Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, June 1, 1864

Called on the President relative to the appointment of midshipmen. After looking over the list with some care, he finally designated two sons of officers [and] one apprentice, and desired me to complete the nominations.

When I called on the President, Major-General Schenck was with him, and, as I went in, was giving the President a list of names of persons to be selected to fill the board about to be appointed on the question of retired officers, his brother, Commodore Schenck, being one. It was a cool proposition, but characteristic of General Schenck, and I think of the Schencks generally.

We have to-day the results of a meeting of strange odds and ends of parties, and factions, and disappointed and aspiring individuals at Cleveland. Frémont is nominated as their candidate for President and John Cochrane for Vice-President. The gathering had the nomination of Frémont in view, though other objects were professed.

I very earnestly supported Frémont in 1856. He was then put forward as the representative of the principles for which we were contending, and I have no reason to give that he was not faithful to the cause. He was, however, as soon as nominated, surrounded, to a great extent, by bad men, in whom no good man had confidence. His bearing was very well so far as he appeared before the public. I saw that he was anxious to be elected but not offensively so; he was not obtrusive, but, on the contrary, reserved and retiring. In nothing did he show extraordinary ability or character, but my conclusions were that his real traits were undeveloped. He did not grow upon me as reserved men usually do. Colonel Benton had in former years extolled him, though opposed to his candidacy. Governor Marcy, no friend of Benton, and not partial to Frémont, had, when Secretary of War, given him name and fame by a most remarkable indorsement in his able report in (I think) 1848.

I have since learned that that part of Marcy’s report was written by Colonel Benton himself, and that President Polk compelled Marcy to incorporate it in the annual report of the War Department. The affair seems incredible almost to me, who knew the several parties, but I learn it in a way that leaves no doubt of its truth. Marcy had ability but was timid and subservient. Frémont has gained no reputation during the War. In power his surroundings have been awful. Reckless, improvident, wasteful, pompous, purposeless, vain, and incompetent. In his explorations, however, he showed perseverance and endurance, and he had the reputation of attaching his men to him. His journals were readable, but I have been told they were prepared and mostly written by Colonel Benton. On all occasions he puts on airs, is ambitious, and would not serve under men of superior military capacity and experience. Frémont first and country after. For a long time he has been in foolish intrigues for the Presidency, and the Cleveland meeting is a Frémont meeting, though others have been concerned.

I am surprised that General Cochrane should have embarked in the scheme. But he has been wayward and erratic. A Democrat, a Barnburner, a conservative, an Abolitionist, an Anti-abolitionist, a Democratic Republican, and now a radical Republican. He has some, but not eminent, ability; can never make a mark as a statesman. It will not surprise me if he should change his position before the close of the political campaign, and support the nominees of the Baltimore Convention. There is not a coincidence of views and policy between him and Frémont, and the convention which has nominated them is a heterogeneous mixture of weak and wicked men. They would jeopard and hazard the Republican and Union cause, and many of them would defeat it and give success to the Copperheads to gratify their causeless spite against the President. He is blamed for not being more energetic and because he is despotic in the same breath. He is censured for being too mild and gentle towards the Rebels and for being tyrannical and intolerant. There is no doubt he has a difficult part to perform in order to satisfy all and do right.

This war is extraordinary in all its aspects and phases, and no man was prepared to meet them. It is much easier for the censorious and factious to complain than to do right. I have often thought that greater severity might well be exercised, and yet it would tend to barbarism.

No traitor has been hung. I doubt if there will be, but an example should be made of some of the leaders, for present and for future good. They may, if taken, be imprisoned or driven into exile, but neither would be lasting. Parties would form for their relief, and ultimately succeed in restoring the worst of them to their homes and the privileges they originally enjoyed. Death is the proper penalty and atonement, and will be enduringly beneficent in its influence.

There was, moreover, an aristocratic purpose in this Rebellion. An aristocracy of blood and wealth was to have been established. Consequently a contrary effect would work benignantly. Were a few of the leaders to be stripped of their possessions, and their property confiscated, their families impoverished, the result would be salutary in the future. But I apprehend there will be very gentle measures in closing up the Rebellion. The authors of the enormous evils that have been inflicted will go unpunished, or will be but slightly punished.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 41-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, July 23, 1863

I had a call on Monday morning from Senator Morgan and Sam J. Tilden of New York in relation to the draft. General Cochrane was present during the interview and took part in it. The gentlemen seemed to believe a draft cannot be enforced in New York.

Am feeling anxious respecting movements in Charleston Harbor. It is assumed on all hands by the people and the press that we shall be successful. I am less sanguine, though not without hopes. Fort Wagner should have been captured in the first assault. The Rebels were weaker then than they will be again, and we should have been as strong at the first attack as we can expect to be. Gillmore may have been a little premature, and had not the necessary force for the work.

Whiting, Solicitor of the War Department, has gone to Europe. Is sent out by Seward, I suppose, for there is much sounding of gongs over the mission instituted by the State Department to help Mr. Adams and our consuls in the matter of fitting, or of preventing the fitting out of naval vessels from England. This Solicitor Whiting has for several months been an important personage here. I have been assured from high authority he is a remarkable man. The Secretary of War uses him, and I am inclined to believe he uses the Secretary of War. This fraternity has made the little man much conceited. Mr. Seward, Mr. Chase, and even the President have each of them spoken to me of him, as capable, patriotic, and a volunteer in the civil service to help the Government and particularly the War Department.

I have found him affable, anxious to be useful, with some smartness; vain, egotistical, and friendly; voluble, ready, sharp, not always profound, nor wise, nor correct; cunning, assuming, presuming, and not very fastidious; such a man as Stanton would select and Seward use. Chase, finding him high in the good graces of the President and the Secretary of War, has taken frequent occasion to speak highly of Solicitor Whiting. My admiration is not as exalted as it should be, if he is all that those who ought to know represent him.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 380-1

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Saturday, October 11, 1862

Surprised to read this morning that Stuart's Cavalry have taken Chambersburg, Penna. What next?

Reed, letter from John Cochrane, saying that McClellan appreciates my support while not approving his command, and would gladly cooperate with and see me; and that there is no substancial difference between us on the Slavery question. — Also received letter from Aspinwall about Five-twenty Loan, which he advises — He thinks 98 may be obtained — equivalent to, say, 75 in gold. — Also a letter from Cisco sending a $10 U. S. Note, purloined from National Bank Note Company and falsely filled and sealed. — Wrote Cisco about detective, and enclosed Aspinwall's note and asked his opinion. — Sundry other letters received and answered. — Needham (Ky) called. I accepted Williams' declination as Assessor Louisville District, and agreed to appoint Needham in his place — he to resign Collectorship.

Genl. Hunter, Maj. Halpin, Mr. Jay and Genl. Garfield (still our guest) at dinner. Maj. Halpin mentioned that McClellan had telegraphed Head Quarters that not one of the rebels who have invaded Pennsylvania shall return to Virginia. Hope it may be so, faintly. Too many bills of the same sort protested for the credit of the drawer.

After dinner talked a good deal with Genl. Hunter, who is very well read. Asked him his opinion of Halleck. He said, “He has ability and knowledge, but does not make an earnest study of the War — does not labor to get clear ideas of positions, conditions and possibilities, so as to seize and press advantages or remedy evils.” I then asked what he thought of the President? “A man irresolute but of honest intentions — born a poor white in a slave State and, of course among aristocrats — kind in spirit and not envious, but anxious for approval, especially of those to whom he has been accustomed to look up — hence solicitous of support of the Slaveholders in the Border States, and unwilling to offend them — without the large mind necessary to grasp great questions — uncertain of himself, and in many things ready to lean too much on others.” What of Stanton? “Know little of him. Have seen him but once, and was then so treated that I never desired to see him again. Think from facts which have come to my knowledge that he is not sincere. He wears two faces; but has energy and ability, though not steady power.” The conversation then turned on Douglas, whose ardent friend and constant supporter Hunter was — also on other persons and things. I found him well read and extremely intelligent.

Genl. Hunter tells me he desires to retire from the Army, and have some position in New York which will enable him to resume his special vocation as a writer for the Press. He says he has written lately some leaders for the “Republican”, and has aided the Proprietor of “Wilkes' Spirit of the Times.”

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 104-6

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Monday, October 6, 1862

Maj. Garrard called to speak about North Carolina and Genl. Foster. Foster has now 3d. N. Y. Cav., and of Infantry, 17, 21 and 25 Mass, 9 N. J., 2 Md., and 5 R. I., supported by Albemarle and Pamlico Fleet, say ten gunboats. Foster wants reinforcements, — several regiments of Infantry and another Regiment of Cavalry. Maj. Garrard desires that if another regiment of Cavalry is sent, Col. Mix should be made Brigadier.

Genl. Keyes and Maj. Bannister, with Genl. Garfield and Maj. Garrard, formed our breakfast party. Genl. Keyes spoke of the disposition in the army (McClellan, etc.) to disfavor. Republican officers. Genl. Garfield mentioned the case of a young Republican officer ordered to Kansas in 1856, who was told by his Colonel that he would not allow him to remain in the Regiment if he remained Republican. Genl. Keyes spoke of the chaplain at West Point as the most perfect specimen of a Northern man with Southern principles he ever knew, and said that when the new Regiments were organizing under Jeff Davis, as Secretary of War to Pierce, eleven out of fifteen officers were appointed from the South, and when he remarked upon it he was challenged to select the eleven better men.

Went to Department, and with Gov. Morton to see the President about [furlough] to enable Indiana soldiers in camp to vote; which he promised. Left the Governor with the President. Saw Col. Hamilton and arranged interview for him. Met Wadsworth and Cochrane. Asked Cochrane to breakfast.

Genl. Cochrane breakfasted with me, and after breakfast conversed freely about McClellan. He said McClellan would like to retire from active command if he could do so without disgrace, which could be accomplished and a more active General secured by restoring him to chief command, where he would now act in unison with myself. I explained frankly my relations to McClellan — my original admiration and confidence—my disappointment in his inactivity and irresolution — my loss of confidence and conviction that another General should replace him — my constant endeavor to support him by supplies and reinforcements, notwithstanding my distrust, when the President determined to keep him in command — my present belief that I had not judged incorrectly, but my entire willingness, also, to receive any correction which facts would warrant; and my absolute freedom from personal ill will, and my entire readiness to do anything which would insure the earliest possible suppression of the rebellion. He said that Col. Key had often expressed his regret that MeClellan had not conferred with me and acted in concert with me. I replied that I thought, if he had, the rebellion would be ended now; but that I feared concert between us impossible, our views, dispositions, and principles harmonizing so little. He said he would talk with McClellan and write me. I answered that I should be glad to hear from him, and was quite willing he should report to McClellan what I had said.

At Cabinet, the President spoke of his visit to the Army at Sharpsburgh, and the battle fields of Antietam and South Mountain. He said he was fully satisfied that we had not over 60,000 men engaged; and he described the position of the enemy and our own — the enemy's being much the best, his wings and centre communicating easily by the Sharpsburgh road parallel with the stream. He expressed no opinion as to Generalship, nor of results.

Seward asked what news of the Expedition to Charleston? Secretary Welles [said] the necessary iron-clads could not be ready in less than a month. I was much disappointed by this statement, remembering that ten days of a month were up; and said at once that I hoped then we should not wait for the Navy but at once organize a land force sufficient to take the city from James Island. Mr. Stanton agreed in the importance of this, and proposed to order Mitchell's and Garfield's Brigades from the West — send Garfield at once to South Carolina with these Brigades and two more Regiments—and let Mitchell go to work immediately. He said also that he proposed at once to organize an Expedition to open the Mississippi, and give the command of it to McClernand. The President seemed much pleased with both movements—but Halleck remained to be consulted. Would he oppose the President and Stanton? I thought not.

I left the Cabinet with more hope than I have felt for months.

At the President's, I met W. H. Aspinwall and invited him to come and dine with me; which he did. In conversation, I enquired what he thought of the idea of selling some $50,000,000 of Five-twenties at about the market rate? He thought it should be done but doubted whether more than 97½ could be obtained. I said I hoped to get 99 or 99½. He then spoke of his visit to McClellan and seemed greatly to desire my cooperation with him. He mentioned that Burnside had heard that I blamed him for having Porter restored to command; but thinks I would not if I understood all the circumstances.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 101-4

From Washington

WASHINGTON, March 1.

All is quiet across the Potomac opposite Washington.  No news of public interest from that section of the army has been received here to-day.

Herald’s Correspondence.

It has been a busy time to-day among the division across the river, being the last day of the month.  Each regiment has undergone the usual monthly inspection.

The friends of Col. Jno. A. Logan will be gratified to learn that, although badly wounded at the capture of Fort Donelson, he is doing well.  The wound is dangerous, however.

World’s Dispatch.

A private letter received here from Paris states, that Mr. Yancey has left for Alabama, via Havana, fully satisfied that none of the great powers of Europe will recognize the Confederate Government.  He has met with great success in obtaining a supply of cheap but durable goods, for the clothing of negroes.

The House committee on foreign affairs have decided to report against the Senate bill for the recognition of the independence of Hayti.  The committee is composed of Crittenden, chairman, Gooch, Cox, White, of Ind., McKnight, Burham, Thomas, Pomeroy, of N. Y. and Fisher of Del.  The committee intend making a long report in a few days on the right of nations on the high seas.

Advices from Annapolis state that the nomination and election of Hon. Reverdy Johnson to the U. S. Senate is a certainty, the contest being narrowed between him and Henry Winter Davis.

The President to-day nominated Col. Jno Cochrane for a Brigadier General of Volunteers.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, March 3, 1862, p. 1

The Issue

{From the New York Tribune}

It is no disparagement to Gen. Fremont to say that the meeting of Monday eve in his behalf was the broadest burlesque of the season. It was large, spirited, enthusiastic; but it was not largely composed of Fremonters, nor specially enthusiastic for Fremont. It was honestly and truly an anti-Lincoln meeting, yet there were probably as many present who suport Lincoln for re-election as expect ever to vote for Fremont. The list of officers, the speakers, and nearly everything else, tend to show it is utter baselessness, regarded as a movement to make Gen. Fremont our next President on the Cleveland platform.

We repeat that this is no disparagement to Gen. Fremont, who has many and zealous friends here and a very considerable popularity throughout the country. But the simple over ruling truth is that, in presence of the stupendous events of our time, the momentous issues now impending, all personal considerations seem trivial and impertinent. As we give but a paragraph to a murder or railroad accident which in peaceful times would have absorbed many of our columns, so the elevation of Mr. this or General that excites no general interest in view of the gigantic, bloody, struggle, whereof our whole country is the arena. “Shall the Republic live or die?” is the question which engrosses all thoughts, rendering the aspirations and fortunes of Jones or Tompkins of no account.

Should Gen. Fremont be nominated at chicago – of which we see no chance – he will thereupon become a formidable candidate for President. If not nominated there, he will get no vote worth counting. Tens of thousands who would gladly support him if he had a chance will refuse to do so, seeing that they thereby connive at a Copperhead triumph. Third parties will be of smaller account this Fall than ever before. Hence we lay no stress on the feuds which now visibly distract the Opposition. Tens of thousands among them think they will support none other than a Union War candidate; as many, if not more, are equally strenuous in their resolution to support only a “Peace” ticket; but when the nomination shall have been made, nearly all these will support the nominee, whether the leading name be that of McClelan [sic], Fremont, Filmore, or any one else. And whosoever shall be the nominated there will have to be the Pro-Slavery candidate – in favor, of a “reconstruction” of our Nationality with Slavery left in and Impartial Freedom kicked out. Mr. Wendell Phillips or Dr. Brownson may struggle against this – may persuade himself, and perhaps a few others, that the fact is no fact – but all in c_in “Shall the Union be reconstructed with slavery or with out? Is the main Question to be decided at our next Presidential Election; and the voice of those who wish it reconstructed without will inevitable be concentrated on Lincoln and Johnson; while the other sort will be cast for whatever ticket shall be framed at chicago. And these two tickets will divide between them ninety-nine of every hundred votes cast throughout the country.

We say this, in no spirit of partisanship, but because it is the manifest truth. We are impelled to it by no trace of feeling, no shadow of prejudice; We should support Gen. Fremont quite as willingly as Mr. Lincoln if the former stood at the head of the Anti-slavery host; but he does not. Either Mr. Lincoln must be re-elected, or he must be superseded by the candidate of Vallandigham [sic] and the Seymours, of Garret Davis and Fernando Wood – Whatever any one may wish, this is the only practicable alternative. Gen. Fremont, in order to have a shadow of chance, must more and more command himself to the favor of the sham Democracy; and if he does so his Anti-slavery supports will necessarily fall away from him. Here is a sample:

To the Editor of the N Y Tribune.

Sir: I see my name in the list of Secretaries of the Fremont and Cochrane ratification meeting held at cooper Institute last evening.

So far as that meeting was in harmony with the grand platform of principle adopted at the cleveland convention, I am with it. So far as it sympathized with the principles and policy heretofore advocated by Gen. George B. McClellan and many of his friends, I must beg leave not to be counted in.

I am for justice and equal rights to every man, either black or white, on God’s footstool; for free speech, free press, and no compromise with traitors or with sympathizers with treason, and for the immediate overthrow of Slavery, as paramount to all other objects. I believe these to be the sentiments of the “Radical Democracy.”

Yours, &c.,
D. H. Plumb

New York, June 25, 1864

– Published in The Union Sentinel, Osceola, Iowa, Saturday, July 9, 1864