Showing posts with label Wm L Yancey. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Wm L Yancey. Show all posts

Tuesday, November 24, 2020

Jeremiah Clemens to Leroy P. Walker, February 3, 1861

HUNTSVILLE, ALA., February 3, 1861.
Hon. L. P. WALKER, Montgomery:

MY DEAR SIR: There is at Pensacola an immense quantity of powder, shot, and shells, which ought to be removed to the interior at the earliest possible moment. Where they now are they are constantly exposed to the danger of recapture, and if they are permitted to remain, one of Lincoln's first movements will be to concentrate a sufficient force at that point to retake them.

In my judgment there is no hope of a peaceful settlement of our difficulties with the Government of the United States, and all our calculations should be made with reference to the breaking out of a war of vast magnitude and almost unparalleled ferocity. We had the subject of these munitions before the military committee of our Convention, but as they were on the soil of Florida, and beyond our jurisdiction, we could do nothing. Your convention will have more extensive powers.

There is still much discontent here at the passage of the ordinance of secession, but it is growing weaker daily, and unless something is done to stir it up anew will soon die away.

Last week Yancey was burned in effigy in Limestone, but I suppose it was rather a frolic of the "b'hoys" than a manifestation of serious feeling on the part of the older citizens.

I shall be glad to hear from you from time to time during the session of the Convention. 

Very truly and respectfully, your friend and obedient servant,

JERE. CLEMENS. 

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 1 (Serial No. 1), p. 447; Don Carlos Seitz, Braxton Bragg, General of the Confederacy, p. 29

Friday, December 21, 2018

Henry R. Jackson* to Howell Cobb, June 21, 1848

Savannah [ga.], 21st June, 1848.

My Dear Cousin, Since the reception of your last letter I have been so constantly occupied with some vexatious law business which has kept me on the run in Savannah and taken me up into the country, that I have actually been unable to find the letter to reply to it. I have not said so much in opposition to the Calhoun clique as was my disposition, because I did not think it altogether a prudent course. With reference to those papers of the Dem. party in Georgia that had advocated the Florida and Alabama resolution, I have not sought a collision, either with the Constitutionalist or the Telegraph, because I thought the probabilities strong that both of these papers, if let alone, would eventually come out warmly for Cass, should he be the nominee of the Convention. I did not think that angry collision would operate beneficially for the party. Therefore I contented myself with simply expressing my own views fully and firmly. As events have proved, both the Constitutionalist and Telegraph are out for Cass, and are consequently thrown into opposition themselves to the Calhoun, Yancey and Charleston Mercury clique. I think it better that this should be so than that they should have been excited into animosity by a general onslaught upon them on the part of the other presses of the State.

But in the name of all that is rational, what induced the Georgia delegates in the national convention to vote for that resolution of Yancey's1 After having voted for the nomination of Cass, how could they vote for the resolution (a pack of nonsense in itself) with the interpretation put upon it by Yancey himself? Did they not perceive that it would operate prejudicially to us in Georgia? And how could they at any rate vote for such outrageous nonsense?

My views always have coincided with yours upon this subject. I am as clear as daylight in my ideas upon it. Gen. Cass is right throughout. He has suggested the only ground upon which a Southern man can stand, and I am convinced that reflection will bring all Southern Democrats (not disposed to quit the party at any rate) to his zealous support . . .
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* A lawyer, editor, and Democratic politician of Savannah, Ga., judge of the superior court of Georgia (eastern circuit), 1849-1853, brigadier-general in the Confederate army.

1 Yancey had offered the following as an amendment to the report of the committee on resolutions at the Baltimore convention: “Resolved, That the doctrine of non-interference with the rights of property of any portion of this confederation, be it In the States or in the Territories, by any other than the parties interested In them. is the true republican doctrine recognized by this body.” This resolution was defeated, 246 to 38.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 110-1

Tuesday, December 11, 2018

James C. Dobbin* to Howell Cobb, June 15, 1848

Fayetteville [N. C], June 15th, 1848.

My Dear Sir: Your esteemed favour in reply to my first communication was duly received, and its perusal gave me no little pleasure, awakening, as it did, pleasing recollections of incidents during my brief political career in Washington.

I think, my dear sir, I am not deceived in inferring from the spirit and tenor of your letter that an occasional correspondence will not be unacceptable, and will serve but to keep alive that kindly attachment which I trust neither time nor separation will extinguish. Still, plunged as I have been for many months in the laborious practice of the law, I cannot but occasionally abandon the courthouse and stroll into the avenue of politics. They have rather forced me to consent to become a candidate for our Legislature. I have no opposition, and of course will have a quiet time, and a little dish of Legislative politics may not be disagreeable. Well, the agony is over and Cass and Butler are nominated, and Taylor and Fillmore; and although it has produced some sensation, the tickets seem to have been anticipated by the popular mind. We have had a large Democratic meeting here and responded very zealously to the nomination of Cass and Butler. Judge Strange and myself addressed them. The meeting was large, enthusiastic, and everything passed off well.

I struggled hard to prove Cass orthodox on the slavery question, and I would not have done [so] had I suspected him. And his letter to Nicholson is certainly liberal and magnanimous for a Northern man. I was provoked at Yancey's conduct in the convention. The introduction of his resolution1 was unnecessary. The resolution reported by the committee was comprehensive. There was no evidence that Cass had wrong views, and the adoption of Yancey's resolution squinted very much towards a suspicion of Cass and looked too much like pressing nice, hair-spliting distinctions on the subject upon our Northern democratic friends, whose liberality should be appreciated but not abused. My own notion is that the Territorial Legislature while legislating as such and for the Territory and for territorial purposes has no right to pass a law to prohibit slavery. Because if we adopt that doctrine we at once practically exclude the slaveholder forever. The Territory acquired is filled at the time of acquisition with non-slaveholders. The Legislature meets and a law excluding slavery is enacted. This will exclude the slaveholder, for he can't get there to repeal the law. I regard the Territory as the common property of the States. And the people of each State have a right to enjoy it with or without their peculiar property. But when the people are meeting to pass a fundamental law, to adopt a Constitution and to ask admission into the Union as a State, then the prohibition or establishment of slavery becomes a subject for legitimate action. It will not do for us to admit that the first Legislature in New Mexico can pass a law immediately and exclude every slaveholder from the territory — if we do, are we not admitting that it is not the property of each and all the States? But I do not think Cass has publicly — certainly not in his Nicholson letter — expressed any opinion contravening my position. He says “leave to the people affected by the question” its regulation. He does not say that he thinks the Territorial Legislature can prohibit it. I hope he will not say so. Because it may never in all probability become a practical question on which he as President could act. Yet the expression of such an opinion would prejudice him in the South with many, very many.

But enough of this. When you write me give me your views. I can not express to you my feelings about the Whigs' nomination. If they succeed, my confidence in popular virtue and intelligence will be a little shaken. I know much virtue and much intelligence will vote the ticket. I regard it as evidence that the Whigs are afraid of their principles. They know the people are against them. They put up “Old Zac” and surround him with a blaze of military glory, and just behind him is Fillmore lurking, holding ready to fasten upon the country all the odious and rejected measures of the Whig Party. Can they succeed? What do our friends think of it? I was pleased to see that yourself and distingue were on the tour, lionizing. That is right. I have given up South Carolina and am afraid of Georgia and Louisiana. Massachusetts will bolt. Ohio will vote for Cass, so likewise Pennsylvania. But for those miserable Barnburners, New York would be all right. The South will have a hard fight. The slavery question and “Old Zac” being a slaveholder may for a moment shake some of the faithful — but I have faith in our Principles and in Providence.

I can't say much to please you about North Carolina. Reid is doing his best. I don't think he will succeed, although he has sprung up a suffrage question which is taking well. I do think we will carry the legislature. There is a strong probability of it.

But enough of politics. Tell Stephens I heartily appreciate his remembering me so kindly and assure him that the feeling is cordially reciprocated. I like Stephens. With all his bad politics he is a generous hearted fellow and of brilliant genius.

By the by, lest I forget it, in confidence, a friend of mine wishes to go abroad. Do you know of a vacancy — Naples, Rome, Belgium, etc., etc. Remember this when you write . . .
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* Member of Congress from North Carolina, 1845-1847.

1 Proclaiming the doctrine of congressional non-intervention with slavery in the Territories. See footnote 1, p. Ill, infra.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 107-9

Thursday, April 12, 2018

George D. Phillips* to Howell Cobb, February 21, 1846

Clarksville [ga.,] 21st Feb. 1846.

Dear Sir: I have just returned from a trip to Texas and if my voice could reach Washington and my opinions have any, the slightest influence on grave Senators, that beautiful country would soon be a portion of our Confederacy. I have seen and conversed with and freely mixed with all classes and do assure you if Texas is not now annexed it never can be with their consent. The property holders and higher classes of the people are anxious for the Union but the middle and lower classe[s] decidedly oposed to it, whilst but few people of property are now immigrating to the country, and vast numbers from Ark., Misso., Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, etc., to say nothing of the swarms from foreign countries are nearly to a man against annexation. Should the measure not succeed now many of its warm advocates will drop off and the issue between competitors for Congress in Texas at their next election will be, annexation or no annexation, and when that issue comes the anti-annexationists will be in the majority. I was not fully satisfied of the importance of Texas to our country in a military point of view until I travelled into the [country]. Nor would Oregon be worth a baubee to us without Texas; [never] could protect it, and if we do not get the last I hope we will be wise enough to surrender the latter; and if I had a seat in Congress I never would favour any project for the occupation of Oregon until we had got Texas, but on the contrary throw every impediment in the way, even give it up to England or the devil.

What is Tom Benton about; is he yet sowing the wind? He will surely reap the whirlwind for his past acts. It is thought by many he will break up the harmony of the Democratic party. I think not; he may fume, fret and denounce, but he has lost caste, he is no longer the big gun he was with the people, he is denounced from Geo. to the Colorado.

What a misfortune Yancey did not bore his man through just for the honor of Old Rip;1 but whatever is, is right!

I did intend being in Washington on the 4th and see little Jemmy invested with the proud mantle of Washington and Jackson, but my long trip and the delicate state of my wife's health will prevent; so I shall remain quiet until you get home and visit us at our Court.
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* A leading Democrat of northeastern Georgia, a keen critic of public affairs.

1 This alludes to the bloodless duel between William L. Yancey, of Alabama, and Thomas L. Clingman, of North Carolina. “Old Rip” (Rip Van Winkle) was a nickname of the State of North Carolina.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 65-6

Friday, September 22, 2017

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: July 30, 1863

Raining still! Lee's and Meade's armies are manoeuvring and facing each other still; but probably there will be no battle until the weather becomes fair, and the gushing waters in the vales of Culpepper subside.

From Charleston we learn that a furious bombardment is going on, the enemy not having yet abandoned the purpose of reducing the forts and capturing the city. Mr. Miles calls loudly for reinforcements and heavy cannon, and says the enemy was reinforced a few days since.

An indignant letter was received from Gov. Vance to-day, in response to the refusal of the government and Gen. Lee to permit him to send with the army a newspaper correspondent to see that justice was done the North Carolina troops. He withdraws the application, and appeals to history for the justice which (he says) will never be done North Carolina troops in Virginia by their associates. He asserts also that Gen. Lee refused furloughs to the wounded North Carolinians at the battle of Chancellorville (onehalf the dead and wounded being from North Carolina), for fear they would not return to their colors when fit for duty!

Hon. Wm, L. Yancey is dead — of disease of the kidney. The Examiner, to-day, in praising him, made a bitter assault on the President, saying he was unfortunately and hastily inflicted on the Confederacy at Montgomery, and when fixed in position, banished from his presence the heart and brain of the South — denying all participation in the affairs of government to the great men who were the authors of secession, etc.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 390-1

Saturday, March 28, 2015

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: March 24, 1862

I was asked to the Tognos’ tea, so refused a drive with Mary Preston. As I sat at my solitary casemate, waiting for the time to come for the Tognos, saw Mrs. Preston's landau pass, and Mr. Venable making Mary laugh at some of his army stories, as only Mr. Venable can. Already I felt that I had paid too much for my whistle — that is, the Togno tea. The Gibbeses, Trenholms, Edmund Rhett, there. Edmund Rhett has very fine eyes and makes fearful play with them. He sits silent and motionless, with his hands on his knees, his head bent forward, and his eyes fixed upon you. I could think of nothing like it but a setter and a covey of partridges.

As to President Davis, he sank to profounder deeps of abuse of him than even Gonzales. I quoted Yancey: “crew may not like their captain, but if they are mad enough to mutiny while a storm is raging, all hands are bound to go to the bottom.” After that I contented myself with a mild shake of the head when I disagreed with him, and at last I began to shake so persistently it amounted to incipient palsy. “Jeff Davis,” he said, “is conceited, wrong-headed, wranglesome, obstinate — a traitor.” “Now I have borne much in silence,” said I at last, “but that is pernicious nonsense. Do not let us waste any more time listening to your quotations from the Mercury.”

He very good-naturedly changed the subject, which was easy just then, for a delicious supper was on the table ready for us. But Doctor Gibbes began anew the fighting. He helped me to some pâté — “Not foie gras, said Madame Togno, “pâté perdreaux. Doctor Gibbes, however, gave it a flavor of his own. “Eat it,” said he, “it is good for you; rich and wholesome; healthy as cod-liver oil.”

A queer thing happened. At the post-office a man saw a small boy open with a key the box of the Governor and the Council, take the contents of the box and run for his life. Of course, this man called to the urchin to stop. The urchin did not heed, but seeing himself pursued, began tearing up the letters and papers. He was caught and the fragments were picked up. Finding himself a prisoner, he pointed out the negro who gave him the key. The negro was arrested.

Governor Pickens called to see me to-day. We began with Fort Sumter. For an hour did we hammer at that fortress. We took it, gun by gun. He was very pleasant and friendly in his manner.

James Chesnut has been so nice this winter; so reasonable and considerate — that is, for a man. The night I came from Madame Togno's, instead of making a row about the lateness of the hour, he said he was, “so wide awake and so hungry.” I put on my dressing-gown and scrambled some eggs, etc., there on our own fire. And with our feet on the fender and the small supper-table between us, we enjoyed the supper and glorious gossip. Rather a pleasant state of things when one's own husband is in good humor and cleverer than all the men outside.

This afternoon, the entente cordiale still subsisting, Maum Mary beckoned me out mysteriously, but Mr. Chesnut said: “Speak out, old woman; nobody here but myself.” “Mars Nathum Davis wants to speak to her,” said she. So I hurried off to the drawing-room, Mama Mary flapping her down-at-the-heels shoes in my wake. “He's gwine bekase somebody done stole his boots. How could he stay bedout boots?” So Nathan said good-by. Then we met General Gist, Maum Mary still hovering near, and I congratulated him on being promoted. He is now a brigadier. This he received with modest complaisance. “I knowed he was a general,” said Maum Mary as he passed on,” he told me as soon as he got in his room befo’ his boy put down his trunks.”

As Nathan, the unlucky, said good-by, he informed me that a Mr. Reed from Montgomery was in the drawing-room and wanted to see me. Mr. Reed had traveled with our foreign envoy, Yancey. I was keen for news from abroad. Mr. Reed settled that summarily, “Mr. Yancey says we need not have one jot of hope. He could bowstring Mallory for not buying arms in time. The very best citizens wanted to depose the State government and take things into their own hands, the powers that be being inefficient. Western men are hurrying to the front, bestirring themselves. In two more months we shall be ready.” What could I do but laugh? I do hope the enemy will be considerate and charitable enough to wait for us.

Mr. Reed's calm faith in the power of Mr. Yancey's eloquence was beautiful to see. He asked for Mr. Chesnut. I went back to our rooms, swelling with news like a pouter pigeon. Mr. Chesnut said: “Well! four hours — a call from Nathan Davis of four hours!” Men are too absurd! So I bear the honors of my forty years gallantly. I can but laugh. “Mr. Nathan Davis went by the five-o'clock train,” I said; “it is now about six or seven, maybe eight. I have had so many visitors. Mr. Reed, of Alabama, is asking for you out there.” He went without a word, but I doubt if he went to see Mr. Reed, my laughing had made him so angry.

At last Lincoln threatens us with a proclamation abolishing slavery1 — here in the free Southern Confederacy; and they say McClellan is deposed. They want more fighting — I mean the government, whose skins are safe, they want more fighting, and trust to luck for the skill of the new generals.
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1 The Emancipation Proclamation was not actually issued until September 22, 1862, when it was a notice to the Confederates to return to the Union, emancipation being proclaimed as a result of their failure to do so. The real proclamation, freeing the slaves, was delayed until January 1,1863, when it was put forth as a war measure Mrs. Chesnut's reference is doubtless to President Lincoln's Message to Congress, March 6, 1862, in which he made recommendations regarding the abolition of slavery.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 150-3

Saturday, March 14, 2015

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: March 7, 1862

Mrs. Middleton was dolorous indeed. General Lee had warned the planters about Combahee, etc., that they must take care of themselves now; he could not do it. Confederate soldiers had committed some outrages on the plantations and officers had punished them promptly. She poured contempt upon Yancey's letter to Lord Russell.1 It was the letter of a shopkeeper, not in the style of a statesman at all.

We called to see Mary McDuffie.2 She asked Mary Preston what Doctor Boykin had said of her husband as we came along in the train. She heard it was something very complimentary. Mary P. tried to remember, and to repeat it all, to the joy of the other Mary, who liked to hear nice things about her husband.

Mary was amazed to hear of the list of applicants for promotion. One delicate-minded person accompanied his demand for advancement by a request for a written description of the Manassas battle; he had heard Colonel Chesnut give such a brilliant account of it in Governor Cobb's room.
The Merrimac3 business has come like a gleam of lightning illumining a dark scene. Our sky is black and lowering.

The Judge saw his little daughter at my window and he came up. He was very smooth and kind. It was really a delightful visit; not a disagreeable word was spoken. He abused no one whatever, for he never once spoke of any one but himself, and himself he praised without stint. He did not look at me once, though he spoke very kindly to me.
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1 Lord Russell was Foreign Secretary under the Palmerston administration of 1859 to 1865.

2 Mary McDuffie was the second wife of Wade Hampton.

3 The Merrimac was formerly a 40-gun screw frigate of the United States Navy. In April, 1861, when the Norfolk Navy-yard was abandoned by the United States she was sunk. Her hull was afterward raised by the Confederates and she was reconstructed on new plans, and renamed the Virginia. On March 2, 1862, she destroyed the Congress, a sailing-ship of 50 guns, and the Cumberland, a sailing-ship of 30 guns, at Newport News. On March 7th she attacked the Minnesota, but was met by the Monitor and defeated in a memorable engagement. Many features of modern battle-ships have been derived from the Merrimac and Monitor.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 136-7

Thursday, February 26, 2015

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: August 29, 1861

No more feminine gossip, but the licensed slanderer, the mighty Russell, of the Times. He says the battle of the 21st was fought at long range: 500 yards apart were the combatants. The Confederates were steadily retreating when some commotion in the wagon train frightened the “Yanks,” and they made tracks. In good English, they fled amain. And on our side we were too frightened to follow them — in high-flown English, to pursue the flying foe.

In spite of all this, there are glimpses of the truth sometimes, and the story leads to our credit with all the sneers and jeers. When he speaks of the Yankees’ cowardice, falsehood, dishonesty, and braggadocio, the best words are in his mouth. He repeats the thrice-told tale, so often refuted and denied, that we were harsh to wounded prisoners. Dr. Gibson told me that their surgeon-general has written to thank our surgeons: Yankee officers write very differently from Russell. I know that in that hospital with the Sisters of Charity they were better off than our men were at the other hospitals: that I saw with my own eyes. These poor souls are jealously guarded night and day. It is a hideous tale — what they tell of their sufferings.

Women who come before the public are in a bad box now. False hair is taken off and searched for papers. Bustles are “suspect.” All manner of things, they say, come over the border under the huge hoops now worn; so they are ruthlessly torn off. Not legs but arms are looked for under hoops, and, sad to say, found. Then women are used as detectives and searchers, to see that no men slip over in petticoats. So the poor creatures coming this way are humiliated to the deepest degree. To men, glory, honor, praise, and power, if they are patriots. To women, daughters of Eve, punishment comes still in some shape, do what they will.

Mary Hammy's eyes were starting from her head with amazement, while a very large and handsome South Carolinian talked rapidly. “What is it?” asked I after he had gone. “Oh, what a year can bring forth — one year! Last summer you remember how he swore he was in love with me? He told you, he told me, he told everybody, and if I did refuse to marry him I believed him. Now he says he has seen, fallen in love with, courted, and married another person, and he raves of his little daughter's beauty. And they say time goes slowly” — thus spoke Mary Hammy, with a sigh of wonder at his wonderful cure.

“Time works wonders,” said the explainer-general. “What conclusion did you come to as to Southern men at the grand pow-wow, you know?” “They are nicer than the nicest — the gentlemen, you know. There are not too many of that kind anywhere. Ours are generous, truthful, brave, and — and — devoted to us, you know. A Southern husband is not a bad thing to have about the house.”

Mrs. Frank Hampton said: “For one thing, you could not flirt with these South Carolinians. They would not stay at the tepid degree of flirtation. They grow so horridly in earnest before you know where you are.” “Do you think two married people ever lived together without finding each other out? I mean, knowing exactly how good or how shabby, how weak or how strong, above all, how selfish each was?” “Yes; unless they are dolts, they know to a tittle; but you see if they have common sense they make believe and get on, so so.” Like the Marchioness's orange-peel wine in Old Curiosity Shop.

A violent attack upon the North to-day in the Albion. They mean to let freedom slide a while until they subjugate us. The Albion says they use lettres de cachet, passports, and all the despotic apparatus of regal governments. Russell hears the tramp of the coming man — the king and kaiser tyrant that is to rule them. Is it McClellan? — “Little Mac”? We may tremble when he comes. We down here have only “the many-headed monster thing,” armed democracy. Our chiefs quarrel among themselves.

McClellan is of a forgiving spirit. He does not resent Russell's slurs upon Yankees, but with good policy has Russell with him as a guest.

The Adonis of an aide avers, as one who knows, that “Sumter” Anderson's heart is with us; that he will not fight the South. After all is said and done that sounds like nonsense. ”Sumter” Anderson's wife was a daughter of Governor Clinch, of Georgia. Does that explain it? He also told me something of Garnett (who was killed at Rich Mountain).1 He had been an unlucky man clear through. In the army before the war, the aide had found him proud, reserved, and morose, cold as an icicle to all. But for his wife and child he was a different creature. He adored them and cared for nothing else.

One day he went off on an expedition and was gone six weeks. He was out in the Northwest, and the Indians were troublesome. When he came back, his wife and child were underground. He said not one word, but they found him more frozen, stern, and isolated than ever; that was all. The night before he left Richmond he said in his quiet way: “They have not given me an adequate force. I can do nothing. They have sent me to my death.” It is acknowledged that he threw away his life — “a dreary-hearted man,” said the aide, “and the unluckiest.”

On the front steps every evening we take our seats and discourse at our pleasure. A nicer or more agreeable set of people were never assembled than our present Arlington crowd. To-night it was Yancey2 who occupied our tongues. Send a man to England who had killed his father-in-law in a street brawl! That was not knowing England or Englishmen, surely. Who wants eloquence? We want somebody who can hold his tongue. People avoid great talkers, men who orate, men given to monologue, as they would avoid fire, famine, or pestilence. Yancey will have no mobs to harangue. No stump speeches will be possible, superb as are his of their kind, but little quiet conversation is best with slow, solid, common-sense people, who begin to suspect as soon as any flourish of trumpets meets their ear. If Yancey should use his fine words, who would care for them over there?

Commodore Barron, when he was a middy, accompanied Phil Augustus Stockton to claim his bride. He, the said Stockton, had secretly wedded a fair heiress (Sally Cantey). She was married by a magistrate and returned to Mrs. Grillaud's boarding-school until it was time to go home —that is, to Camden.

Lieutenant Stockton (a descendant of the Signer) was the handsomest man in the navy, and irresistible. The bride was barely sixteen. When he was to go down South among those fire-eaters and claim her, Commodore Barron, then his intimate friend, went as his backer. They were to announce the marriage and defy the guardians. Commodore Barron said he anticipated a rough job of it all, but they were prepared for all risks. “You expected to find us a horde of savages, no doubt,” said I. “We did not expect to get off under a half-dozen duels.” They looked for insults from every quarter and they found a polished and refined people who lived en prince, to say the least of it. They were received with a cold, stately, and faultless politeness, which made them feel as if they had been sheep-stealing.

The young lady had confessed to her guardians and they were for making the best of it; above all, for saving her name from all gossip or publicity. Colonel John Boykin, one of them, took Young Lochinvar to stay with him. His friend, Barron, was also a guest. Colonel Deas sent for a parson, and made assurance doubly sure by marrying them over again. Their wish was to keep things quiet and not to make a nine-days' wonder of the young lady.

Then came balls, parties, and festivities without end. He was enchanted with the easy-going life of these people, with dinners the finest in the world, deer-hunting, and foxhunting, dancing, and pretty girls, in fact everything that heart could wish. But then, said Commodore Barron, “the better it was, and the kinder the treatment, the more ashamed I grew of my business down there. After all, it was stealing an heiress, you know.”

I told him how the same fate still haunted that estate in Camden. Mr. Stockton sold it to a gentleman, who later sold it to an old man who had married when near eighty, and who left it to the daughter born of that marriage. This pretty child of his old age was left an orphan quite young. At the age of fifteen, she ran away and married a boy of seventeen, a canny Scotchman. The young couple lived to grow up, and it proved after all a happy marriage. This last heiress left six children; so the estate will now be divided, and no longer tempt the fortune-hunters.

The Commodore said: “To think how we two youngsters in our blue uniforms went down there to bully those people.” He was much at Colonel Chesnut's. Mrs. Chestnut being a Philadelphian, he was somewhat at ease with them. It was the most thoroughly appointed establishment he had then ever visited.

Went with our leviathan of loveliness to a ladies' meeting. No scandal to-day, no wrangling, all harmonious, everybody knitting. Dare say that soothing occupation helped our perturbed spirits to be calm. Mrs. C––– is lovely, a perfect beauty. Said Brewster: “In Circassia, think what a price would be set upon her, for there beauty sells by the pound!”

Coming home the following conversation: “So Mrs. Blank thinks purgatory will hold its own — never be abolished while women and children have to live with drunken fathers and brothers.” “She knows.” “She is too bitter. She says worse than that. She says we have an institution worse than the Spanish Inquisition, worse than Torquemada, and all that sort of thing.” “What does she mean?” “You ask her. Her words are sharp arrows. I am a dull creature, and I should spoil all by repeating what she says.”

“It is your own family that she calls the familiars of the Inquisition. She declares that they set upon you, fall foul of you, watch and harass you from morn till dewy eve. They have a perfect right to your life, night and day, unto the fourth and fifth generation. They drop in at breakfast and say, ‘Are you not imprudent to eat that?’ ‘Take care, now, don't overdo it.’ ‘I think you eat too much so early in the day.’ And they help themselves to the only thing you care for on the table. They abuse your friends and tell you it is your duty to praise your enemies. They tell you of all your faults, candidly, because they love you so; that gives them a right to speak. What family interest they take in you. You ought to do this; you ought to do that, and then the everlasting ' you ought to have done,' which comes near making you a murderer, at least in heart. 'Blood's thicker than water,' they say, and there is where the longing to spill it comes in. No locks or bolts or bars can keep them out. Are they not your nearest family? They dine with you, dropping in after you are at soup. They come after you have gone to bed, when all the servants have gone away, and the man of the house, in his nightshirt, standing sternly at the door with the huge wooden bar in his hand, nearly scares them to death, and you are glad of it.”

“Private life, indeed!” She says her husband entered public life and they went off to live in a far-away city. Then for the first time in her life she knew privacy. She never will forget how she jumped for joy as she told her servant not to admit a soul until after two o'clock in the day. Afterward, she took a fixed day at home. Then she was free indeed. She could read and write, stay at home, go out at her own sweet will, no longer sitting for hours with her fingers between the leaves of a frantically interesting book, while her kin slowly driveled nonsense by the yard — waiting, waiting, yawning. Would they never go? Then for hurting you, who is like a relative? They do it from a sense of duty. For stinging you, for cutting you to the quick, who like one of your own household? In point of fact, they alone can do it. They know the score, and how to hit it every time. You are in their power. She says, did you ever see a really respectable, responsible, revered and beloved head of a family who ever opened his mouth at home except to find fault? He really thinks that is his business in life and that all enjoyment is sinful. He is there to prevent the women from such frivolous things as pleasure, etc., etc.

I sat placidly rocking in my chair by the window, trying to hope all was for the best. Mary Hammy rushed in literally drowned in tears. I never saw so drenched a face in my life. My heart stopped still. “Commodore Barron is taken prisoner,” said she. “The Yankees have captured him and all his lieutenants. Poor Imogen — and there is my father scouting about, the Lord knows where. I only know he is in the advance guard. The Barron's time has come. Mine may come any minute. Oh, Cousin Mary, when Mrs. Lee told Imogen, she fainted! Those poor girls; they are nearly dead with trouble and fright.”

“Go straight back to those children,” I said. “Nobody will touch a hair of their father's head. Tell them I say so. They dare not. They are not savages quite. This is a civilized war, you know.”

Mrs. Lee said to Mrs. Eustis (Mr. Corcoran's daughter) yesterday: “Have you seen those accounts of arrests in Washington?” Mrs. Eustis answered calmly: “Yes, I know all about it. I suppose you allude to the fact that my father has been imprisoned.” “No, no,” interrupted the explainer, “she means the incarceration of those mature Washington belles suspected as spies.” But Mrs. Eustis continued, “I have no fears for my father's safety.”
_______________

1 The battle of Rich Mountain, in Western Virginia, was fought July 11, 1861, and General Garnett, Commander of the Confederate forces, pursued by General McClellan, was killed at Carrick's Ford, July 13th, while trying to rally his rear-guard.

2 William Lowndes Yancey was a native of Virginia, who settled in Alabama, and in 1844 was elected to Congress, where he became a leader among the supporters of slavery and an advocate of secession. He was famous in his day as an effective public speaker.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 117-24

Thursday, May 30, 2013

A Fight at Huntsville

Private letters from Huntsville mention a fight at that place between an officer of one of the Ohio regiments and Col. Davis, of Huntsville, a law partner of Jere Clemens.  Davis was a member of the Alabama Secession Convention, and a Union man.  In the Convention he told Yancey, who threatened to coerce North Alabama, which was disposed to remain in the Union, that if he wanted a fight he should not have it in North Alabama, but on the dividing line.  After the Act of Secession, however, Davis took up arms for the Southern Confederacy.  The meeting between Col. Davis and the Ohio officer, who was of equal rank, took place at the quarters of Major McCook.  Some Champagne was opened and the discussion of the state of the country presently grew warm.  The Alabama Colonel told the Ohio Colonel he was a d----d liar, and Ohio told him that if he were not the guest of Major McCook, he would knock him down. – Alabama begged Ohio not to have any scruples of that sort, and repeated the epithet.  So at it they went.  Fair play was shown, and Ohio soon made his word good, knocking Alabama down and giving him a severe pelting when he was down.  Ohio’s damage consisted chiefly in a badly torn shirt.  Alabama received a pair of black eyes and enlarged nose and mouth.  Jere Clemens met the Ohio officer a few days afterward and told him he had inquired into the particulars of the affray, and that his partner (Davis) had been served exactly right.  Davis afterward acknowledged that he had got no more than he deserved.  This little circumstance has contributed largely to the popularity of the Ohioan in Huntsville.

P. S. – The three first letters of the Ohio Colonel’s name are Len. A. Harris. – {Cincinnati Commercial

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, June 7, 1862, p. 1

Thursday, December 20, 2012

Disunion is Anarchy

Mr. Yancy – who was not captured while running the blockade, disguised as the “ancient mariner” made a speech on his arrival in New Orleans, a sketch of which appeared in our last, as copied from a Southern journal. – Mr. Yancy, who went out to Europe in high feather as a Confederate Commissioner to solicit foreign recognition of Jeff. Davis’ Government, returned quite chop-fallen – a wiser if not a better man.  Plainly he told the Louisiana people, in his speech, that European intervention was out of the question, and that “the South” has no friends abroad.  In his intense disgust he became candid, and frankly stated that one of the reasons why European powers will not interfere in American affairs, is the hope and belief that the permanent dissolution of the Union will weaken a nation of whose prosperity and greatness they had become jealous.  True words and well spoken!  But is Mr. Yancy conscious that he has thus presented a sound, invincible argument against the mischievous faction to which he belongs, and in favor of an undivided, combined and powerful Government?

One of the most painful causes of apprehension, with us, from a contemplation of a possible success of the rebellion, is the belittled and contemptible position in which the separated parts of our country would stand in the eyes of other nations.  As a whole, America is justly respected and feared by the wealthiest and strongest governments of the world.  Dismembered, divided and broken up, exhausted by petty internecine wars, the fragments would be the scorn and scoff of kingdoms, foreign secretaries and statesmen – the subjects of constant insult and the prey, perhaps, of invasion and conquest.  National weakness is a synonym of inevitable ruin.  The power of the United States once destroyed, administration is forever gone, and the haughtiness or greed of other governments would soon compel it to sink into an insignificance so mortifying, and imbecile that the disdain of foreign nations would be scarcely more galling than the disgust of the citizens at home.  We wonder that Mr. Yancy and his confreres never thought of this before.

No differences that have existed or now exist between the people of the Northern and Southern sections will ever be settled in any more permanent manner through the establishment of two Governments than can be done under one.  Indeed, there is far less prospect of each in a separation than in a continued Union. – England and France see this, and hence, whilst professing neutrality, their dearest hopes will be fulfilled if there shall be a dismemberment of the American Republic.  The present rebellion if successful, it may [be] but a precedent for future insurrections and secessions.  In the very nature of the system of the Confederate Government now sought to be established, the States comprising it may be indefinitely divided, the league depending solely upon the pleasure of the people of the several parts forming the compact.  So whilst it is not out of the range of possibility that the existing loyal States might hereafter be disrupted by revolution aided by the South and by European Governments, the Southern States would almost inevitably fall into paltry fragments. – The seceded districts are now held together by an interest of common defense, and would doubtless be always united in any war against their late associates, but let their independence once be acknowledge, and if they could not find pretexts for quarrel with the remaining States, political incongruities would soon furnish material for strife amongst themselves. – The dissolution of the Union, then, is equivalent to unending contention and anarchy, tending directly and inexorably to public and private ruin in every section, and consequently to the downfall of all the power and government in America.  Mr. Yancy has stated premises correctly; let him and his allies in secession pursue them to the logical conclusion. – {St. Louis Republican

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 2

Sunday, October 28, 2012

Southern News

CHICAGO, March 27. – The Nashville, Tennessee Patriot of the 21st, received last evening, has late Southern news.

Of Mr. Yancey the Patriot says:  Mr. Yancey has arrived in New Orleans, on his return from Europe,  In response to the wishes of the people of the city, he made them a speech.  We learn from a gentleman who saw a reprint of it in the New Orleans Picayune, that he gave an unfavorable account of his mission abroad, and candidly admitted that the Confederate States had nothing to hope for from European Powers.  He advised the punishment of Great Britain by means of putting a period to the cultivation of cotton.

The New Orleans Crescent of the 10th inst. states that a couple of powder mills on the opposite side of the river were blown up on the 9th, killing 5 workmen and injuring seriously a soldier near by.  The loss in property was principally machinery.  About 30,0000 pounds of powder being all the stock of that article on hand.

A letter from Huntsville to the New Orleans Picayune of the 12th, after giving an account of operations subsequent to the fall of Donelson says:  “The Provisional Government of Kentucky are now with Gen. Crittenden’s Brigade, the capital of Kentucky now being located in a Sibley tent near the headquarters of that General.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 3

Thursday, August 30, 2012

Reported Capture of Yancy


PHILADELPHIA, March 19. – It is reported here that the Rebel Commissioner Yancy has been captured while attempting to run the blockade.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 22, 1862, p. 3

Saturday, January 21, 2012

Pulpit Politics and Parson Brownlow – Yancey and the Parson

From Parson Brownlow’s New York Speech.

But a few weeks prior to the Presidential election, they announced in their papers that the great bull of the whole disunion flock was to speak in Nashville – a man the two first letters of his name are W. L. Yancey – a fellow that the Governor of South Carolina pardoned out of the State prison for murdering his uncle, Dr. Earl.  He was announced to speak, and the crowd was two to one Union men.  I had never spoken to him in my life.  He called out in an insolent manner, “Is Parson Brownlow in this crowd?”  The disunionists hallowed out “Yes, he is here,”  “I hope,” said he, “the Parson will have nerve to come upon the stand and have me catechize him.”  “No.” – But the crowd hallowed to Yancey, “Brownlow is here, but he has not the nerve enough to mount the stand where you are.”  I rose and marched up the steps and said, “I will show you whether I have the nerve or not.”  “Sir,” said he – and he is a beautiful speaker, and personally a very fine looking man – “are you the celebrated Parson Brownlow?”  “I am the only man on earth,” I replied, “that fills the bin!”  (Laughter.)  “Don’t you think,” said Yancey, “you are badly employed as a preacher, a man of your cloth to be dabbling in politics, and meddling with State affairs?”  “No, sir,” said I, “a distinguished member of the party you are acting with once took Jesus Christ up upon a mount – (uproarious laughter) – and said to the Savior, “Look at the kingdoms of the world.  All this will I give thee if thou will fall down and worship me.”  “Now, Sir,” I said, “His reply to the devil is my reply to you, ‘Get thee behind me Satan.’”  (Renewed laughter and applause)  I rather expected to be knocked down by him, but I stood with my side to him, and a cocked Derringer in my breeches pocket.  I intended if I went off the scaffold that he should go the other way.  (Cheers)  “Now, sir,” I said,” “if you are through, I would like to make a few remarks.”  “Certainly, proceed,” said Yancey.  “Well, sir, you should tread lightly upon the toes of preachers, and you should get these disunionists to post you up before you launch out in this way against preachers.  Are you aware, sir, that this old grey-headed man sitting here, Isaac Lewis, the President of the meeting, who has welcomed you, is an old disunion Methodist preacher, and Buchanan’s pension agent here, who has been meddling with politics all his life time?”  “Sir,” said I, “are you aware that this man, James P. Thomas, on my left is a Breckinridge elector for this Congressional District?  He was turned out of the Methodist ministry for whipping his wife and slandering his neighbors.”  “Sir,” said I, “are you aware that this young man sitting in front of us, Colonel Loudon C. Haynes, the elector of the Breckinridge ticket for the State of Tennessee at large, was expelled from the ministry for lying and cheating his neighbors in a measure of corn?”  “Now,” said I, “for God’s sake, say nothing more about preachers until you know what sort of preachers are in your own ranks.”

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 31, 1862, p. 1

Monday, October 17, 2011

From The Gulf

NEW YORK, March 30.

The Gunboat Huntsville arrived this evening from Key West, 25th.

Heavy firing had been heard at the head of the Mississippi passes., where some of our vessels had gone.

An attack on New Orleans was momentarily expected.

An expedition against Apalachicola is contemplated.  There is considerable cotton there.  The place is defended by 13 guns and 3,000 rebels.

There is no truth to the reported capture of Yancey.  He engaged passage on the schooner Mallory, but afterwards changed to schooner Break-o’-day.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, April 1, 1862, p. 1

Friday, September 30, 2011

Southern News

CHICAGO, March 27.

The Nashville Patriot, of the 21st, received last night, has late Southern news.  It says that Mr. Yancey has arrived in New Orleans, on his return from Europe.  In response to the wishes of the people of the city he made them a speech.  We learn from a gent who saw a report in the New Orleans Picayune, that he gave an unfavorable account of his mission abroad, and he cand[id]ly admitted that the Confederate States had nothing to hope for from European sympathizers.  He advised the punishment of Great Britain by means of putting a period to the cultivation of cotton.

The New Orleans Crescent, of the 10th inst., states that a couple of powder mills on the opposite side of the river were blown up on the 9th, killing five workmen, and seriously injuring a soldier near by.  The loss in property was principally machinery and about 3,000 pounds of powder, being all the stock of that article on hand.

A letter from Huntsville to the N. O. Picayune, of the 12th inst., giving an account of operations subsequent to the fall of Donelson, says the provisional government of Kentucky is with Gen. Crittenden’s Brigade, the capital of Kentucky being located in a Sibley tent, near the headquarters of that General.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, March 28, 1862, p. 1

Wednesday, September 28, 2011

From the Gulf

NEW YORK, March 26.

The steamer Columbia from, Havana 22d inst., arrived this afternoon.  She has Vera Cruz dates of the 14th.

The English troops had arrived at Havana and sailed for Bermuda.

Some Mexican barracks, eight miles from Orizaba, accidentally blew up, and 300 (?) dead bodies found in the ruins.

It was reported at Havana that the steamer Wide Awake, with Yancey aboard, was captured while trying to run the blockade, and that Yancey is now a prisoner at Fort Jefferson, Key West.

It was reported that Porter’s mortar fleet had passed the South West Pass into the Mississippi river.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, March 28, 1862, p. 1

Sunday, September 11, 2011

From Fort Monroe

FORT MONFORE, March 20.

The steamer Rhode Island arrived from Key West yesterday evening with mails, and sailed immediately for New York.

Yancey was captured a day or two since on board a schooner which was trying to rung the blockade.  He was dressed in sailor’s costume, but was recognized by one of the Newspaper correspondents.

St. Mary’s, Fla., has been occupied by our forces.

It has been discovered that the telegraph cable was cut about ten miles from the Carolina shore.  A man has been arrested, who is supposed to have been the culprit.  An example will be made of him.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, March 22, 1862, p. 1

Saturday, September 10, 2011

NASHVILLE, Tenn., March 21 [1862].

Southern advices received here say that Yancey had arrived at New Orleans, and made a speech, avowing that no help can be expected from England or France, and urging retaliation by stopping cotton cultivation.

The late provisional government of Kentucky is held in a Sibley tent near the headquarters of the rebel Gen. Crittenden.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, March 22, 1862, p. 1

Monday, May 30, 2011

From Washington

WASHINGTON, March 1.

All is quiet across the Potomac opposite Washington.  No news of public interest from that section of the army has been received here to-day.


Herald’s Correspondence.

It has been a busy time to-day among the division across the river, being the last day of the month.  Each regiment has undergone the usual monthly inspection.

The friends of Col. Jno. A. Logan will be gratified to learn that, although badly wounded at the capture of Fort Donelson, he is doing well.  The wound is dangerous, however.


World’s Dispatch.

A private letter received here from Paris states, that Mr. Yancey has left for Alabama, via Havana, fully satisfied that none of the great powers of Europe will recognize the Confederate Government.  He has met with great success in obtaining a supply of cheap but durable goods, for the clothing of negroes.

The House committee on foreign affairs have decided to report against the Senate bill for the recognition of the independence of Hayti.  The committee is composed of Crittenden, chairman, Gooch, Cox, White, of Ind., McKnight, Burham, Thomas, Pomeroy, of N. Y. and Fisher of Del.  The committee intend making a long report in a few days on the right of nations on the high seas.

Advices from Annapolis state that the nomination and election of Hon. Reverdy Johnson to the U. S. Senate is a certainty, the contest being narrowed between him and Henry Winter Davis.

The President to-day nominated Col. Jno Cochrane for a Brigadier General of Volunteers.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, March 3, 1862, p. 1

Wednesday, June 17, 2009

The Rebel Commissioners’ Appeal to England to Break the Blockade

From the English Blue-book.

MESSRS. YANCEY, ROST AND MANN TO EARL RUSSELL – (RECEIVED NOV. 30.)

London, Nov. 30, 1861

The undersigned have been instructed by the President of the Confederate States to communicate to Her Britannic Majesty’s Government copies of the list of vessels which have arrived and departed from the various ports of the confederate states since the proclamation of a blockade of those ports, up to the 20th of August last, by which it will be seen that up to that time more than 400 vessels had arrived and departed unmolested.

Since the date of these Reports, other and most important violations of the blockade are known to have occurred. The undersigned will instance a few of the most prominent and well-known:

The British steamer Bermuda went into the port of Savannah from Falmouth, England, on the 28th of September, and left that port for Havre on the 1st instant.

The Confederate States steamer Theodora left Charleston on or about the 1st of October, put to sea, and returned on the same day.

The same steamer Left Charleston on the 11th of October for Havana, proceeded to that port, took in cargo, and entered the port of Savannah about the 20th of the same month.

The Confederate ship Helen left the port of Charleston on the 2d of November, and arrived at Liverpool on the 25th inst.

Three ships, with cargoes, arrived from Havana in the Confederate port of Savannah, about the 24th of October.

On the 26th of October, the Confederate States steamer Nashville, left the port of Charleston, and arrived at Southampton on the 21st inst.

It was declared by the five Great European Powers, and the Conference of Paris, that “blockades, to be binding, must be effective – this is, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to the enemy’s coast;” a principle long before sanctioned by the leading publicists, and now acknowledged by all civilized nations. When these resolutions were communicated to the Government of the United States, though that relating to privateers was rejected, (without a modification,) the principle there applied to blockades was unequivocally affirmed. On the 13th of August last, the Government of the Confederate States acknowledged the same principle, in its full extent by a Declaration of its Congress.

The undersigned confidently submit that the annexed list of vessels that have arrived at and cleared from the ports of the confederate States since the blockade was proclaimed by the Government of the United States, is conclusive evidence that this blockade has not been effective, and is therefore not binding.

May not the government of the Confederate States, then, fairly suggest that the five great powers owe it to their own consistency, to the rule of conduct so formally laid down for their guidance, and to the commercial world (so deeply interested), to make good their declaration, so solemnly and publicly made? Prepositions of such gravity, and emanating from sources so high, may fairly be considered as affecting the general business relations of human society, and as controlling, in a great degree, the calculations and arrangements of nations, so far as they are concerned in the rules thus laid down. Men have a right to presume that a law thus proclaimed will be universally maintained by those who have the power to do so, and who have taken it upon themselves to watch over its execution; nor will any suppose that particular States or cases would be exempted from the operation under the influence of partiality or favor. If, therefore, we can prove the blockade to have been ineffectual, we perhaps have a right to expect that the nations assenting to this Declaration of the Conference at Paris will not consider it to be binding. We are fortified in this expectation, not only by their own declarations, but by the nature of the interests affected by the blockade. So far, at least, it has been proved that the only certain and sufficient source of cotton supply has been found in the Confederate States. It is probably that there are more people without than within the Confederate States who derive their means of living from the various uses which are made of this important staple. A war, therefore, which shuts up this great source of supply from the general uses of mankind is directed as much against those who transport and manufacture cotton as against those who produce the raw material. Innocent parties who are thus affected my well insist that a right whose exercise operates so unfavorably on them shall only be used within the strictest limits of public law. Would it not be a movement more in consonance with the spirit of the age to insist that, among the many efficient means of waging war, this one should be excepted in deference to the general interests of mankind, so many of whom depend for their means of living upon a ready and easy access to the greatest and cheapest cotton market of the world? If for the general benefit of commerce, some of its great routes have been neutralized, so as to be unaffected by the chances of war, might not another interest of a greater and more world wide importance, claim at least so much consideration as to demand the benefit of every presumption in favor of its protection against all the chances of war save those which arise under the strictest rules of public war?

The undersigned submit to Her Majesty’s Government that a real neutrality calls for a rigid observance of international and municipal law in their application to both belligerents, and that a relaxation of the principles of public law in favor of one of the parties violating them, can be nothing more nor less than an injury done to that extent to the other side. Any considerations of sympathy for the embarrassed condition of the United States, if allowed to relax the application of those laws, must be justly considered as so much aid and comfort given to tem at the expense of the Confederate States, and the undersigned can not for a moment believe that such a policy can influence Her Majesty’s Government.

The undersigned have forborne to press these great questions upon the attention of Her Majesty’s Government with that assiduity which, perhaps, the interests of the Confederate States would have justified, knowing the great interests of Her Majesty’s Government in the preservation of friendly relations with both the belligerent Powers. They cannot but think that the facts connected with this nominal blockade, and the great interests of the neutral commerce of the world, imperatively demand that Her Majesty’s Government should take decisive action in declaring the blockade ineffective.

These views are affirmed as much in the general interests of mankind is in that of the Confederate States, who do not ask for assistance to enable them to maintain their independence against any Power which has yet assailed them.

The undersigned have been further instructed by their Government to communicate to that of Her Britannic Majesty a copy of resolutions adopted by the Congress of the Confederate States, Aug. 13, 1861. It is annexed as Inclosure [sic] No. 2.

The Undersigned, &c.
(Signed)

W. L. YANCEY,
P. H. ROST,
A. DUDLEY MANN.


EARL RUSSELL’S REPLY – COLD COMFORT.

Foreign Office, Dec. 7.

Lord RUSSELL presents his compliments to Mr. YANCEY, Mr. ROST and Mr. MANN He has had the honor to receive their letters and inclosures [sic] of the 27th and 30th of November; but in the present state of affairs he must decline to enter ino any official communication with them.

RUSSELL.

– Published in The New York Times, New York, New York, Thursday February 27, 1862