuff” to the gentle ones for chickens, butter and eggs. Yes, Bethel and Henderson will long live on memory's page.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 170-1

Sunday, January 9, 2022

WASHINGTON, Sept. 25 [1862].

Hon. Eli Thayer’s scheme for colonization by armed men of Southern States meets with much favor by the President, Secretary of war and others.  It has been discussed several times in Cabinet meetings, and will probably soon receive formal official sanction.

The project contemplates an expedition of 10,000 colonists enlisted for 6 months and supplies with transportation, subsistence, arms and a guard by the government, whose business it shall be to hold, occupy and possess the public lands of Florida and other lands belonging to rebels, and seized under the law of the last session of Congress for non-payment of direct tax.

Mr. Thayer promises, if allowed to carry out his plan entire, to bring Florida into the Union as a free State by the first February next.  Texas and Virginia are already talked of as States to be subjected to the same process.

This, like the proclamation of this morning, will be another step in the path of a more vigorous policy which the Administration, in its proclamation of freedom, advertised that it should henceforth pursue.

Surgeon General Hammond has returned from the battle-field of Antietam, where he has been stopping at McClellan’s headquarters.  He thinks the whole number of Union killed will come within 1,200, and from a careful inspection of hospitals and lists of those brought off, judges that the wounded will not exceed 6,000.  Maj. Davis, Assistant Inspector General, informed him that he himself had caused to be buried 3,000 of the rebel dead left on the field from which he estimates their wounded to be at least 10,000.

S[u]rgeon General Hammond saw, as a part of the fruits of our victory, twenty-seven standards, which we captured from the rebel regiments, and also reports among our spoils twenty or thirty thousand small arms, mostly those left by the enemy along the line of their retreat.

A man signing himself R. P. Noble communicated to this evening’s Star a statement, which he professes to make on direct information, that Col. Ford did not evacuate Maryland Heights until he had received the fourth and peremptory order from Col. Miles to do so—and besides, his long range ammunition has been exhausted.  He asks a suspension of opinion.

SOURCES:  The Union Sentinel, Osceola, Iowa, Saturday, October 18, 1862, p. 2, the right side of the article was caught be the seam of the bound newspaper volume and torn on the right side of the column leaving only an average of about 3 to 4 words per line. I was able to do a search on Newspapers.com and found the same article in the Muscatine Weekly Journal, Muscatine Iowa, Friday, October 3, 1862 p. 1. It is this article that I have here transcribed.

Wednesday, November 3, 2021

Abstract of the Report of Mr. John Eaton, Freedmen's Superintendent for Tennesee

Prepared, for the President, by the
American Freedmen's Inquiry Commission.
__________________

Abstract of Mr. John Eaton's Report.

He was appointed by the General commanding in the Department of Tennesee to assume general supervision of the Freedmen Dec. 17. 1862.

He states forcibly the difficulties of his new and untried field; and acknowledges the considerate attention and support ever given to him by the General commanding.

The negroes were flocking in and swarming confusedly around the military post.

The first thing was to gather and tabulate the statistics of their number & condition.

Statistics.

There were, or had been, over twenty-two thousand colored refugees under the care or observation of the various Superintendents at Corinth, Grand Junction, Memphis, La Grange, Providence La. Cairo Ill. Jackson Tenn., and Columbus Ky.

Some of these had, in various ways, gone back to slavery; others had found Northern homes.

General statistics were gathered concerning 6747 persons at Corinth, Grand Junction and Memphis. Of these 1372 were men, 2224 women, and 1372 children. About half of these were Africans; the rest of mixed blood. About a hundred were mechanics; about a thousand cooks or laundresses. Nearly two hundred could read, and about forty read and write.

Clothing.

They usually came within our lines wretchedly clad, some having hardly enough to cover their nakedness, a few, however, had borrowed good clothing of their masters, for their journey.

They were generally soon made comfortable in this respect by supplies from the Government, and by gifts from the North.

Shelter.

They were sheltered in tents, in barracks or in old or deserted houses; but in many cases, men made cabins for themselves.

Rations.

In most cases soldiers rations were issued to them as soon as they came; at some places however not until later. The rations seem to have generally been sufficient and satisfactory.

Property brought with them.

They brought in with them horses, oxen, mules, wagons, yokes, chains &c, besides some cotton; of which they had “spoiled the Egyptians—”.

Much of this property however was taken from them by officers and soldiers who appropriated it to their private use; the rest was turned over to the Quarter-master. So generally were they rewarded for having spoiled their and our enemies, by being spoiled in return, that it is noted as a remarkable fact, that they were righteously allowed at La Grange, to sell two ox-teams for their own benefit.

Hospital Arrangements.

Many fell sick; and in most cases, they seem to have been, all things considered, well provided for in hospitals, and to have been kindly treated.

It is reported however that at Memphis, there was shameful neglect and mismanagement on the part of surgeons and officials.

Treatment by Officers & Others.

Where they were gathered in Camps, located near our forces, they seem to have suffered a good deal of brutal treatment at the hands of the soldiers; especially at first, when white guards alone were employed.

When removed from the vicinity of the army, and especially since colored guards have been employed, the evils have lessened.

The Superintendent generally reports that they have had assistance and encouragement in their work of beneficence from the superior officers and U. S. Officials.

Too often however, the soldiers and lower officers, have shown their contempt for the work's of mercy; and have treated the colored people most brutally. This of course encouraged vicious and disloyal citizens to follow the bent of their prejudices and passions, and to heap upon the poor refugees indignities and cruelties of the most abominable kind.

Labor and Service

It seems by the report from the various posts that most of these people were supposed to have merely exchanged masters; and were expected as a mater of course to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for the United States without pay and even without clothing.

To a question upon this matter the following replies were given:

Corinth  “All men except the infirm, and few for camp were employed. All women, saving those having large families, or small children; — generally reported industrious and faithful, when well-treated. Many have worked from 2 to 12 months, and never received a cent, or a rag, yet, as reward, alike as private servants, and Government employees.

Cairo  “Many employed in Quarter Master Department & Post-Hospitals. Cannot give definite numbers.

Gnd Junction  “All the men, but feeble, employed by Government, or individuals, or in camp; — have cut wood and lumber — handled goods, erected defences. One hundred and fifty went to Vicksburg, — many in Q. M. and Commissary Departments. Women & children pick cotton for Government & for private individuals.

Holly Springs and Memphis.  “A large amount for each.

Memphis.  “Average able-bodied men for the month eighty-five. Erecting cabins — preparing camp — many have been turned over to different Departments, sometimes most grossly abused; as for instance, some worked all day in water, drenched, nearly frozen, and then driven to tents for shelter, to sheds for sleep without covering and almost without fire and food. They have come back to die by scores. Wages seldom paid — none in Hospitals. The services of a large number have been stolen out-right.

Bolivar. “None employed by individuals; many for Government; building fortifications; cutting wood, rolling logs, running saw mills, and in Q. M. Dp'ts. and Hospitals no general system of pay.

Providence  Digging canal — picking cotton.

Assistants.

There is no mention of any lack of assistants. Besides those regularly employed some have volunteered and done good service.

Instruction.

There seems to have been no regular provision for instructions. Some good Samaritans volunteered to teach on Sunday, and at other times; and there were, at some posts, schools kept regularly for a few weeks.

Mention is made of preparations to build school-houses.

Motives for coming into our lines.

All the testimony goes to show that the slaves had almost universally a strong desire to be free, and a vague idea that fleeing to the enemies of their masters would make them free.

The immediate cause of their running away, was, in a great many cases, a fear of being baulked of freedom by being sold “down South”. Many alledge cruel treatment as the cause. They seldom however manifest any desire of revenge upon their masters.

Some had a clear and precise idea that the war was to bring emancipation, and acted upon that idea.

They seem to have left their homes reluctantly, and only to gain freedom; for they all manifest strong local attachment; they wish to return to their homes if they can go there as free men; and never wish to go Northward, unless urged by fears of being re-enslaved.

The fact that, although free, they are obliged to work does not appear to have surprised them, or to have made them repent their flight.

Of their intelligence.

Most of the Superintendents say they were agreeably surprised at the degree of intelligence shown by the refugees. They seem to have a concealed stock of ideas and knowledge, and to draw upon it in case of need. Many who usually seemed stupid, and were held to be nearly idiotic, showed great ingenuity in shirking what they deemed overtasks; and they became bright and clever when it came to contriving means for escaping from bondage.

Their ideas of freedom,

vary of course with their degree of intelligence. There was a general idea that freedom would come as the result of the war. They wished to be free from the necessity of working for others, but not from the necessity of working for themselves.

Their ideas of property

varied likewise with their intelligence, though all had a distinct sense of ownership of certain property, as their kitchen utensils, and the like. These were “their own, not master's”. The more intelligent extended the idea of ownership to other things. Some had been accumulating money for many months in view of their flight.

Honesty.

The general testimony is that they had no sense of honesty, as towards their masters and oppressors. Towards their friends and others, they seem to be about on the same moral plane as other people of like grade of culture.

One Superintendent says:

“I verily believe that their habits in this particular have not been so thoroughly prostituted by the influence of all the centuries of their degradation in slavery as have those of our patriot soldiery, in two years of war.”

Their willingness to work .

when they have any pay or hopes of pay is almost universally vouched for. In many cases they worked patiently and faithfully even when not paid, and not fully assured that they would be paid.

The Superintendent at Corinth says:

“So far as I have tested it, better than I anticipated. They are Willing to work for money, except in waiting on the sick. One hundred and fifty hands gathered 500 acres of cotton in less than three weeks — much of which time was bad weather. The owner admitted that it was done quicker than it could have been done with slaves. When detailed for service, they generally remained till honorably discharged, even when badly treated. I am well satisfied, from careful calculations, that the freedmen of this Camp and District have netted the Government, over and above all their expenses, including rations, tents, &c., at least $3000. per month, independent of what the women do, and all the property brought through our lines from the rebels.”

Religion.

The universal testimony is that they have a strong religious disposition. They have great veneration. They have in their stock (or race), all the elements upon which can be grafted true religion, which will bring forth abundant fruit in good works. As yet however they show only emotional religion. They pray, sing, shout hallelujahs, and make a great religious display, but they have never been taught to live religious lives.

The Superintendent at Holly Springs and Memphis bears striking testimony upon to the truth of this:

“Great majority religious.— They are Baptists or Methodists. Their notions of the leading doctrines of the Bible are remarkably correct— Justification, repentance, faith, holiness, heaven, hell,. They are not troubled, like educated white men, with unbelief.

“Notions of doctrine better than to be expected. Practices not always in accordance with their notions, as is also true of other colors. Have been taught to make their religion one of feeling, not necessarily affecting their living. If one finds himself susceptible to religious excitement or sentiment, he is a religious man, though at the same time he may lie, steal, drink, and commit adultery.”

Their Marital Relations,

in the language of the Superintendent at Corinth, “were all wrong”.

Neither they nor their fathers had been allowed to marry, “as white folks do.” They understood that the main object of their masters in bringing the sexes together was to have them beget children; therefore they argued they might promote that object out of, as well as in, marriage bonds.

Three of the Superintendents report thus:

“Most of them have no idea of the sacredness of the marriage tie; declaring that marriage, as it exists among the whites, has been impossible for them. In other cases, the marriage relation exists in all its sacredness without legal sanction.

“The greater number have lived together as husband and wife, by mutual consent. In many cases, strongly attached and faithful, though having no legal marriage.

“They know what marriage is among the whites, but have yielded to the sad necessity of their case. Generally, I believe the men to be faithful to the women with whom they live, and the women to reward their faith with like truth. Free and married, they will maintain the marital relations as sacredly as any other race.

The policy of Arming the Refugees,

is urged by all the Superintendents. One says:

“I believe in giving them their freedom by their swords. Policy and humanity say, Arm the negro. History affords all the necessary precedents for liberating slaves and arming them as soldiers, to fight in defence of their county. Blacks fought in the Revolutionary struggle, and in the War of 1812. Let them fight in the war for their own liberty.”

The Superintendent at Memphis takes up the same strain and says:

“Yes, arm him! It will do him worlds of good. He will know then that he has rights, and dare maintain them — a grand step towards manhood. Arm him! for our country needs soldiers. These men will make good soldiers. Arm him! for the rebels need enemies, and heaven knows the blacks have reason to be that. Once armed and drilled, the black man will be an enemy the rebels will neither love nor despise. Arm him, and let the world see the black man on a vast scale returning good for evil, helping with blood and life the cause of the race which hated, oppressed and scorned him.”

Finally the Superintendent at La Grange says:

“Arm them at once. We can hurt the rebels more by the use of the negro than by any others means in our power. Arm him — use him; do it speedily. Why leave him to labor for our enemy, and thus keep up the strife? Arm him — he is a man — he will fight — he can save the Union. I pledge you and the world they will make good soldiers.”

Mr. Eaton assumes the facts thus reported to him by various Superintendents as premisses from which he draws his conclusions and upon which he bases his plan for the

Management of the colored refugees.

The main facts are:

First, — that nearly twenty three thousand slaves have fled to our lines in that Departments.

Second.— that, save a very few returned to slavery, the great majority have disappeared from official notice by fusing in with the general population, and earning their livelihood by labor which is profitable to themselves and to the community.

Third.— That a small proportion only of these have ever been dependent upon the Government; the greatest number of full rations ever issued being only 5500.

The whole cost of their support and supervision has been far less than what has been gained by Government; for if, by stretch of fancy, we suppose them to be paid their wages, the rate of these wages is so much less than their real value that a large margin of profit remains. In his words: “if the Freedmen could be, and were excluded from this Department, and white laborers employed, the Government would pay out forty-two thousand six hundred and sixty-one dollars per month, more than it now does for the same work, and the support of all idle and feeble Freedmen.”

Moreover their labor, while its loss cripples the rebellion, aids our cause in various ways.

Fourth.— That it is morally certain that the Exodus from Slavery will largely increase.

In his words: “Should the knowledge of the Proclamation continue to increase and general destitution prevail in the rebellious districts, what may we not expect? Already in certain quarters they receive but one meal of meat pr. day, they have not had their regular supply of clothing since the out-break of the rebellion. I have conclusive evidence that in the very centres of Alabama the slave population is already possessed of no indifferent idea of what the Proclamation declares in their behalf.”

Fifth.— That there should be some clear and well defined provision made by Government for the management of such of the refugees as do not at once fuse in with the community, and especially during the early part of their sojourn within our lines.

He then proposes plan, the main features of which are these: “A distinct class of officers could be provided similar to the various military corps, the Engineer, medical, the Chief directly responsible to the Secretary of War, a subordinate reporting so far as necessary to each Department Commander, and his subordinates located at Posts or centres of Districts, where the presence of these freed people require supervision and where their labor on the soil may be safe from guerrilla or other barbarities.”

x x x

“The supervisors of freedmen held to most rigid accountability, guarded against any corruption, also by the presence of the officer of another Department, holding themselves military rank, vested with competent authority, and supported by a military organization of blacks at their command either as militia or regular troops or both, should enroll all blacks, men, women and children, put in the hands of each the description of his person, location, employment or name of employer; requiring all not voluntarily engaging according to fixed or reasonable rates with authorized persons, to labor under the direction of Government agents who should have charge of camps in which there should be ample provision for the industry whether mechanical, horticultural or agricultural, of all coming in and not otherwise employed; also fit provision for sick, for all permanently or temporarily dependent, whether old, young, or infirm, all contracts should be made through the proper Superintendent, and recorded, and none should be changed without his consent, or broken without punishment to the offender; there should be no change of location without his permit. This supervision should permit no abuse, should guard all relations between man and man, should lay at once the foundations of society, providing schools supported by tax upon property or income from labor alike in communities and in camps, requiring the attendance of all with certain limitations of age and season; enforcing the laws of marriage, of the relations of husband and wife, child and parent, during the minority of the former, opening alike communities and camps for religious instruction to well disposed and properly authorized persons who might come to labor among them; should regulate all trade, not only so that it might not aid the rebellion, but so as to free the blacks from imposition invited by their ignorance, indeed, should meet according to order every exigency arising in the affairs of these freed people, whether physical, social or educational, so far as is possible and is accordant with the genius of our free institutions, and the spirit of American Christian civilization.

“The exercise of military authority being entirely under control of the Executive, could not only adjust itself to all grades of intelligence and enterprise among these people and to current changes, but be withdrawn in part or altogether at any moment desirable.”

Mr Eaton recommends that, whenever feasible the refugees should be put to work upon lands abandoned and forfeited by rebels.

“In all cities”, he says, “the management of these people becomes a matter especially important. In Memphis there are a large number either idle, concealed in byways, in old houses, or controlled by the money of the disloyal, or otherwise vicious or criminal. Supt Fisk states probably one third of the blacks about town are employed by persons in no wise heartily loyal, while the calls of the various branches of military service, for the labor of contrabands, are beyond any possibility of supply, and significantly asks ought not the Government interest in the entire control of all contraband labor be protected! The Plan, suggested among its other features, by giving every colored man a recorded status, a copy of which he carries with him, not only protects him against abuse, but meets this difficulty by allowing him never to change location, or him or his employer to alter their contract without the consent of the Superintendent.”

Mr. Eaton closes his Report with the following summary of his plan for the management of the colored refugees.

“I. Special military provision, as necessary alike to the full military effect of the Proclamation upon the armed rebellion; to the interests of the people declared free, equally with respect to their safe, comfortable and useful conduct through the transition from slavery to freedom, and their fit preparation for their new privileges; Also to the security against servile insurrections and the speediest restoration of Government authority over rebellious States, — of military in preference to civil form, because martial law must prevail over these regions during the war; because more simple, avoiding undesirable questions and complications; and because more easily adjusted to all necessities and changes.

“II. A district corps of officers, especially fit in ability and character — the Chief at Washington, subordinates with Commanders of Departments, and in each District, where necessary, finding their assistants — as far as practicable, among worthy soldiers, unfitted by disease or wounds for active field service.

“III. At points of sufficient security on our coasts or rivers, or near military posts, they receive, locate, record and furnish a copy of written statistics to every colored person, without which he is subject to arrest; according to orders and instructions from the President or Secretary of War, adopt a complete system of regulations, and adjust them to the individual social and educational necessities of these people, enlisting as many able-bodied men as is expedient, either as regular troops or militia, and securing the industry of all as far as possible.

“IV. These regulations should provide for the co-operation of the supervisors of freed people with the corresponding officer or officers of the Treasury Dep't, who should regulate the possession and use of lands, collect taxes, and disburse funds.

“These regulations should provide industry in camps or otherwise for all who did not seek it voluntarily of those occupying lands by authority of the Treasury Dep't; they should provide support, by tax on property or labor, of asylums in connection with camps for all dependent; and of schools in camps and communities, which all, with certain limitations of season and age, should be required to attend; they should facilitate the labors of all authorized persons seeking to promote the good of these people, physically, morally or religiously; employing from among them teachers for the Government schools, and where their labor is rendered gratuitously, furnish rations, quarters and transportation. They should regulate all trade among these freed people, all contracts with them, and punish their violation; and provide for the investment in lands or U. S. Securities of their savings; they should specially enforce the sacredness of the family, of the relation of husband and wife, parent and wif — child, that these people may be introduced the most speedily to the knowledge and practice of all the duties and amenities of Citizenship.”

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Accessed November 3, 2021.

Friday, October 29, 2021

Stephen Duncan to Mrs. Mary Duncan, August 25, 1863

Natchez.
August 25th
1863
My Dear Mary

I trouble you with a line on the subject of our affairs, hoping that you may be able to communicate the substance to some person or persons having influence with the U. S. Govmt.— In the first place — allow me to say I have no cause of complaint against President Lincoln's Proclamation as a War Measure. All Goverments must possess the right & the power of self-preservation, — & to use all means & measures calculated to secure this end. The President, therefore, had the right to proclaim freedom to the slaves — if he deemed the exercise of the right necessary & essential to the suppression of the Rebellion — but — I think there is just ground of complaint against its indiscriminate application to friends as well as enemies & it is unfortuneately too true that its injurious effects are felt certainly by three friends (& probably five) where two enemies suffer. This is hard because the friends were powerless against the numbers opposed to them. It is further hard — because the Confiscation Act is less [incessing?] in its destruction. It discriminates, & only operates on those found in actual rebellion with officers or soldiers in the Rebel ranks or those holding civil offices under the Rebel Govmt. If possible — this great grievance should be remedied. It furnishes a strong argument against the U. S. Govmt — which the secessionists do not fail to use, — & use freely. Why would not the President allow the Army officers commanding districts — to exercise a sound discretion in bringing the Proclamation to bear on the inhabitants of their respective districts? But again — there is a strong & daily increasing desire to return to the Union, — under a pledge to the adoption of a gradual system of emancipation. Efforts are now making to bring this about.— Already the converts are numerous — very numerous, & among those — too — most actively engaged on the secession side. All that is now wanting to give success to this movement is some official assurance that the rights of property holders (of any description) will be recognized on our return to the Union with the pledge on our part that immediately thereon a system of gradual emancipation shall be adopted by our State Legislature — on just & equitable terms (without compensation in money, but liberal terms as to time.) Can the Govmt ask more than this? Could the people of the Northern & Western States desire more? Would it not be infinitely (& to all intents & purposes) better for them than Emancipation under the Proclamation? The people of the U. S. Govmt cannot be benefitted by the total & sudden prostration of our productive powers! by the extinction of our entire prosperity. If we are to live again under one Union & one Govmt — we must live in mutual dependence on each other. Taxes for the payment of the Govmt debt cannot be collected from a people utterly ruined. The sudden emancipation of our slaves would so reduce the value of the lands — that the fee simple would not sell for as much as could & would be collected from the people when in the enjoyment of their rights as slaveholders. But — is it not important to bring back as speedily as possible the States of Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas, & Tennessee? How long after would it be before Alabama, Georgia, Florida, & North Carolina would follow the example? I cannot think otherwise than that the Govmt of the U. S. ought at once (& without a months delay) to invite the people of these States to return to the Union. It wants but some assurance that they will be treated as the Prodigal Son (so beautifully illustrated in the Scriptures) & they will gladly manifest their penitence if they can be assured that their acknowledgment will not be spurned & scorned: (signed) Stephen Duncan.

SOURCE: Papers of Abraham Lincoln at the Library of Congress, Accessed October 27, 2021

Tuesday, August 17, 2021

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Friday, January 16, 1863

This morning the boys are seen wending their way to the timber to chop wood. It is very cold, and the boys are kept busy getting fuel. It snows all day, and except those detailed to get wood, the boys keep close around the camp fires, busily engaged at something. Some talking of home and friends, some about the armies, and others about the Emancipation Proclamation. Some are perusing old Waverlys, and others amusing themselves with Harper's cuts, one has a volume of Shakspeare with his mind following intently the dramatic play of Edward the "three times.” We are wondering now, how the leaders of northern democracy would feel could they hear the comments made, and the anathemas heaped upon their devoted heads by the soldiers, sitting around the winter camp-fires to-night in Mississippi. We are of the opinion that they would not consider themselves very much flattered.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 131

Tuesday, August 3, 2021

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Thursday, January 1, 1863

The new year dawns peacefully, but not with a nation at peace. 1862 has been a year of blood, and 1863 may be likewise, for the loyal soldiers, with their bayonets, stand beneath the Union's battle-flag, all over this land, eager to follow it down where treason lifts its hydra-head ready to engage in the carnival of blood. To-day we are reminded that Lincoln's great proclamation takes effect. A chained race is declared free.

The Seventh's boys are now discussing the expediency of this proclamation. We discover that it has its advocates and its opposers among the members of the Seventh, some being fanatical in its praise, and others bitter in its denunciation, but the time will come when all will view this proclamation as the most powerful blow against the slave-holder's rebellion.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 126-7

Sunday, June 20, 2021

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Thursday, September 25, 1862

To-day, in every direction, we can see the Seventh boys reading the papers (for by the way, the Seventh is a reading regiment,) and from every quarter comes bitter denunciations against the enemies of Pope, and laudations upon Abraham Lincoln for having the backbone and the wisdom to issue at this turbulent and threatening period the great emancipation proclamation. We hail this as one of the most powerful blows against rebellion; the freedom of the slave paving the way for the advance of free thought.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 87-8

Monday, November 16, 2020

Diary of Caroline Cowles Richards: September 22, 1862

I read aloud to Grandfather this evening the Emancipation Proclamation issued as a war measure by President Lincoln, to take effect January 1, liberating over three million slaves. He recommends to all thus set free, to labor faithfully for reasonable wages and to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense, and he invokes upon this act “the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.”

SOURCE: Caroline Cowles Richards, Village Life in America, 1852-1872, p. 145-6

Sunday, September 27, 2020

Dr. Seth Rogers to his Daughter, Sunday Evening, January 11, 1863

Sunday evening, January 11, 1863.

At service today the President's proclamation was read and the Colonel asked all who wanted to fight for liberty, to say “Aye.” The response would have satisfied greater enthusiasts than uncle Abraham. . . .

I have lost more than one hour's sleep since coming here, listening to the coughing of the soldiers in the night and in trying to contrive plans to meet the more obvious causes. In a climate so damp and with change of temperature so great between midday and midnight, I have steadily felt the importance of some means by which the soldier's A tents could, with their clothing, be more effectually dried and purified than is ordinarily done by the sun. To have a fire in a tent 7 x 8 for four men, without fireplaces, stove, or even an opening in the top, did not seem quite feasible, but we are trying in James's and one other company, an experiment which is likely to prove a success. Remembering the antiseptic influence of wood smoke, and also the primitive cabins from which many of our people came, we have, this evening, had fires built in the centre of the tents, the floor boards in the middle being removed and a hole being dug in the sand for the fuel. The soldiers enjoy this scheme. After the smoke ceases, the beds of coals make the tents seem very cosy. The Colonel is not backward in favoring every hygienic measure that offers any good to the soldiers. A few days experiment with two companies will settle the question by comparison of sick lists.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 343

Saturday, August 22, 2020

Dr. Seth Rogers to his Daughter, January 1, 1863

January 1, 1863

This is the evening of the most eventful day of my life. Our barbecue was a most wonderful success. Two steamboats came loaded with people from Beaufort, St. Helena Island and Hilton Head. Among the visitors were some of my new acquaintances. My friend, Mr. Hall of the voyage on the Delaware. But the dearest friend I found among them was Miss Forten, whom you remember. She is a teacher of the freed children on St. Helena Island. Gen. Saxton and his father and others came from Beaufort, and several cavalry officers hovered around the outskirts of our multitude of black soldiers and civilians, and in the centre of all was the speakers’ stand, where the General and our Colonel and some others, with the band, performed the ceremonies of the day. Several good speeches were made, but the most impressive scene was that which occurred at the presentation of the Dr. Cheever flag to our regiment. After the presentation speech had been made, and just as Col. Higginson advanced to take the flag and respond, a negro woman standing near began to sing “America,” and soon many voices of freedmen and women joined in the beautiful hymn, and sang it so touchingly that every one was thrilled beyond measure. Nothing could have been more unexpected or more inspiring. The President's proclamation and General Saxton's New Year's greeting had been read, and this spontaneous outburst of love and loyalty to a country that has heretofore so terribly wronged these blacks, was the birth of a new hope in the honesty of her intention. I most earnestly trust they may not hope in vain.

Col. Higginson was so much inspired by the remarkable thought of, and singing of, the hymn, that he made one of his most effective speeches. Then came Gen. Saxton with a most earnest and brotherly speech to the blacks and then Mrs. Frances D. Gage, and finally all joined in the John Brown hymn, and then to dinner. A hundred things of interest occurred which I have not time to relate. Everybody was happy in the bright sunshine, and in the great hope. The ten oxen were eaten with hearty relish and barrels of molasses and water and vinegar and ginger were drunk to wash them down. Mr. Hall, Miss Forten and some others took dinner with us.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June,1910: February 1910. p. 340-1

Tuesday, June 9, 2020

De Witt C. Chipman to Abraham Lincoln, February 29, 1864

De Witt C. Chipman,
Collector.
Collector's Office, 11th Indiana District,                  
Noblesville, February 29 A. D. 1864
Dr Sir

Enclosed find a circular signed by S C Pomeroy and franked by Blow. It is marked “private” As I do not recognise the right of any man to send me such a document, with an injunction of “private” upon a matter of such commanding public importance as the Presidency I take the liberty of enclosing it to you

This circular has been forwarded to the Collectors in Indiana, but at a meeting of several of them at Indianapolis on the 23 instant when this state Instructed for you, every one of them declared for you. It was understood then and there that Secretary Chase would remove all who did not actively take the field for him and against you. But they did not and could not believe that Chase was a party to this affair. His high character hitherto, and his spotless integrity precluded the suspicion of it. But whether he did or did not the threat of removal hanging over them in terrorum did not make a single one falter I said then and stand by it now, that my official head might be elevated as high as Hamans Galows before I would be driven to the support of any man I knew you 20 odd years ago in Tazewell Co Illinois as a Lawyer, and do not propose to be bamboozled or driven from my preferinces

The slanderous and disgraceful charges contained in that circular, amounting to legal scandalum magnatum will be rejected by a Country which sees the administration exposing corruption, extravigance and rascality wherever found and pushing a victorious war all over the rebellious territory.

When you issued the Emancipation Proclimation, you did an act which history will chronicle and posterity recognise as the most imperishable monument of Liberty and Justice in the annals of time.

Mr President you are safe, for that Providence which you invoked and that considerate mankind which you appealed to will perpetuate your name among the illustrious benefactors of mankind.

I trust that you will regard this circular as a sufficient excuse for writing this letter, and believe that I am animated by the kindest wishes for your welfare, and the best interest of our Common Country

The enclosed piece of poetry will demonstrate the high estimate which time and sober judgements will place upon that Proclamation

With sentiments of the
highest respect I beg leave to
subscribe myself your obidient
Servant

De Witt. C. Chipman
To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln,
            Washington D. C.

SOURCE: Lincoln, Abraham. Abraham Lincoln papers: Series 1. General Correspondence. 1833 to 1916: De Witt C. Chipman to Abraham Lincoln, Monday,Pomeroy Circular. 1864. Manuscript/Mixed Material. https://www.loc.gov/item/mal3109100/.

Thursday, April 2, 2020

Minutes of an interview between the colored ministers and church officers at Savannah with the Secretary of War and Major-General Sherman, January 12, 1865 – 8 p.m.

HEADQUARTERS OF MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN,                                   
In the City of Savannah, Ga., Thursday evening,                   
January 12, 18658 p.m.

On the evening of Thursday, the 12th day of January, 1865, the following persons of African descent met, by appointment, to hold an interview with Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, and Major-General Sherman, to have a conference upon matters relating to the freedmen of the State of Georgia, to wit:

1. William J. Campbell, aged fifty-one years, born in Savannah; slave until 1849, and then liberated by will of his mistress, Mrs. Mary Maxwell; for ten years pastor of the First Baptist Church of Savannah, numbering about 1,800 members; average congregation, 1,900; the church property, belonging to the congregation (trustees white), worth $18,000.

2. John Cox, aged fifty-eight years, born in Savannah; slave until 1849, when he bought his freedom for $1,100; pastor of the Second African Baptist Church; in the ministry fifteen years; congregation, 1,222 persons; church property, worth $10,000, belonging to the congregation.

3. Ulysses L. Houston, aged forty-one years, born in Grahamville, S.C.; slave "until the Union army entered Savannah;" owned by Moses Henderson, Savannah, and pastor of Third African Baptist Church, congregation numbering 400; church property, worth $5,000, belongs to congregation; in the ministry about eight years.

4. William Bentley, aged seventy-two years, born in Savannah; slave until twenty-five years of age, when his master, John Waters, emancipated him by will; pastor of Andrew's Chapel, Methodist Episcopal Church (only one of that denomination in Savannah), congregation numbering 360 members; church property worth about $20,000, and is owned by the congregation; been in the ministry about twenty years; a member of Georgia conference.

5. Charles Bradwell, aged forty years, born in Liberty County, Ga.; slave until 1851; emancipated by will of his master, J. L. Bradwell; local preacher, in charge of the Methodist Episcopal congregation (Andrew's Chapel) in the absence of the minister; in the ministry ten years.

6. William Gaines, aged forty-one years, born in Wills County, Ga.; slave “until the Union forces freed me;” owned by Robert Toombs, formerly U.S. Senator, and his brother, Gabriel Toombs; local preacher of the Methodist Episcopal Church (Andrew's Chapel); in the ministry sixteen years.

7. James Hill, aged fifty-two years, born in Bryan County, Ga.; slave “up to the time the Union army come in;” owned by H. F. Willings, of Savannah; in the ministry sixteen years.

8. Glasgow Taylor, aged seventy-two years, born in Wilkes County, Ga.; slave "until the Union army come;" owned by A. P. Wetter; is a local preacher of the Methodist Episcopal Church (Andrew's Chapel); in the ministry thirty-five years.

9. Garrison Frazier, aged sixty-seven years, born in Granville County, N. C.; slave until eight years ago, when he bought himself and wife, paying $1,000 in gold and silver; is an ordained minister in the Baptist Church, but, his health failing, has now charge of no congregation; has been in the ministry thirty-five years.

10. James Mills, aged fifty-six years, born in Savannah; freeborn, and is a licensed preacher of the First Baptist Church; has been eight years in the ministry.

11. Abraham Burke, aged forty-eight years, born in Bryan County, Ga.; slave until twenty years ago, when he bought himself for $800; has been in the ministry about ten years.

12. Arthur Wardell, aged forty-four years, born in Liberty County, Ga.; slave until "freed by the Union army;" owned by A. A. Solomons, Savannah, and is a licensed minister in the Baptist Church; has been in the ministry six years.

13. Alexander Harris, aged forty-seven years, born in Savannah; freeborn; licensed minister of Third African Baptist Church; licensed about one month ago.

14. Andrew Neal, aged sixty-one years, born in Savannah; slave "until the Union army liberated me;" owned by Mr. William Gibbons, and has been deacon in the Third Baptist Church for ten years.

15. James Porter, aged thirty-nine years, born in Charleston, S.C.; freeborn, his mother having purchased her freedom; is lay reader and president of the board of wardens and vestry of Saint Stephen's Protestant Episcopal Colored Church in Savannah; has been in communion nine years; the congregation numbers about 200 persons; the church property is worth about $10,000, and is owned by the congregation.

16. Adolphus Delmotte, aged twenty-eight years, born in Savannah; freeborn; is a licensed minister of the Missionary Baptist Church of Milledgeville, congregation numbering about 300 or 400 persons; has been in the ministry about two years.

17. Jacob Godfrey, aged fifty-seven years, born in Marion, S.C.; slave "until the Union army freed me;" owned by James E. Godfrey, Methodist preacher, now in the rebel army; is a class leader and steward of Andrew's Chapel since 1836.

18. John Johnson, aged fifty-one years, born in Bryan County, Ga.; slave "up to the time the Union army came here;" owned by W. W. Lincoln, of Savannah; is class leader and treasurer of Andrew's Chapel for sixteen years.

19. Robert N. Taylor, aged fifty-one years, born in Wilkes County, Ga.; slave "to the time the Union army come;" was owned by Augustus P. Wetter, Savannah, and is class leader in Andrew's Chapel for nine years.

20. James Lynch, aged twenty-six years, born in Baltimore, Md.; freeborn; is presiding elder of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and missionary to the Department of the South; has been seven years in the ministry and two years in the South.

Garrison Frazier, being chosen by the persons present to express their common sentiments upon the matters of inquiry, makes answers to inquiries as follows:

First. State what your understanding is in regard to the acts of Congress and President Lincoln's proclamation touching the condition of the colored people in the rebel States.

Answer. So far as I understand President Lincoln's proclamation to the rebellious States, it is, that if they would lay down their arms and submit to the laws of the United States before the 1st of January, 1863, all should be well, but if they did not, then all the slaves in the rebel States should be free, henceforth and forever. That is what I understood.

Second. State what you understand by slavery, and the freedom that was to be given by the President's proclamation.

Answer. Slavery is receiving by irresistible power the work of another man, and not by his consent. The freedom, as I understand it, promised by the proclamation is taking us from under the yoke of bondage and placing us where we could reap the fruit of our own labor and take care of ourselves and assist the Government in maintaining our freedom.

Third. State in what manner you think you can take care of yourselves, and how can you best assist the Government in maintaining your freedom.

Answer. The way we can best take care of ourselves is to have land, and turn in and till it by our labor—that is, by the labor of the women, and children, and old men—and we can soon maintain ourselves and have something to spare; and to assist the Government the young men should enlist in the service of the Government, and serve in such manner as they may be wanted. (The rebels told us that they piled them up and made batteries of them, and sold them to Cuba, but we don't believe that.) We want to be placed on land until we are able to buy it and make it our own.

Fourth. State in what manner you would rather live, whether scattered among the whites or in colonies by yourselves?

Answer. I would prefer to live by ourselves, for there is a prejudice against us in the South that will take years to get over, but I do not know that I can answer for my brethren.

(Mr. Lynch says he thinks they should not be separated, but live together. All the other persons present being questioned, one by one, answer that they agree with "Brother Frazier.")

Fifth. Do you think that there is intelligence enough among the slaves of the South to maintain themselves under the Government of the United States, and the equal protection of its laws, and maintain good and peaceable relations among yourselves and with your neighbors?

Answer. I think there is sufficient intelligence among us to do so.

Sixth. State what is the feeling of the black population of the South toward the Government of the United States; what is the understanding in respect to the present war, its causes and object, and their disposition to aid either side. State fully your views.

Answer. I think you will find there is thousands that are willing to make any sacrifice to assist the Government of the United States, while there is also many that are not willing to take up arms. I do not suppose there is a dozen men that is opposed to the Government. I understand as to the war that the South is the aggressor. President Lincoln was elected President by a majority of the United States, which guaranteed him the right of holding the office and exercising that right over the whole United States. The South, without knowing what he would do, rebelled. The war was commenced by the rebels before he came into the office. The object of the war was not, at first, to give the slaves their freedom, but the sole object of the war was, at first, to bring the rebellious States back into the Union and their loyalty to the laws of the United States. Afterward, knowing the value that was set on the slaves by the rebels, the President thought that his proclamation would stimulate them to lay down their arms, reduce them to obedience, and help to bring back the rebel States, and their not doing so has now made the freedom of the slaves a part of the war. It is my opinion that there is not a man in this city that could be started to help, the rebels one inch, for that would be suicide. There was two black men left with the rebels, because they had taken an active part for the rebels, and thought something might befall them if they staid behind, but there is not another man. If the prayers that have gone up for the Union army could be read out you would not get through them these two weeks.

Seventh. State whether the sentiments you now express are those only of the colored people in the city, or do they extend to the colored population through the country, and what are your means of knowing the sentiments of those living in the country.

Answer. I think the sentiments are the same among the colored people of the State. My opinion is formed by personal communication in the course of my ministry, and also from the thousands that followed the Union army, leaving their homes and undergoing suffering. I did not think there would be so many; the number surpassed my expectation.

Eighth. If the rebel leaders were to arm the slaves what would be its effect!

Answer. I think they would fight as long as they were before the bayonet, and just as soon as they could get away they would desert, in my opinion.

Ninth. What, in your opinion, is the feeling of the colored people about enlisting and serving as soldiers of the United States, and what kind of military service do they prefer?

Answer. A large number have gone as soldiers to Port Royal to be drilled and put in the service, and I think there is thousands of the young men that will enlist; there is something about them that, perhaps, is wrong; they have suffered so long from the rebels that they want to meet and have a chance with them in the field. Some of them want to shoulder the musket, others want to go into the quartermaster or the commissary's service.

Tenth. Do you understand the mode of enlistment of colored persons in the rebel States, by State agents, under the act of Congress! If yea, state what your understanding is.

Answer. My understanding is that colored persons enlisted by State agents are enlisted as substitutes, and give credit to the States, and do not swell the army, because every black man enlisted by a State agent leaves a white man at home; and also, that larger bounties are given or promised by the State agents than are given by the States. The great object should be to push through this rebellion the shortest way, and there seems to be something wanting in the enlistment by State agents, for it don't strengthen the army, but takes one away for every colored man enlisted.

Eleventh. State what, in your opinion, is the best way to enlist colored men for soldiers.

Answer. I think, sir, that all compulsory operations should be put a stop to. The ministers would talk to them, and the young men would enlist. It is my opinion that it would be far better for the State agents to stay at home, and the enlistments to be made for the United States under the direction of General Sherman.

In the absence of General Sherman the following question was asked: Twelfth. State what is the feeling of the colored people in regard to General Sherman, and how far do they regard his sentiments and actions as friendly to their rights and interests, or otherwise.

Answer. We looked upon General Sherman, prior to his arrival, as a man, in the providence of God, specially set apart to accomplish this work, and we unanimously felt inexpressible gratitude to him, looking upon him as a man that should be honored for the faithful performance of his duty. Some of us called upon him immediately upon his arrival, and it is probable he did not meet the Secretary with more courtesy than he met us. His conduct and deportment toward us characterized him as a friend and a gentleman. We have confidence in General Sherman, and think that what concerns us could not be under better hands. This is is our opinion now from the short acquaintance and intercourse we have had.

(Mr. Lynch states that, with his limited acquaintance with General Sherman, he is unwilling to express an opinion. All others present declare their agreement with Mr. Frazier about General Sherman.)

Some conversation upon general subjects relating to General Sherman's march then ensued, of which no note was taken.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 47, Part 2 (Serial No. 99), p. 37-41

Major-General William T. Sherman: Special Field Orders No. 15, January 16, 1865

SPECIAL FIELD ORDERS No. 15.
HDQRS. MIL. DIV. OF THE MISSISSIPPI,                     
In the Field, Savannah, Ga.,              
January 16, 1865.

I. The islands from Charleston south, the abandoned rice-fields along the rivers for thirty miles back from the sea, and the country bordering the Saint John's River, Fla., are reserved and set apart for the settlement of the negroes now made free by the acts of war and the proclamation of the President of the United States.

II. At Beaufort, Hilton Head, Savannah, Fernandina, Saint Augustine, and Jacksonville the blacks may remain in their chosen or accustomed vocations; but on the islands, and in the settlements hereafter to be established, no white person whatever, unless military officers and soldiers detailed for duty, will be permitted to reside; and the sole and exclusive management of affairs will be left to the freed people themselves, subject only to the United States military authority and the acts of Congress. By the laws of war and orders of the President of the United States the negro is free, and must be dealt with as such.  He cannot be subjected to conscription or forced military service, save by the written orders of the highest military authority of the Department, under such regulations as the President or Congress may prescribe; domestic servants, blacksmiths, carpenters, and other mechanics will be free to select their own work and residence, but the young and able-bodied negroes must be encouraged to enlist as soldiers in the service of the United States, to contribute their share toward maintaining their own freedom and securing their rights as citizens of the United States. Negroes so enlisted will be organized into companies, battalions, and regiments, under the orders of the United States military authorities, and will be paid, fed, and clothed according to law. The bounties paid on enlistment may, with the consent of the recruit, go to assist his family and settlement in procuring agricultural implements, seed, tools, boats, clothing, and other articles necessary for their livelihood.

III. Whenever three respectable negroes, heads of families, shall desire to settle on land, and shall have selected for that purpose an island, or a locality clearly defined within the limits above designated, the inspector of settlements and plantations will himself, or by such subordinate officer as he may appoint, give them a license to settle such island or district, and afford them such assistance as he can to enable them to establish a peaceable agricultural settlement. The three parties named will subdivide the land, under the supervision of the inspector, among themselves and such others as may choose to settle near them, so that each family shall have a plot of not more than forty acres of tillable ground, and when it borders on some water channel with not more than 800 feet water front, in the possession of which land the military authorities will afford them protection until such time as they can protect themselves or until Congress shall regulate their title. The quartermaster may, on the requisition of the inspector of settlements and plantations, place at the disposal of the inspector one or more of the captured steamers to ply between the settlements and one or more of the commercial points, heretofore named in orders, to afford the settlers the opportunity to supply their necessary wants and to sell the products of their land and labor.

IV. Whenever a negro has enlisted in the military service of the United States he may locate his family in any one of the settlements at pleasure and acquire a homestead and all other rights and privileges of a settler as though present in person. In like manner negroes may settle their families and engage on board the gun-boats, or in fishing, or in the navigation of the inland waters, without losing any claim to land or other advantages derived from this system. But no one, unless an actual settler as above defined, or unless absent on Government service, will be entitled to claim any right to land or property in any settlement by virtue of these orders.

V. In order to carry out this system of settlement a general officer will be detailed as inspector of settlements and plantations, whose duty it shall be to visit the settlements, to regulate their police and general management, and who will furnish personally to each head of a family, subject to the approval of the President of the United States, a possessory title in writing, giving as near as possible the description of boundaries, and who shalt adjust all claims or conflicts that may arise under the same, subject to the like approval, treating such titles altogether as possessory. The same general officer will also be charged with the enlistment and organization of the negro recruits and protecting their interests while absent from their settlements, and will be governed by the rules and regulations prescribed by the War Department for such purpose.

VI. Brig. Gen. R. Saxton is hereby appointed inspector of settlements and plantations and will at once enter on the performance of his duties. No change is intended or desired in the settlement now on Beaufort Island, nor will any rights to property heretofore acquired be affected thereby.

By order of Maj. Gen. W. T. Sherman:
L. M. DAYTON,                   
Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 47, Part 2 (Serial No. 99), p. 60-2