On Sunday evening, October 5th, GeoRGE THOMPsoN, Esq. the abolitionitst, delivered a lecture
on Slavery in the Town Hall, Lowell. The spacious room was filled some time
before the commencement of the proceedings, and when Mr. Thompson began his
lecture, there were upwards of one thousand persons present. The meeting was opened
with singing and prayer.
The following is a faint sketch of Mr. Thompson's discourse,
which occupied an hour and three quarters in the delivery.
He (the lecturer) felt truly grateful for the present very
favorable opportunity of discussing before an American audience, the merits and
bearings of a question, which, more than any other that could agitate their
minds, was connected with the honor, happiness, and prosperity of the people of
this land. He besought a kind, patient, and attentive hearing. He asked no
favor for his doctrines, his arguments, or his opinions. Let these be subjected
to the severest ordeal. Let them be tested by reason, truth and scripture, and
if they squared not with the dictates and requirements of these, let them be
repudiated. The West Indies had already witnessed the operation of the great
measure, which the justice and humanity of the British Nation had obtained for
the slave. All eyes were now turned towards the United States of America, to
see if that land of Liberty, of Republicanism, of Bibles, of Missions, of
Temperance Societies, and Revivals, would direct her matchless energies to the
blessed work of enfranchising her slaves, and elevating her entire colored
population.
As a feeble and unworthy instrument in the hand of Him,
without whom there was neither wisdom, nor strength, nor goodness, he (Mr. T.)
had come amongst them to tell of the conflicts and triumphs he had witnessed in
his native land, and to encourage, and, if possible, aid his brethern here in
the accomplishment of a similarly great and glorious object. His was no
sectarian or political embassay. Higher and broader principles than those of
politics or party animated and sustained him. He came not to uphold the dogmas
of a faction, or to expound the charter of human rights according to the
latitude, longitude, clime, or color. As a citizen of the world, he claimed
brotherhood with all mankind. The medium through which he contemplated the varied
tribes of this peopled earth, was one which blended all hues, and brought out
only the proud and awful distinctive mark of one common nature — “the image of
God.” He honored that ‘image in whomsoever he found it, and would labor lest a
prize so glorious should be lost, lest a being so capable should be wretched
here and forever. Such were the views he cherished, and the principles he
maintained, and he hoped he should be enabled to discuss them with temper and
christian charity. He knew that men were all compounded of the same common
elements — all sinful, erring and guilty; and, therefore, it became not any
human being to assume the tone of innocence or infallibility, but to address
himself to others as their fellow sinner, and be grateful to God, if divine grace
had caused him in any degree to differ from the rest. He deemed such feelings
perfectly consistent with a fearless denunciation of vicious principles and
oppressive practices. Towards sin in every form, no mercy should be shown. A war of extermination should
be waged with the works of the devil, under all their manifold and delusive
appearances, and that man was the truest and kindest friend of the sinner, who,
with a bold and unsparing hand, dragged forth to light and condemnation the
abomination that would have ruined his soul.
After this introduction, the lecturer took a compendious
view of slavery as its exists in the Southern States. He spoke of it as
reducing man to the condition of a thing — a chattel personal — a marketable
brute — the property and fee simple of his fellow-man — consigning the helpless
victim to bondage, wretchedness, ignorance and crime here, and ruining his soul
forever and ever. The lecturer next proceeded to speak of the prevailing
prejudice against the free people of color, and attributed it principally to an
antichristian and guilty feeling of pride. That this prejudice did not
originate in a natural repugnance to color, was evident from the fact, that
while the colored person remained in a state of civil and intellectual degradation,
no indisposition was shown to the nearest physical approach. It was only when
the colored person attempted to rise in intellect or station to a level with
the white, that the hatred and prejudice appeared. He (Mr. T.) solemnly and
affectionately exhorted all who heard him to renounce their cruel and unholy
antipathies. This prejudice was an offence against God. The controversy was not
with him who wore the colored skin, but with the being who had formed him with
it. Who was bold enough to stand before God, and vindicate the prejudice which
dishonored and defaced the image and superscription of the Deity, as stamped
upon his creature man?
Such was the state of things in these christian States. What
was the remedy? The immediate emancipation of the whites from prejudice, and
the blacks from slavery. Mercy implored it. Justice demanded it. Reason
dictated it. Religion required it. Necessity urged it.
Fear cried, “No! The danger of immediate
emancipation!”
Prejudice exclaimed, “You want to amalgamate the races — to
break the cast to lift the blacks into our ranks. It must not be!”
A misguided Patriotism spread the alarm, “The Union is in
danger!”
Interest muttered, “You will ruin our manufactures you will
destroy our commerce — you will beggar the planter!”
Despotism vociferated, “Let my victims alone! Rob me not of
my dominion!” and a
Mistaken philanthrophy would set on foot a piecemeal
reformation, and recommend gradualism for the special benefit of the pining
slave.
Whom, then, should they obey? He boldly answered, God; who
required that men should “cease to
do evil.” But that he might not be accused of dealing only in abstract views of
this question, he would take up the various objections to immediate
emancipation, and endeavor to show that in the eye of reason and selfishness
too, they were groundless and absurd.
Mr. Thompson proceeded to prove the safety, practicability
and advantages of immediate emancipation. It would be impossible to do justice
to this part of the lecture in this brief notice.
The question was frequently asked, “Why should New England
interfere in the slave-system of the South?” Because, said Mr. T., the slaves
are your fellow-men — they are your neighbors, and you are commanded to love
them as yourselves, and to remember them in bonds as bound with them. They are
your fellow-citizens — declared to be so by your glorious Declaration of
Independence. You supply the South, and therefore are connected with this trade
of blood. You consume the produce of the South, and thus effectually promote the
cause of oppression there. You are taxed to maintain the Slavery of the South.
You are in the habit of giving up the slaves of the South who seek refuge
amongst you. Your colored citizens are liable to be seized and sold, if they go
to the South. You live under the same Constitution as the South, and are
therefore bound to amend that constitution, if it be at present unjust in any
of its parts. Your Congress has supreme control over the District of Columbia,
Arkansas, and Florida, and you ought, therefore, to call for the immediate
extinction of Slavery in these places. You exert a powerful influence over the
South and the States generally. You are able to control the destinies of the
shaves in this country. You are responsible to God for the employment of your
moral energies. Come, then, to the work. First, let the question be fairly
discussed amongst you. Do not be afraid to entertain it. Sooner or later, you
must grapple with it. The speedier the better. Discard your prejudices. Give up
your pre-conceived opinions, and bring to the consideration of this great subject,
open and impartial minds, a tender regard for the interests of your fellowman, —
a sincere and enlightened desire for your country's true honor and greatness,
and a deep sense of your accountability to God.
Mr. Thompson next addressed the ladies present, and urged
the necessity of their engaging in this work of mercy. It was not a political,
but a moral and religious question. All were called upon to labor in the cause —
all were able to do so. While some preached and lectured on the subject, others
could distribute tracts, collect contributions, and converse with their
friends. The principles of justice and truth would thus be diffused — prejudice
and ignorance would give way, and an amount of influence finally created,
sufficient to purge the stain of slavery forever from the land.
Mr. Thompson was listened to throughout with the most
profound attention, and every appearance of deep interest. The Rev. Messrs.
Rand, Twining, and Pease, were present. At the conclusion of the lecture, the
last named gentleman gave out a hymn suited to the occasion, which was sung by
the choir, and after a benediction had been pronounced, the audience separated.
SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and
Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the
United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 1-5
