Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, December 28, 1868

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI,        

ST. LOUIS, Dec. 28, 1868.

Dear Brother:

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

Of course I don't profess to understand either your bill or Mr. Morton's. I should like to see a consolidated 5 per cent bond gradually substituted to replace the present bonds, to the extent of 2000 millions, requiring 100 millions annually for interest, and a greenback for the balance of debt, say five hundred millions, and all other paper money withdrawn and prohibited. I think Grant won't commit himself to more than the general idea that the debt is sacred, and leave Congress to devise the ways and means. He will of course try all means of practical economy. I agree with him perfectly that no more money subsidies on land grants should be made now or until the debt is in good shape. . .

Affectionately,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 326

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Monday, October 17, 1864

My election [to Congress] reported. Seventeen [Republican] to two [Democratic] members of Congress in Ohio; sixteen to eight in Pennsylvania. Better than all, Governor Morton elected by a good majority in Indiana.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 526

Henry J. Raymond to Abraham Lincoln, August 22, 1864

ROOMS OF THE NATIONAL UNION

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.

Astor House, New York, Aug 22 1864.

My dear Sir:—

I feel compelled to drop you a line concerning the political condition of the Country as it strikes me. I am in active correspondence with your staunchest friends in every State and from them all I hear but one report. The tide is strongly against us. Hon. E. B. Washburne writes that “were an election to be held now in Illinois we should be beaten”. Mr. Cameron writes that Pennsylvania is against us. Gov. Morton writes that nothing but the most strenous efforts can carry Indiana. This State, according to the best information I can get, would go 50.000 against us to-morrow. And so of the rest.

Nothing but the most resolute and decided action, on the part of the Government and its friends, can save the country from falling into hostile hands.

Two special causes are assigned for this great reaction in public sentiment, — the want of military successes, and the impression in some minds, the fear and suspicion in others, that we are not to have peace in any event under this Administration until Slavery is abandoned. In some way or other the suspicion is widely diffused that we can have peace with Union if we would. It is idle to reason with this belief — still more idle to denounce it. It can only be expelled by some authoritative act, at once bold enough to fix attention and distinct enough to defy incredulity & challenge respect.

Why would it not be wise, under these circumstances, to appoint a Commission, in due form, to make distinct proffers of peace to Davis, as the head of the rebel armies, on the sole condition of acknowledging the supremacy of the Constitution, — all other questions to be settled in convention of the people of all the States? The making of such an offer would require no armistice, no suspension of active war, no abandonment of positions, no sacrifice of consistency.

If the proffer were accepted (which I presume it would not be,) the country would never consent to place the practical execution of its details in any but loyal hands, and in those we should be safe.

If it should be rejected, (as it would be,) it would plant seeds of disaffection in the South, dispel all the peace delusions about peace that previal in the North, silence the clamorous & damaging falsehoods of the opposition, take the wind completely out of the sails of the Chicago craft, reconcile public sentiment to the War, the draft, & the tax as inevitable necessities, and unite the North as nothing since firing on Fort Sumter has hitherto done.

I cannot conceive of any answer which Davis could give to such a proposition which would not strengthen you & the Union cause everywhere. Even your radical friends could not fail to applaud it when they should see the practical strength it would bring to the Union common cause.

I beg you to excuse the earnestness with which I have pressed this matter upon your attention. It seems to me calculated to do good — & incapable of doing harm. It will turn the tide of public sentiment & avert impending evils of the gravest character. It will raise & concentrate the loyalty of the country &, unless I am greatly mistaken, give us an early & a fruitful victory.

Permit me to add that if done at all I think this should be done at once, — as your own spontaneous act. In advance of the Chicago Convention it might render the action of that body, of very little consequence.

I have canvassed this subject very fully with Mr. Swett of Illinois who first suggested it to me & who will seek an opportunity to converse with you upon it.

I am, very respectfully,

Your ob't Serv't

Henry J. Raymond

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers in the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.: Lincoln, Abraham. Abraham Lincoln papers: Series 1. General Correspondence. 1833 to 1916: Henry J. Raymond to Abraham Lincoln, Monday,Political affairs. 1864. Manuscript/Mixed Material. https://www.loc.gov/item/mal3547800/.

Governor Oliver P. Morton's Speech Welcoming Abraham Lincoln to Indianapolis, Indiana, February 11, 1861

Sir, on behalf of the people of Indiana, I bid you welcome.  They avail themselves of this occasion to offer their tribute of high respect to your character as a man and as a statesman, and in your person to honor the high office to which you have been elected.  In every free government there will be differences of opinion, and those differences result in the formation of parties; but when the voice of the people has been expressed through the forms of the Constitution, all parties yield to it obedience.  Submission to the popular will is the essential principle of Republican government, and so vital is this principle that it admits of but one exception, which is revolution.  To weaken it, is anarchy; to destroy it, is despotism.  It recognizes no appeal beyond the ballot box, and while it is preserved, liberty may be wounded but never slain.  To this principle the people of Indiana – men of all parties – are bound, and they here welcome you as the Chief Magistrate elect of the people.  When our fathers framed the Constitution, they declared it was to form a more perfect union, establish justice and to preserve the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity; and for this consideration we proclaim the determination of our people to maintain that Constitution inviolate as it came from their hands.  This Union has been the idol of our hopes, the parent of our prosperity, our title to the respect and consideration of the world.  May it be preserved, it is the prayer of every patriotic heart in Indiana, and that it shall be, is their determination.

You are about to enter upon your official duties under circumstances at once novel and full of difficulty, and it will be the duty of all good citizens without distinction of party, to yield a cordial and earnest support to every measure of your administration calculated to maintain the Union, promote the national prosperity, and restore peace to our distracted and unhappy country.  Our Government, which but yesterday was the theme of every eulogy, and stood the Admiration of the world is today threatening to crumble into ruins, and it remains to be seen whether it possesses living principles, or whether in the fullness of time the hour of its dissolution is at hand.  But we are full of confidence that the end is not yet, that the precious rich inheritance whom our fathers will not elude our grasp or be wrested from us without a struggle; that we are but passing through one of those civil commotions that make the history of very nation, and that we shall emerge from the present gloom into the bright sunlight of peace and fraternity, and march forward with accelerated speed in the paths of prosperity and power.

SOURCE: “Gov. Morton’s Speech,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Chicago, Illinois, Tuesday February 12, 1861, p. 1

Abraham Lincoln's Speech in Reply to Governor Oliver P. Morton, February 11, 1861

Gov. Morton and Fellow Citizens of the State of Indiana:

Most heartily do I thank you for this magnificent reception, and while I cannot take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, more than that which pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental instrument, perhaps I should say, of a great cause, I yet must look upon it as a most magnificent reception, and as such, most heartily do I thank you for it.

You have been pleased to address yourselves to me chiefly in behalf of this glorious Union in which we live, in all of which you have my hearty sympathy, and, as far as may be within my power, will have, one and inseparably, my hearty consideration. While I do not expect, upon this occasion, or on any occasion, till after I get to Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, I will only say that to the salvation of this Union there needs but one single thing — the hearts of a people like yours. [Applause.] When the people rise in masses in behalf of the Union and the liberties of their country, truly may it be said, “The gates of hell shall not prevail against them.” [Renewed applause.]

In all the trying positions in which I shall be placed, and doubtless I shall be placed in many trying ones, my reliance will be placed upon you and the people of the United States — and I wish you to remember now and forever, that it is your business, and not mine; that if the union of these States, and the liberties of this people, shall be lost, it is but little to any one man of fifty-two years of age, but a great deal to the thirty millions of people who inhabit these United States, and to their posterity in all coming time. It is your business to rise up and preserve the Union and liberty, for yourselves, and not for me. I desire they shall be constitutionally preserved.

I, as already intimated, am but an accidental instrument, temporary, and to serve but for a limited time, but I appeal to you again to constantly bear in mind that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presidents, not with office-seekers, but with you, is the question, “Shall the Union and shall the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest generation”' [Loud and prolonged applause.]

SOURCES: Roy P. Basler, Editor, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 4, p. 193-4 “Mr. Lincoln’s Reply,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Chicago, Illinois, Tuesday February 12, 1861, p. 1; “Mr. Lincoln’s Reply,” Illinois State Journal, Springfield, Illinois, Wednesday, February 13, 1861, p. 2.

Edwin M. Stanton to Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, September 11, 1864 – 7:55 p.m.

WASHINGTON, September 11, 1864 — 7.55 p.m.

Lieutenant-General GRANT:

It is not designed by this department to delay the draft a single day after the credits are made up and quota ascertained. The Provost-Marshal-General has been directed to lose no time in that work. It is represented that the first recruits were a hard lot, but that recently the volunteers are equal to any that have taken the field during the war. The local authorities have been slack in paying their bounties and this has occasioned some delay. I would be glad if you would send me a telegram for publication, urging the necessity of immediately filling up the army by draft. The most difficulty is likely to be in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, from the desire of candidates to retain their men until after the election. We have not got a single regiment from Indiana. Morton came here specially to have the draft postponed, bur was peremptorily refused. But the personal interest to, retain men until after the election requires every effort to procure troops in that State, even by draft. Illinois is much the same way. Not a regiment or even company there has been organized. A special call from you would aid the department in overcoming the local inertia and personal interests that favor delay.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 42, Part 2 (Serial No. 88), p. 783-4

Governor Oliver P. Morton et al to Edwin M. Stanton, September 12, 1864

To Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War:

sir — Assembled from the different parts of Indiana, and practically familiar with the influences now at work in each congressional district of the state, we express it as our profound conviction that upon the issue of the election that occurs within a month from this date may depend the question as to whether the secession element shall be effectually crushed or whether it shall acquire strength enough, we do not say to take the state out of the Union, but practically to sever her from the general government, so far as future military aid is concerned.

We further express the gravest doubts as to whether it will be possible for us to secure success at the polls on the 11th of October unless we can receive aid—

1. By delay of the draft until the election has passed.

2. By the return, before election day, of fifteen thousand Indiana soldiers.

As to the draft, we propose an informal delay only, of which no public notice need be given. Reason sufficient will suggest itself in the time necessary to adjust the local quotas of townships, towns and cities, without the careful settlement of which, great dissatisfaction, even among the loyal, can not be avoided.

Volunteering is going on rapidly at this moment, and we have no hesitation in expressing the confident opinion that if the draft be delayed, and fifteen thousand Indiana troops be ordered home before the election, with suitable arrangements for recruiting, Indiana's entire quota can and will be filled by volunteering within two weeks after election day. She is at this time ahead, after filling former quotas, fully fifteen thousand three years' men.

Thus the government will obtain the recruits it has demanded about as soon as by pressing compulsory measures at once, and it will secure itself against the possible loss of the power and influence of the state for years to come.

If the draft is enforced before the election there may be required half as many men to enforce it as we ask to secure the election. Difficulty may reasonably be anticipated in from twenty to twenty-five counties. If the draft goes on immediately after the election, the soldiers will be on the spot to secure its being carried into effect, should that be necessary. But we are confident that if our propositions are adopted no draft will be needed at all.

The case of Indiana is peculiar. She has, probably, a larger proportion of inhabitants of Southern birth or parentage — many of them, of course, with Southern proclivities — than any other free state, and she is one of the few states in which soldiers are disfranchised.

It is not on the score of Indiana's past deserts that we ask this assistance. All such considerations must give way before the public good. We ask it because the burden of this political contest is heavier than we can bear. Nor have we asked it before exhausting every effort which loyal men can make for their country. We ask it for that country's sake. We ask it, because we feel absolutely assured that in this way more readily and more speedily than in any other can the general government accomplish the object it proposes.

If it were possible that you could see and hear what we, in the last month, each in his own section of country, have seen and heard, no word from us would be needed. You would need no argument to prove that a crisis, full of danger to the entire Northwest, is at hand.

We do not expect any general commanding, engrossed with vast military operations, to realize this. And therefore, while of course we do not urge any withdrawal of troops that would imperil the situation in Georgia or elsewhere, we suggest that a mere request to General Sherman, or other commander, to send home, or not send home, the troops in question, as he might think best, unaccompanied by an expression of the urgent desire of the government in the premises, and a view of the vast interests at stake, would be of no avail. No commander willingly diminishes his command. To what extent it may be prudent or proper to make the order imperative, we, not having the entire situation before us, can not judge. We hope you will see, in our most precarious condition, cause sufficient to do so.

The result of the state election, whether favorable or unfavorable to the government, will carry with it, beyond a doubt, that of the Presidential vote of Indiana.

All which is respectfully submitted,

O. P. Morton.

E. Dumont, 6th District.

godlove S. Orth, 8th District.

C. M. Allen, 1st District.

thomas N. Stillwell, 11th District.

ralph Hill, 3d District.

john H. Farquhar, 4th District.

james G. Jones, A. A. P. Marshal-General.

W. W. Curry, 2d District.

J. H. Defrees, 10th District.

S. Colfax, 9th District.

john L. Mansfield, Maj.-Gen. Ind. Legion.

JAMES Park, Capt. P. Mar. 8th District Ind.

charles A. Ray, Judge 12th District.

A. H. Conner, Postmaster, Indianapolis, Ind.

J. T. Wright, Ch. St. Cent. Com.

indianapolis, September 12, 1864.

SOURCE: William Dudley Foulke, Life of Oliver P. Morton, Volume 1, p. 367-9

Edwin M. Stanton to Governor Oliver P. Morton, September 18, 1864

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington City, September 18, 1864.

Governor MORTON,

Indianapolis:

It appears from a dispatch received from General Sherman last night that his army is jealously watching whether the draft will be suspended or enforced. The general says:

If the President modifies it to the extent of one man, or wavers in its execution, he is gone. Even the army would vote against him.*

You can judge from this what effect the recall of troops and delaying the draft is likely to have on your election.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

_______________

* For full dispatch see Series I, Vol. XXXIX, Part II, p. 396.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 4 (Serial No. 125), p. 732

Diary of John Hay: October 11, 1864

. . . I was mentioning old Mr. Blair’s very calm and discreet letter of October 5 to the President to-day contrasting it with Montgomery’s indiscretions; and the President said:— “Yes, they remind me of ———. He was sitting in a bar-room among strangers who were telling of some affair in which his father, as they said, had been tricked in a trade, and he said, ‘that's a lie!’ Some sensation. ‘What do you mean?’ ‘Why the old man ain't so easy tricked. You can fool the boys but ye can't the old man.’”

. . . . At eight o'clock the President went over to the War Department to watch for despatches. I went with him. We found the building in a state of preparation for siege. Stanton had locked the doors and taken the keys up-stairs, so that it was impossible even to send a card to him. A shivering messenger was passing to and fro in the moonlight over the withered leaves who, catching sight of the President, took us around by the Navy Department and conducted us into the War Office by a side door.

The first despatch we received contained the welcome intelligence of the election of Eggelston and Hays in the Cincinnati district. This was from Stager at Cleveland who also promised considerable gains in Indiana, made good a few minutes after by a statement of 400 gain in Noble County. Then came in a despatch from Sanford stating we had 2500 in the city of Philadelphia and that leading Democrats had given up the State. Then Shellabarger was seen to be crowding Sam Cox very hard in the Columbus district, in some places increasing Brough’s colossal vote of last year.

The President, in a lull of despatches, took from his pocket the Nasby papers, and read several chapters of the experiences of the saint and martyr, Petroleum V. They were immensely amusing. Stanton and Dana enjoyed them scarcely less than the President, who read on, con amore, until nine o'clock. At this time I went to Seward’s to keep my engagement. I found there Banks and his wife; Cols. Clark and Wilson, Asta Buruaga and Madame. . . . . Dennison was also there. We broke up very early. Dennison and I went back to the Department.

We found the good Indiana news had become better, and the Pennsylvania had begun to be streaked with lean. Before long the despatches announced with some certainty of tone that Morton was elected by a safe working majority. The scattering reports from Pennsylvania showed about equal gains and losses. But the estimates and the flyers all claimed gains on the Congressmen.

Reports began to come in from the hospitals and camps in the vicinity, the Ohio troops about ten to one for Union, and the Pennsylvania less than three to one. Carver Hospital, by which Stanton and Lincoln pass every day, on their way to the country, gave the heaviest opposition vote, —about one out of three. Lincoln says, — “That's hard on us, Stanton, — they know us better than the others.” Co. K, 150th P. V., the President's personal escort, voted 63 to 11 Union.

I am deeply thankful for the result in Indiana. I believe it saves Illinois in November. I believe it rescues Indiana from sedition and civil war. A copperhead Governor would have afforded a grand central rallying point for that lurking treason whose existence Carrington has already so clearly demonstrated. . . . I should have been willing to sacrifice something in Pennsylvania to avert that calamity. I said as much to the President. He said he was anxious about Pennsylvania because of her enormous weight and influence, which, cast definitely into the scale, would close the campaign, and leave the people free to look again with their whole hearts to the cause of the country.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 233-6; Michael Burlingame and John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s Whitehouse: the Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 238-41

Abraham Lincoln, Address to the 140th Indiana Infantry, March 17, 1865

Fellow Citizens. A few words only– I was born in Kentucky, raised in Indiana, resided in Illinois, and now here, it is my duty to care equally for the good people of all the States. I am to-day see glad of seeing it in the power of an Indiana regiment to present this captured flag to the good governor of their State. And you yet I would not wish to compliment Indiana above other states, remembering that all have done so well. There are but few aspects of this great war on which I have not already expressed my views by speaking or writing– There is one – the recent effort of our erring brethren, sometimes so-called, to employ the slaves in their armies– The great question with them has been; “will the negro fight for them?” They ought to know better than we; and, doubtless, do know better than we– I may incidentally remark, however, that having, in my life, heard many arguments, – or strings of words meant to pass for arguments, – intended to show that this negro ought to be a slave, that if he shall now really fight to keep himself a slave, it will be a far better argument why should remain a slave than I have ever before heard– He, perhaps, ought to be a slave, if he desires it ardently enough to fight for it– Or, if one out of four will, for his own freedom, fight to keep the other three in slavery, he ought to be a slave for his selfish meanness– I have always thought that all men should be free; but if any should be slaves it should be first those who desire it for themselves, and secondly those who desire it for others– Whenever [I] hear any one, even a preacher, arguing for slavery I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him peronally–

There is one thing about the negroes fighting for the rebels which we can know as well as they can; and that is that they can not, at same time fight in their armies, and stay at home and make bread for them– And this being known and remembered we can have but little concern whether they become soldiers or not– I am rather in favor of the measure; and would at any time if I could, have loaned them a vote to carry it– We have to reach the bottom of the insurgent resources; and that they employ, or seriously think of employing, the slaves as soldiers, gives us glimpses of the bottom. Therefore I am glad of what we learn on this subject—

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Monday, October 6, 1862

Maj. Garrard called to speak about North Carolina and Genl. Foster. Foster has now 3d. N. Y. Cav., and of Infantry, 17, 21 and 25 Mass, 9 N. J., 2 Md., and 5 R. I., supported by Albemarle and Pamlico Fleet, say ten gunboats. Foster wants reinforcements, — several regiments of Infantry and another Regiment of Cavalry. Maj. Garrard desires that if another regiment of Cavalry is sent, Col. Mix should be made Brigadier.

Genl. Keyes and Maj. Bannister, with Genl. Garfield and Maj. Garrard, formed our breakfast party. Genl. Keyes spoke of the disposition in the army (McClellan, etc.) to disfavor. Republican officers. Genl. Garfield mentioned the case of a young Republican officer ordered to Kansas in 1856, who was told by his Colonel that he would not allow him to remain in the Regiment if he remained Republican. Genl. Keyes spoke of the chaplain at West Point as the most perfect specimen of a Northern man with Southern principles he ever knew, and said that when the new Regiments were organizing under Jeff Davis, as Secretary of War to Pierce, eleven out of fifteen officers were appointed from the South, and when he remarked upon it he was challenged to select the eleven better men.

Went to Department, and with Gov. Morton to see the President about [furlough] to enable Indiana soldiers in camp to vote; which he promised. Left the Governor with the President. Saw Col. Hamilton and arranged interview for him. Met Wadsworth and Cochrane. Asked Cochrane to breakfast.

Genl. Cochrane breakfasted with me, and after breakfast conversed freely about McClellan. He said McClellan would like to retire from active command if he could do so without disgrace, which could be accomplished and a more active General secured by restoring him to chief command, where he would now act in unison with myself. I explained frankly my relations to McClellan — my original admiration and confidence—my disappointment in his inactivity and irresolution — my loss of confidence and conviction that another General should replace him — my constant endeavor to support him by supplies and reinforcements, notwithstanding my distrust, when the President determined to keep him in command — my present belief that I had not judged incorrectly, but my entire willingness, also, to receive any correction which facts would warrant; and my absolute freedom from personal ill will, and my entire readiness to do anything which would insure the earliest possible suppression of the rebellion. He said that Col. Key had often expressed his regret that MeClellan had not conferred with me and acted in concert with me. I replied that I thought, if he had, the rebellion would be ended now; but that I feared concert between us impossible, our views, dispositions, and principles harmonizing so little. He said he would talk with McClellan and write me. I answered that I should be glad to hear from him, and was quite willing he should report to McClellan what I had said.

At Cabinet, the President spoke of his visit to the Army at Sharpsburgh, and the battle fields of Antietam and South Mountain. He said he was fully satisfied that we had not over 60,000 men engaged; and he described the position of the enemy and our own — the enemy's being much the best, his wings and centre communicating easily by the Sharpsburgh road parallel with the stream. He expressed no opinion as to Generalship, nor of results.

Seward asked what news of the Expedition to Charleston? Secretary Welles [said] the necessary iron-clads could not be ready in less than a month. I was much disappointed by this statement, remembering that ten days of a month were up; and said at once that I hoped then we should not wait for the Navy but at once organize a land force sufficient to take the city from James Island. Mr. Stanton agreed in the importance of this, and proposed to order Mitchell's and Garfield's Brigades from the West — send Garfield at once to South Carolina with these Brigades and two more Regiments—and let Mitchell go to work immediately. He said also that he proposed at once to organize an Expedition to open the Mississippi, and give the command of it to McClernand. The President seemed much pleased with both movements—but Halleck remained to be consulted. Would he oppose the President and Stanton? I thought not.

I left the Cabinet with more hope than I have felt for months.

At the President's, I met W. H. Aspinwall and invited him to come and dine with me; which he did. In conversation, I enquired what he thought of the idea of selling some $50,000,000 of Five-twenties at about the market rate? He thought it should be done but doubted whether more than 97½ could be obtained. I said I hoped to get 99 or 99½. He then spoke of his visit to McClellan and seemed greatly to desire my cooperation with him. He mentioned that Burnside had heard that I blamed him for having Porter restored to command; but thinks I would not if I understood all the circumstances.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 101-4

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Sunday, October 5, 1862

At home to favor foot. Much better in the afternoon, and rode over to Insane Asylum to see Hooker. Was glad to find him much improved. He said we had plenty of good officers, and that all the courage, ability and genius we needed could be found among our Volunteer Colonels. He then said that an aide of McClellan's had been down to see him with an inquiry as to how soon he would be able to take the field, and expressing his confidence with hints of important command of army moving from Washington. He expressed the belief that no decisive victory would be achieved so long as McClellan had command.

Before starting on this visit, John A. Stevens, Jr., called wishing me to see Col. Hamilton about Texas;¹ and I asked him to bring him to dinner. Accordingly both came. Secretary Stanton also, by accident, and Mr. Montgomery, by Katie's invitation. After dinner, Col. Hamilton spoke fully of Texas — described his escape and hiding in the woods — said that many hundred loyal Texans were now concealed in Texas as refugees — declared that the War was a war of the oligarchy upon the people — that Slavery was the basis of the oligarchy, but that the perpetuation of slavery was not more their object, than the despotic power of the class over the mass. I entered fully into his feelings; and promised to go with him to the President's tomorrow.

After he went, Gov. Morton came in and spoke very earnestly of the condition of matters in Indiana. Apprehends State defeat on the 14th, and loss of all the Congressional Districts except Julian's, Colfax's, and perhaps Shank's. Wants Indiana Regiments in the State furloughed so that they can vote. Thinks Buell utterly unfit for command of the great army under him — is slow, opposed to the Proclamation, and has bad influence every way. Wishes me to go with him to President's about the regiments, which I promised to do tomorrow.

______________

¹ Andrew Jackson Hamilton, 1815-1875. G. S. Denison gives an account of him in his letter of September 19, 1862, p. 314.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 100-1

1st Lieutenant Edward P. Williams to A. B. T., August 29, 1862

Fort Wayne, Ind., Aug. 29, 1862.

Yesterday I received a dispatch from Indianapolis saying that Governor Morton had appointed me first lieutenant and adjutant of the One-hundredth Indiana Volunteer Infantry. My commission will come in a few days. The adjutancy is a very good position, and I am better qualified for it than for anything else. No colonel has yet been appointed.

SOURCE: Edward P. Williams, Extracts from Letters to A. B. T. from Edward P. Williams: During His Service in the Civil War 1862-1864, p. 5

Proclamation of Oliver P. Morton, Governor of Indiana, April 16, 1861

PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR.

Whereas, An armed rebellion has been organized in certain States of this Union, having for its purpose the overthrow of the Government of the United States;

And WHEREAS, The authors and movers in this rebellion have seized, by violence, various forts and arsenals belonging to the United States, and otherwise plundered the Government of large amounts of money and valuable property;

And Whereas, Fort Sumter, a fortress belonging to the United States, the exclusive possession and jurisdiction over which were vested in the General Government by the Constitution of the United States, has been besieged by a large army, and assaulted by a destructive cannonade and reduced to submission, and the National flag hauled down and dishonored;

And Whereas, The President of the United States, in the exercise of the power vested in him by the Federal Constitution, has called upon the several States remaining true to their allegiance to aid him in the enforcement of the laws, the recovery of the National property, and the maintainance of the rightful authority of the United States;

Now, therefore, I, Oliver P. Morton, Governor of the State of Indiana, call upon the loyal and patriotic men of this State, to the number of six regiments, to organize themselves into military companies, and forthwith report the same to the Adjutant General, in order that they may be speedily mustered into the service of the United States. The details of the organization are set forth in the instructions of the Adjutant General, herewith published.

OLIVER P. MORTON, Governor.

Lewis Wallace, Adjutant General.

Indianapolis, April 16, 1861.

SOURCE: William H. H. Terrell, Indiana in the War of the Rebellion, p. 332

Oliver P. Morton, Governor of Indiana, to Abraham Lincoln, April 15, 1861

Executive Department Of Indiana,

Indianapolis, April 15,1861.

To Abraham Lincoln,

President of the United States:

On behalf of the State of Indiana, I tender to you, for the defence of the Nation and to uphold the authority of the Government, ten thousand men.

oliver P. Morton,

Governor of Indiana.

SOURCE: Indiana Republican State Central Committee, Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana: A Sketch of His Life and Public Services, p. 15

Governor Oliver P. Morton to Abraham Lincoln, October 21, 1862 – 9:50 p.m.

INDIANAPOLIS, IND.,

October 21, 1862 – 9.15 p.m.

 His Excellency the PRESIDENT:

An officer just from Louisville announces that Bragg has escaped with his army into East Tennessee, and that Buell's army is countermarching to Lebanon. The butchery of our troops at Perryville was terrible, and resulted from a large portion of the enemy being precipitated upon a small portion of ours. Sufficient time was thus gained by the enemy to enable them to escape. Nothing but success, speedy and decided, will save our cause from utter destruction. In the Northwest distrust and despair are seizing upon the hearts of the people.

 O. P. MORTON,

Governor of Indiana.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 16, Part 2 (Serial No. 23), p. 634

Gov. Morton, now in Washington . . .

. . . has telegraphed to Indianapolis ordering clothing, blankets, and many other necessaries, to be sent to Indiana prisoners at Richmond, Va., Columbia, S. C., and Tuscaloosa, Ala.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 8, 1862, p. 2

The Indianapolis Journal says . . .

. . . of the appointment of Hon. Joseph A. Right as U. S. Senator to succeed Bright:

The pressure on our columns this morning compels us to defer to the comments suggested by this fit and just appointment.  It is enough to say that it was demanded by the loyal men of all parties with [an] unanimity never witnessed before in reference to any appointment, that Gov. Wright’s early and uncompromising advocacy of the suppression of the rebellion at all hazards, his eminence as a citizen, and the hostility so pointedly directed at him by the late disloyal Convention, made his appointment peculiarly appropriate; and that by this act Gov. Morton and the party in power have given a guaranty of the highest character that the Union movement will be an honest, manly and fair effort to unite all loyal men and all supporters of the government in one party.  Gov. Wright will speak to-night, (Tuesday) at 7 o’clock at the Hall of the House, on the war and topics of the day connected with it.  We trust he may have a full house.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 1, 1862, p. 3

From Cairo

CAIRO, Feb. 18. – Gov. Yates, Lieut. Governor Wood, auditor Dubois and many prominent citizens from all parts of Illinois are here to look after the wounded Illinois soldiers from Ft. Donelson.

Gov. Morton and many prominent citizens of Indiana are also here for a like purpose on account of the gallant men of that State who participated in the battle.

A salute of fifteen guns was fired this morning by order of Brig. Gen. E. A. Paine in honor of the arrival at this place of Governor Yates, commander-in-chief of Illinois troops.  It was answered at Bird’s Point at 2 o’clock P. M.

His Excellency held a public reception at the St. Charles Hotel, and all of the officers paid their respects to the Governor.  He was received by Col. Buford and the officers of the 27^th Illinois, and the officers of each regiment came up in a body lead by their several regimental bands.  Col. Beauford [sic] said they came to welcome the man who had so supplied the wants of the Illinois boys and so nobly cared for all the troops he had sent forth to avenge the wrongs and injuries of our country.

Gov. Yates responded briefly but with deep feeling, paying a handsome tribute to the memory of the fallen at Fort Donelson, and congratulating their brethren in arms for the achievement of this late victory of our arms over a traitor foe.

About 7,000 of the rebel prisoners from Fort Donelson have arrived here and departed up the Mississippi river to be disposed of by Gen. Halleck.  The question of what to do with them was discussed among the Commanding officers here last night, and the conclusion seems to be that they will be divided, a portion going to Alton, another portion to Chicago, and probably a third portion going to Fort Wayne and Detroit.

Troops are continually arriving and departing for the seat of war, and our army will soon again be in readiness to advance.

It is believed, that if permitted to do so, very many of the rebel prisoners would gladly take up arms on the side of the Union.  The privates, almost to a man, declare that they have seen quite enough of the secession elephant. – The officers, however, are generally very morose and bitter in their expressions relative to the North.

In addition to the list of killed and wounded previously reported, are the following:

46^th Illinois, Commissary Sergeant Traverse, Killed; Lt. Col. Maltby, ball in the leg; Cornelius Shay, flesh wound in the thigh; Lieut. H. H. Boyce, severely wounded in the hip from a Minnie ball; George P. Appleton, severely wounded in the foot.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 22, 1862, p. 3

From Cairo

CAIRO, February 18.

Gov. Yates, Ex-Gov. Wood, Auditor Dubois and many prominent citizens from all parts of Illinois are here to look after the wounded Illinois soldiers from Fort Donelson.  Gov. Morton and many prominent citizens of Indiana are also here for a like purpose, on account of the gallant men of that State who participated in the battle.

A salute of fifteen guns was fired this morning by order of Brig. Gen. E. A. Paine, in honor of the arrival at this place of Gov. Yates, commander-in-chief of the Illinois troops.  It was answered at Bird’s Point at 2 o’clock p.m.  His Excellency held a public reception at the St. Charles Hotel, and all the officers paid their respects to the Governor.  He was received by Col. Buford and the others of the 27th Illinois, and the officers of each regiment came up in a body led by ther several regimental bands.

Col. Buford said they came to welcome the men, who had supplied the wants of the Ill. Boys and so nobly cared for all the troops he had sent forth to avenge the wrongs and injury to the flag of our country.  Gov. Yates responded briefly, but with deep feeling, paying a handsome tribute to the memory of the fallen at Fort Donelson, congratulating their brethren in arms, for the achievement of the late victory of our arms over a traitor foe.  Seven thousand of the rebel prisoners from Fort Donelson, have arrived here and departed up the Mississippi, to be disposed of by Gen. Halleck.  The question of what to do with them was discussed among the commanding officers here last night and the conclusion seems to be that they will be divided, a portion going to Alton and a portion to Chicago and probably a third portion to Fort Wayne and Detroit.  Troops are continually arriving and departing for the seat of war, and our army will soon again be in readiness to advance.

It is believed that, if permitted to do so, very many of the rebel prisoners would gladly take up arms on the side of the Union.  The privates almost to a man declare that they have seen quite enough of the secession elephant.  The officers, however, are generally very morose, and bitter in their expressions relative to the north.

In addition to the list of killed and wounded previously reported, are the following:

45th Illinois, commissary serg’t Traverse, Killed; Lt. Col. Maltby, ball in leg; Cornelius Shay, flesh wound in the thigh; Lieut. H. Boice, severe wound in hip from a minie ball; Geo. Poppleton, severely wounded in the foot.

Times’ Dispatch

CAIRO, Feb. 18.

Col. Buford, with a small force, went down the river on a reconnoisance to-day.  When within four miles of Columbus, heavy cannonading was heard, not, however, with any regularity.  On moving across the river, where a view of the place could be obtained, he discovered a heavy cloud of smoke, covering a large space.

Col. Buford believes the solution of the affair to be, that the rebels are dismounting their guns and blowing up magazines preparatory to evacuating the place.

A large number of the rebel prisoners brought down yesterday belonged on the Cumberland river, as they passed their homes looked wistfully for some face of recognition.  Many were under the impression they would be paroled, and when they found they were to be sent North, were ready to take any oath.  Two-thirds manifest a desire to return to their allegiance.  Some acknowledged they had been humbugged into their present unfortunate position.

Six thousand prisoners have already arrived here, and the others will be brought down as soon as transportation can be procured.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, February 20, 1862, p. 1