Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Tuesday, November 8, 1864

Went with Generals Sheridan and Crook and Colonel Forsythe to polls of [the] Thirty-fourth Regiment. All vote for Lincoln. General Sheridan's "maiden vote.” All of this A. M. under arms.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 535

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Friday, October 28, 1864

Rained hard last night; gusty and cold this A. M. 

Mem.: — Buy Lowell's “Fireside Travels.” Barry, of Hillsboro, and West, of Cincinnati, bring poll-books for and tickets for both sides. General Crook anxious to have Comly write our side of battle of Cedar Creek.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 531

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Matthew Scott Cook, October 12, 1864

CAMP NEAR STRASBURG, VIRGINIA, October 12, 1864.

Dear UNCLE Scott:— I am much obliged for your letter announcing the arrival of the big boy and the welfare of his mother. I had been looking for news somewhat anxiously. I intended to have had a daughter, but I failed to see the new moon over my right shoulder. I am glad to hear he promises to be a good boy, as Aunt Phœbe writes Dr. Joe.

We had a quiet election here yesterday. My old brigade, Ohio voters, were unanimous the two veteran regiments voting as follows: Twenty-third — two hundred and sixty-six Union; Thirty-sixth — two hundred and fifty-nine ditto, and no Copperheads. The whole of Crook's Command stands fourteen hundred Union and two hundred Democrats in round numbers — three-fourths of the Democrats being in companies from Monroe and Crawford (counties).

Our campaign in the Valley is supposed to be ended. It winds up with a most signal cavalry victory. It is believed that the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps with Sheridan's splendid cavalry will join Grant and that Crook's hard-worked command will have the duty of guarding the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad in winter quarters. We hope this is correct. If so, I shall probably get home by Christmas for a good visit.

I am compelled to write this on the half sheet of your letter. Love to all.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

MATTHEW Scott Cook.
        Chillicothe, Ohio.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 524

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, October 11, 1864

The President and Seward called on me this forenoon relative to New York voters in the Navy. Wanted one of our boats to be placed at the disposal of the New York commission to gather votes in the Mississippi Squadron. A Mr. Jones was referred to, who subsequently came to me with a line from the President, and wanted also to send to the blockading squadrons. Gave permission to go by the Circassian, and directed commanders to extend facilities to all voters.

Much is said and done in regard to the soldier's vote, and many of the States not only have passed laws but altered their constitutions to permit it. The subject is one that has not struck me favorably. I have not, perhaps, given it the consideration that I ought, certainly not enough to advocate it, — and yet it seems ungracious to oppose it. Were I to vote on this question at all, I should, with my present impressions, vote against it.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 175

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, September 13, 1864

CAMP NEAR SUMMIT POINT, VIRGINIA, September 13, 1864.

DEAREST: - We have had heavy fall rains and are now having windy, cold fall weather. We are, however, very comfortably camped, clad, and fed.

No fighting of importance since the third. The enemy was still in our front yesterday morning. A division is now out feeling of their lines — the cannonading indicates that they have not all gone.

McClellan, I see, has written a pretty good war letter. I suspect it will make him trouble among the genuine copperheads. Mr. Lord declines running in the Second District and Mr. Butler is put in his place! I think both of them are good war men and that they do not differ much from me. A funny mix it is.

We have had two votes in this camp. The Thirteenth Virginia, Colonel Brown, gave three hundred and seventy-five for Lincoln, fifteen for McClellan. The Ninth Virginia two hundred and seventy for Lincoln, none (!) for McClellan. The platform and Pendleton destroys his chances in the army.

I dreamed about you and the boys last night. I hope you are as well as I thought you looked.

Love to all 

Affectionately ever 

R. 

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 507

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sophia Birchard Hayes, October 21, 1863

Camp White, West Virginia, October 21, 1863.

Dear Mother: — I received your letter of the 17th this morning. Our soldiers rejoice over the result of the Ohio election as much or more than the good people at home. They felt afraid last winter that the people were getting disheartened and that there was danger that the war would be abandoned just as we were about to succeed. They saw, too, how much the Rebels were encouraged by our divisions in the North. The men of my regiment and my brigade were both unanimous for the Union ticket. The brigade cast over eight hundred votes all one way. I have seen no account of any equal body of troops who did as well. . . .

It is very uncertain what our movements this winter will be, but I think I shall be able to come and see you by midwinter. The time of mustering out my regiment is approaching and we shall perhaps be sent home to recruit. At any rate I think I shall see you this winter. — Love to all.

Affectionately,

R. B. Hayes.

Mrs. Sophia Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 441-2

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: Tuesday, November 8, 1864

The decisive day of the nation. If the cause of the Union prevails today, liberty and union will be ours forever. God grant the right success. Ordered into camp. Moved back through Newtown. Rosser reported prowling about. Voted. 201 for Lincoln, 4 for McClellan. Glorious for the 2nd Ohio.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 134

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: November 5, 1864

Hostages taken out Everything is bright and pleasant and I see no cause to complain, therefore won't. To-morrow is election day at the North; wish I was there to vote — which I ain't. Will here say that I am a War Democrat to the backbone. Not a very stiff one, as my backbone is weak.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 111-2

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: November 6, 1864

One year ago to-day captured. Presidential election at the North between Lincoln and McClellan. Some one fastened up a box, and all requested to vote, for the fun of the thing. Old prisoners haven't life enough to go and vote; new prisoners vote for present administration. I voted for McClellan with a hurrah, and another hurrah, and still another Had this election occurred while we were at Andersonville, four-fifths would have voted for McClellan. We think ourselves shamefully treated in being left so long as prisoners of war Abe Lincoln is a good man and a good president, but he is controlled by others who rule the exchange business as well as most other things. Of course our likes and dislikes make no difference to him or any one else. Yes, one year ago to day captured. A year is a good while, even when pleasantly situated, but how much longer being imprisoned as we have been. It seems a lifetime, and I am twenty years older than a year ago. Little thought that I was to remain all this time in durance vile. Improving in health, disposition and everything else. If both breeches legs were of the same length should be supremely happy. Should make a bonfire to-night if I wasn't afraid of celebrating a defeat. Had lots of fun hurrahing for "Little Mac."

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 112

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, June 14, 1863

Camp White, June 14, 1863.

Dear Uncle: — I received yours dated the 4th last night. I see by the Sentinel that you are a bank president, one of the “moneyed aristocracy” of the land.

No taking of Vicksburg yet. I still think we must get it soon. Vallandigham for governor? Pretty bold move. Rather rash if it is considered that forty to sixty thousand soldiers will probably vote. I estimate that about as many will vote for Vallandigham as there are deserters in the course of a year's service — from one to five per cent. A foolish (or worse) business, our Democratic friends are getting into. I don't like arbitrary or military arrests of civilians in States where the law is regularly administered by the courts, but no issue can be made on such questions while the Rebellion is unconquered, and it's idle to attempt it.

Lucy and all the family are on a steamboat a few miles below here, and will be up this afternoon. We have had no trouble from Rebels since their repulse at Fayette, so I think they will be quite comfortable here.

15th. — Mother Webb and Lucy, with all the boys, are here. Boys are delighted.

Sincerely,

R. B. Hayes.

S. BlRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 413

Governor Oliver P. Morton et al to Edwin M. Stanton, September 12, 1864

To Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War:

sir — Assembled from the different parts of Indiana, and practically familiar with the influences now at work in each congressional district of the state, we express it as our profound conviction that upon the issue of the election that occurs within a month from this date may depend the question as to whether the secession element shall be effectually crushed or whether it shall acquire strength enough, we do not say to take the state out of the Union, but practically to sever her from the general government, so far as future military aid is concerned.

We further express the gravest doubts as to whether it will be possible for us to secure success at the polls on the 11th of October unless we can receive aid—

1. By delay of the draft until the election has passed.

2. By the return, before election day, of fifteen thousand Indiana soldiers.

As to the draft, we propose an informal delay only, of which no public notice need be given. Reason sufficient will suggest itself in the time necessary to adjust the local quotas of townships, towns and cities, without the careful settlement of which, great dissatisfaction, even among the loyal, can not be avoided.

Volunteering is going on rapidly at this moment, and we have no hesitation in expressing the confident opinion that if the draft be delayed, and fifteen thousand Indiana troops be ordered home before the election, with suitable arrangements for recruiting, Indiana's entire quota can and will be filled by volunteering within two weeks after election day. She is at this time ahead, after filling former quotas, fully fifteen thousand three years' men.

Thus the government will obtain the recruits it has demanded about as soon as by pressing compulsory measures at once, and it will secure itself against the possible loss of the power and influence of the state for years to come.

If the draft is enforced before the election there may be required half as many men to enforce it as we ask to secure the election. Difficulty may reasonably be anticipated in from twenty to twenty-five counties. If the draft goes on immediately after the election, the soldiers will be on the spot to secure its being carried into effect, should that be necessary. But we are confident that if our propositions are adopted no draft will be needed at all.

The case of Indiana is peculiar. She has, probably, a larger proportion of inhabitants of Southern birth or parentage — many of them, of course, with Southern proclivities — than any other free state, and she is one of the few states in which soldiers are disfranchised.

It is not on the score of Indiana's past deserts that we ask this assistance. All such considerations must give way before the public good. We ask it because the burden of this political contest is heavier than we can bear. Nor have we asked it before exhausting every effort which loyal men can make for their country. We ask it for that country's sake. We ask it, because we feel absolutely assured that in this way more readily and more speedily than in any other can the general government accomplish the object it proposes.

If it were possible that you could see and hear what we, in the last month, each in his own section of country, have seen and heard, no word from us would be needed. You would need no argument to prove that a crisis, full of danger to the entire Northwest, is at hand.

We do not expect any general commanding, engrossed with vast military operations, to realize this. And therefore, while of course we do not urge any withdrawal of troops that would imperil the situation in Georgia or elsewhere, we suggest that a mere request to General Sherman, or other commander, to send home, or not send home, the troops in question, as he might think best, unaccompanied by an expression of the urgent desire of the government in the premises, and a view of the vast interests at stake, would be of no avail. No commander willingly diminishes his command. To what extent it may be prudent or proper to make the order imperative, we, not having the entire situation before us, can not judge. We hope you will see, in our most precarious condition, cause sufficient to do so.

The result of the state election, whether favorable or unfavorable to the government, will carry with it, beyond a doubt, that of the Presidential vote of Indiana.

All which is respectfully submitted,

O. P. Morton.

E. Dumont, 6th District.

godlove S. Orth, 8th District.

C. M. Allen, 1st District.

thomas N. Stillwell, 11th District.

ralph Hill, 3d District.

john H. Farquhar, 4th District.

james G. Jones, A. A. P. Marshal-General.

W. W. Curry, 2d District.

J. H. Defrees, 10th District.

S. Colfax, 9th District.

john L. Mansfield, Maj.-Gen. Ind. Legion.

JAMES Park, Capt. P. Mar. 8th District Ind.

charles A. Ray, Judge 12th District.

A. H. Conner, Postmaster, Indianapolis, Ind.

J. T. Wright, Ch. St. Cent. Com.

indianapolis, September 12, 1864.

SOURCE: William Dudley Foulke, Life of Oliver P. Morton, Volume 1, p. 367-9

Edwin M. Stanton to Governor Oliver P. Morton, September 18, 1864

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington City, September 18, 1864.

Governor MORTON,

Indianapolis:

It appears from a dispatch received from General Sherman last night that his army is jealously watching whether the draft will be suspended or enforced. The general says:

If the President modifies it to the extent of one man, or wavers in its execution, he is gone. Even the army would vote against him.*

You can judge from this what effect the recall of troops and delaying the draft is likely to have on your election.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

_______________

* For full dispatch see Series I, Vol. XXXIX, Part II, p. 396.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 4 (Serial No. 125), p. 732

Major-General William T. Sherman to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, September 17, 1864 – 8 a.m.

ATLANTA, GA., September 17, 1864 — 8 a.m.      

(Received 1.50 a.m. 18th.)

Major-General HALLECK.

Chief of Staff:

My report is done and copied. Many of the subordinate reports are also ready, and I could send them forward to-day, but as I expect a special messenger from General Grant every hour, who will return, I will await his arrival, and avail myself of his return to send on the reports. All well. Troops in fine health, but are unusually anxious about paymasters and the draft. Mr. Stanton tells me the draft will be made on Monday next. If Mr. Lincoln modifies it to the extent of one man, or wavers in its execution, he is gone. Even the army would vote against him. Atlanta is pretty well cleared out of the families, so that source of trouble is disposed of. Now, I will build some strong interior  redoubts, and then, I suppose, for Augusta?

W. T. SHERMAN,    

Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 39, Part 2 (Serial No. 78), p. 396

Abraham Lincoln to Major-General William T. Sherman, September 19, 1864

Executive Mansion,

Washington, D. C.

September 19^th, 1864.

Major General Sherman

The State election of Indiana occurs on the 11th of October, and the loss of it to the friends of the Government would go far towards losing the whole Union cause. The bad effect upon the November election, and especially the giving the State Government to those who will oppose the war in every possible way, are too much to risk, if it can possibly be avoided. The draft proceeds, notwithstanding its strong tendency to lose us the State. Indiana is the only important State, voting in October, whose soldiers cannot vote in the field. Any thing you can safely do to let her soldiers, or any part of them, go home and vote at the State election, will be greatly in point. They need not remain for the Presidential election, but may return to you at once. This is, in no sense, an order, but is merely intended to impress you with the importance, to the army itself, of your doing all you safely can, yourself being the judge of what you can safely do.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

SOURCE: The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Address of the Union State Central Committee

To the People of Pennsylvania:

In the midst of a fierce conflict for the national life – responding to calls for large reinforcements to enable our armies to successfully combat with traitors – cheerfully meeting the payment of extraordinary taxation to supply the Government with money to conduct the war, the submitting to an immense increase in the prices of living, the people of Pennsylvania have nevertheless been able for three years to maintain a prosperity, and secure a healthy operation in all the branches of their trade, unprecedented in the annals of any country while engaged in the prosecution of a war.  In the trials of this bloody war, with the struggle just reaching its climax, the people of Pennsylvania suddenly find themselves involved in a political contest invested with the highest importance, because fraught with the most momentous issues.  Ordinarily, heretofore, political contests meant only a choice of policy as to the manner of administering the Government.  The struggle of parties was for the possession of the powers of Government, and merely to control their operation.  How, however, our political contests have resolved themselves into a direct and a positive issue for the safety and the permanence of the Government; because, politically as well as sectionally, the contest at the ballot-box and in the battle-field must decide whether the Union shall exist or perish with the triumph or defeat of one or the other of the contending parties.  Hence the unwonted importance with which our political campaigns are now invested. — Parties are now divided on issued which vitally concern the Government.  They are composed of friends and enemies of that government.  To choose between these parties equally interests the cause of loyalty and that of treason.  No man can stand neutral between the two, and all that are not fairly for the Government will be justly recognized as its enemy. — Admitting that such is the new importance assumed by our political contests, we have an excuse as well as a justification for entering on the contest fast approaching, for the amendments to the Constitution, with all the zeal in our nature, and all the devotion that should characterize the patriot and the lover of his country in his effort to serve it.

It was seem that on an amendment to the Constitution granting the soldier a right to vote there should be no division.  Among a free people particularly, who are admitted always to be the most intelligent, such a right should be so well grounded in common and statute law as to need no action, at this late day, for its exercise and vindication.  The soldier, in all lands, alike among civilized and barbaric nations, has ever been admitted to the highest honors conferred by the governments beneath whose banners he fought.  His valor, his sacrifices, and his devotion, have ever been regarded as themes for the poet, subjects for the painter, and material for the historian; and thus the calling of arms became one of honor – one which elicited the noble rivalries of compatriots, and, where civilization refined for the instincts and elevated the character of men, war has been so conducted as to force combatants to respect and honor each other’s qualities – the victor still to treat the vanquished as a MAN.  The Constitution and laws expressly declare that no man shall be deprived of his citizenship, except for high crimes of which he shall be chard and proven guilty.  He must be summoned to meet such a charge of criminality in the presence of judges whose oaths bind them to do him entire justice.  He must be insured a trial by a jury sworn impartially to consider his case.  If found guilty, the sentence of his judges may result in his disfranchisement – but disfranchisement is not aimed at as a result of his punishment.  Disfranchisement as a direct punishment is only made to follow the highest crime known against the State.  Yet in the face of these facts, and in opposition to all equity, there are those in the State who insist that disfranchisement should follow the highest service which a man can perform for his Government.  There is a strong party to-day in Pennsylvania, regularly organized, controlled by able leaders and sustained by astute and learned advocates, insisting that the service of a citizen as a soldier – the periling of life and limb in the support of the Government, the giving up of domestic endearments, the sacrifice of business interests, and the yielding  of all personal comforts, forfeit for those thus engaged all political right, every franchise of a free-born or constitutionally adopted American citizen.  The monstrous iniquity of such a claim is at once apparent, however it has been maintained by our highest judicial tribunals.  Its injustice can only be sustained by sophistries founded in the worst political prejudices, so that the sooner the Constitution and laws are made plain and rendered explicit on this subject, and posted where every man can read and understand them, just so soon do we secure the strength and majesty of the Government in the confidence and respect of the governed – just so soon do we make our good old State worthy of the past valor of her sons, and glorious in the future.  American citizenship has its virtues and these their merits.  Each virtue can only be exalted by serving the Government under which they flourish; but if that service is made a badge of degradation, will it not be more natural for men of honor and spirit and true courage to resist its rendition than voluntarily to accept its duties?  The citizen-soldier feels when he takes up arms it is to defend, not destroy, his political rights.  The man who sacrifices his business interests, and for a stipulated time surrenders his personal liberty, cannot understand why he should be deprived of his political rights.  The service of arms does not blunt the judgment or blur the ability of a citizen to exercise the elective franchise.  It rather gives him a new title to the enjoyment of such a right, and fits him for the highest privileges of a free Government.  Unlike the masses of Europe, the great body of the American people are intelligent, possessed of educations affording the heights knowledge.  While war for a time may change the habits of such people, it cannot affect their sense of justice, their appreciation of power, and their love of Government.  It cannot lessen their ability for self-government.  If it could, the war in which we are now engaged for the defence of the Government and the safety of the public weal had better be stopped immediately.

The Democratic leaders now oppose the enfranchisement of the soldier.  In the olden time of the Democratic leaders, such as Jefferson, Jackson, Snyder and Shultze insisted that the elective franchise followed the flag under which a soldier fought.  If that flag was potent, on the sea and the land, to protect a man in war, why should it not possess the other virtues of continuing his political franchises?  If it made the deck of a vessel above which it waved the soil of the country represented by it, regardless of the sea or clime in which it floated, so also does it carry with it for the soldier who fights beneath its folds any political rights which these heroes enjoyed before they were mustered into the service; and on this soundly democratic argument the soldiers who fought in Mexico were able to exercise a freeman’s right in the wilds of the chapparel, the heats of the seashore, the din of conflict, and in the shadow of battlemented castles, the same as if they had been at home in their respective wards and precincts.  If men fighting thousands of miles from home – cut off from all communication – scarcely informed at the time on the issues of the political campaign, were able and entitled to exercise the right of the franchise, is it not fair to suppose that citizens of a like intelligence, engaged in the same service of the Government within the limits of its authority, distant only a few miles from home, conversant with all the issues involved in the political contest, in daily communication with their friends, and in perusal also of journals discussing the questions at stake – is it not fair to suppose that such men are entitled to the exercise of all their political rights?  Only those who act from perverted policy on this subject, will seek to evade the responsibility of such a question.  This is proven by the judicial history already attached to this question.  When it was deemed expedient, as it was undoubtedly considered by the democratic leaders then, the elective franchise was extended to the absent soldiers in Mexico; but in the midst of a war waged by the upholders of an institution from which the Democratic leaders thrive all their strength, George W. Woodward, a Justice of the Supreme Court, and lately the candidate of the Democratic party for Governor, judicially denied the soldiers the exercise of the elective franchise; denied our brave defenders the right almost in the same breath in which he declared the right of the States of the South to rebel and secede from the Union!  Fair men can see no difference in an American soldier voting in Mexico, while fighting beneath the flag of his country, and the same soldier citizen under the same circumstances voting in a rebellious State.  Time nor place, within the limits of a free government, or in the service thereof, cannot influence, should not be permitted to affect the rights of a freeman.  The government which is not able to insure him these inherent rights is unworthy his support.  The authority of a free government, which seeks to degrade a freeman while periling his life in its defence, is a despotism more fearful than that which denies all right to the governed.  It is not possible that such a government can last.  At some period in its history, if the rights of its defenders be disregarded as the Democratic leaders now deny the right of the franchise to the soldiers, it will need arms to protect it both from foreign and domestic foes, and perish eventually, an object to mean for defence.

In advocating the soldier’s right to vote, the loyal men of Pennsylvania are sustained by a faith in the fact that his service is such as to secure him not merely all the rights he enjoyed before he entered the army, but increased dignity and power at the hands of the Republic.  The enemies of this great principle oppose it only for reasons of expediency.  There was a time when the Democratic leaders claimed that the army was largely and even almost wholly composed of their partisan followers.  When they were most clamorous in insisting upon the recognition of such a claim, the supporters of the principle, opposed politically to these leaders were most earnest and even persistent in its advocacy.  To them it was a principle of justice too sacred to be disregarded – too noble to be rejected – too important in its relations to the very genius and vitality of the Republic to be denied to all the people thereof, alike shoes who risk the perils of battle in its defence and those who run no danger of life, limb or property in the service of Government, and who still claim its highest immunities and most sacred privileges.  On the second day of August ensuing this question will come practically before the People of Pennsylvania.  We do not doubt the result of the election as to the acceptance of rejection of the soldier’s right to vote.  But we would be false to the party which we represent, and recreant to the creed which we adore, if we failed to avow in advance our approval of granting this great right to our brave defenders.  Pennsylvania has many thousands of her citizens now in the army. – They have all gone forth inspired by a sublime faith in the strength of a free Government to crush a wicked conspiracy, and does it become us, while enjoying the halcyon blessings of peace at home, while the limbs of our soldiers are wet with their own blood, and their weapons are dripping with the gore of traitors, to say to them, “You have forfeited your citizenship; you are no longer worthy of participating in the control of a free Government; your positions must be with the slaves of the South among the disgraced and degraded of God’s children?”  We cannot believe that the people of Pennsylvania are prepared to send such a message to their fellow-citizens in the armies of the republic.  We cannot believe that so foul a disgrace awaits our war-warn but still intrepid heroes.  The hearts of the great majority of the people at home are too full of gratitude for a return of great service by galling neglect.  Our faith in the justice of the people renders us confident in the establishment and vindication of the political rights of the soldier.  But that fault must be accompanied by works.  Hence it becomes the duty of the State Central Committee to urge on the friends of the soldier actively to labor for the triumph of this effort in his behalf.  Let it be said of our fellow-citizens now absent as soldiers, that as our victorious armies planted their banners in the capital of treason, it was beneath their folds in Richmond each hero of the Keystone State exercised the freeman’s right of the elective franchise for a president to administer the Government to a reunited Union, to States once more loyal, to a people again at peach and blessed with prosperity.

SIMON CAMERON, Chairman.

A. W. BENEDICT,

WIEN FORNEY,

Secretaries.

— Published in The Jeffersonian, Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania,Thursday, July 14, 1864, p. 2

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Tuesday, November 8, 1864

It has rained all day. Well, this is a great day in the States! Probably more depends on what it brings forth than any since Washington's time. As for myself, though, I have no fear but what all will come out right; am still in Vergennes, and have voted for Abraham Lincoln — my first vote. The city's vote is as follows:

Lincoln 310

McClellan 15

Good! This is as it should be.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 228

John Hay to John G. Nicolay, October 13, 1864

Executive Mansion.

Washington, Oct. 13, 1864.

MY DEAR NICOLAY:

I suppose you are happy enough over the elections to do without letters. Here are two. I hope they are duns to remind you that you are mortal.

Indiana is simply glorious. The surprise of this good thing is its chief delight. Pennsylvania has done pretty well. We have a little majority on home vote as yet, and will get a fair vote from the soldiers, and do better in November. The wild estimates of Forney and Cameron, founded on no count or thorough canvass, are of course not fulfilled, but we did not expect them to be.

Judge Taney died last night. I have not heard anything this morning about the succession. It is a matter of the greatest personal importance that Mr. Lincoln has ever decided.

Winter Davis’ clique was badly scooped out in the mayoralty election at Baltimore yesterday. Chapman (regular Union) got nearly all the votes cast. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 237; Michael Burlingame, Editor, At Lincoln’s Side: John Hay’s Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings, p. 97

Diary of John Hay: October 11, 1864

. . . I was mentioning old Mr. Blair’s very calm and discreet letter of October 5 to the President to-day contrasting it with Montgomery’s indiscretions; and the President said:— “Yes, they remind me of ———. He was sitting in a bar-room among strangers who were telling of some affair in which his father, as they said, had been tricked in a trade, and he said, ‘that's a lie!’ Some sensation. ‘What do you mean?’ ‘Why the old man ain't so easy tricked. You can fool the boys but ye can't the old man.’”

. . . . At eight o'clock the President went over to the War Department to watch for despatches. I went with him. We found the building in a state of preparation for siege. Stanton had locked the doors and taken the keys up-stairs, so that it was impossible even to send a card to him. A shivering messenger was passing to and fro in the moonlight over the withered leaves who, catching sight of the President, took us around by the Navy Department and conducted us into the War Office by a side door.

The first despatch we received contained the welcome intelligence of the election of Eggelston and Hays in the Cincinnati district. This was from Stager at Cleveland who also promised considerable gains in Indiana, made good a few minutes after by a statement of 400 gain in Noble County. Then came in a despatch from Sanford stating we had 2500 in the city of Philadelphia and that leading Democrats had given up the State. Then Shellabarger was seen to be crowding Sam Cox very hard in the Columbus district, in some places increasing Brough’s colossal vote of last year.

The President, in a lull of despatches, took from his pocket the Nasby papers, and read several chapters of the experiences of the saint and martyr, Petroleum V. They were immensely amusing. Stanton and Dana enjoyed them scarcely less than the President, who read on, con amore, until nine o'clock. At this time I went to Seward’s to keep my engagement. I found there Banks and his wife; Cols. Clark and Wilson, Asta Buruaga and Madame. . . . . Dennison was also there. We broke up very early. Dennison and I went back to the Department.

We found the good Indiana news had become better, and the Pennsylvania had begun to be streaked with lean. Before long the despatches announced with some certainty of tone that Morton was elected by a safe working majority. The scattering reports from Pennsylvania showed about equal gains and losses. But the estimates and the flyers all claimed gains on the Congressmen.

Reports began to come in from the hospitals and camps in the vicinity, the Ohio troops about ten to one for Union, and the Pennsylvania less than three to one. Carver Hospital, by which Stanton and Lincoln pass every day, on their way to the country, gave the heaviest opposition vote, —about one out of three. Lincoln says, — “That's hard on us, Stanton, — they know us better than the others.” Co. K, 150th P. V., the President's personal escort, voted 63 to 11 Union.

I am deeply thankful for the result in Indiana. I believe it saves Illinois in November. I believe it rescues Indiana from sedition and civil war. A copperhead Governor would have afforded a grand central rallying point for that lurking treason whose existence Carrington has already so clearly demonstrated. . . . I should have been willing to sacrifice something in Pennsylvania to avert that calamity. I said as much to the President. He said he was anxious about Pennsylvania because of her enormous weight and influence, which, cast definitely into the scale, would close the campaign, and leave the people free to look again with their whole hearts to the cause of the country.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 233-6; Michael Burlingame and John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s Whitehouse: the Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 238-41

Diary of John Hay, September 23, 1864

Senator Harlan thinks that Bennett’s support is so important, especially considered as to its bearing on the soldier vote, that it would pay to offer him a foreign mission for it, and so told me. Forney has also had a man talking to the cannie Scot who asked plumply, “Will I be a welcome visitor at the White House if I support Mr. Lincoln?” What a horrible question for a man to be able to ask! So thinks the President apparently. It is probable that Bennett will stay about as he is, thoroughly neutral, balancing carefully until the October elections, and will then declare for the side which he thinks will win. It is better in many respects to let him alone.

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 221; Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 229-30

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: October 29, 1864

All things have been quiet with us since the last date. The regiment voted for President. Commissioners were here from Connecticut. Each voter was given two ballots and an envelope. One for Lincoln and one for General McClellan. The voter, taking his ballots to his tent or anywhere he chose, put in the envelope the one of his choice, seal and return to the Commissioners who carried the vote home. I was not old enough to vote. I could carry a gun and do as much duty as any man.

The excitement through the North is great, so it is reported to us, and trouble is expected in the large cities, owing to the anti-war spirit that is cropping out. According to reports many regiments are being sent to the North to hold the toughs in check. Reported late this afternoon we may be sent to New Haven. Hope there won't be any trouble, for the sake of good old Connecticut. Later orders came for us to prepare to take train for New Haven. Great excitement in camp tonight as we are getting ready to leave in the morning.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 132