Called on the President relative to the appointment of
midshipmen. After looking over the list with some care, he finally designated
two sons of officers [and] one apprentice, and desired me to complete the
nominations.
When I called on the President, Major-General Schenck was
with him, and, as I went in, was giving the President a list of names of
persons to be selected to fill the board about to be appointed on the question
of retired officers, his brother, Commodore Schenck, being one. It was a cool
proposition, but characteristic of General Schenck, and I think of the Schencks
generally.
We have to-day the results of a meeting of strange odds and
ends of parties, and factions, and disappointed and aspiring individuals at
Cleveland. Frémont is nominated as their candidate for President and John
Cochrane for Vice-President. The gathering had the nomination of Frémont in
view, though other objects were professed.
I very earnestly supported Frémont in 1856. He was then put
forward as the representative of the principles for which we were contending,
and I have no reason to give that he was not faithful to the cause. He was,
however, as soon as nominated, surrounded, to a great extent, by bad men, in
whom no good man had confidence. His bearing was very well so far as he
appeared before the public. I saw that he was anxious to be elected but not
offensively so; he was not obtrusive, but, on the contrary, reserved and
retiring. In nothing did he show extraordinary ability or character, but my
conclusions were that his real traits were undeveloped. He did not grow upon me
as reserved men usually do. Colonel Benton had in former years extolled him,
though opposed to his candidacy. Governor Marcy, no friend of Benton, and not partial
to Frémont, had, when Secretary of War, given him name and fame by a most
remarkable indorsement in his able report in (I think) 1848.
I have since learned that that part of Marcy’s report was
written by Colonel Benton himself, and that President Polk compelled Marcy to
incorporate it in the annual report of the War Department. The affair seems
incredible almost to me, who knew the several parties, but I learn it in a way
that leaves no doubt of its truth. Marcy had ability but was timid and subservient.
Frémont has gained no reputation during the War. In power his surroundings have
been awful. Reckless, improvident, wasteful, pompous, purposeless, vain, and
incompetent. In his explorations, however, he showed perseverance and
endurance, and he had the reputation of attaching his men to him. His journals
were readable, but I have been told they were prepared and mostly written by
Colonel Benton. On all occasions he puts on airs, is ambitious, and would not
serve under men of superior military capacity and experience. Frémont first and
country after. For a long time he has been in foolish intrigues for the
Presidency, and the Cleveland meeting is a Frémont meeting, though others have
been concerned.
I am surprised that General Cochrane should have embarked in
the scheme. But he has been wayward and erratic. A Democrat, a Barnburner, a
conservative, an Abolitionist, an Anti-abolitionist, a Democratic Republican,
and now a radical Republican. He has some, but not eminent, ability; can never
make a mark as a statesman. It will not surprise me if he should change his
position before the close of the political campaign, and support the nominees
of the Baltimore Convention. There is not a coincidence of views and policy
between him and Frémont, and the convention which has nominated them is a
heterogeneous mixture of weak and wicked men. They would jeopard and hazard the
Republican and Union cause, and many of them would defeat it and give success
to the Copperheads to gratify their causeless spite against the President. He
is blamed for not being more energetic and because he is despotic in the same
breath. He is censured for being too mild and gentle towards the Rebels and for
being tyrannical and intolerant. There is no doubt he has a difficult part to
perform in order to satisfy all and do right.
This war is extraordinary in all its aspects and phases, and
no man was prepared to meet them. It is much easier for the censorious and
factious to complain than to do right. I have often thought that greater
severity might well be exercised, and yet it would tend to barbarism.
No traitor has been hung. I doubt if there will be, but an
example should be made of some of the leaders, for present and for future good.
They may, if taken, be imprisoned or driven into exile, but neither would be
lasting. Parties would form for their relief, and ultimately succeed in
restoring the worst of them to their homes and the privileges they originally
enjoyed. Death is the proper penalty and atonement, and will be enduringly
beneficent in its influence.
There was, moreover, an aristocratic purpose in this
Rebellion. An aristocracy of blood and wealth was to have been established.
Consequently a contrary effect would work benignantly. Were a few of the
leaders to be stripped of their possessions, and their property confiscated,
their families impoverished, the result would be salutary in the future. But I
apprehend there will be very gentle measures in closing up the Rebellion. The
authors of the enormous evils that have been inflicted will go unpunished, or
will be but slightly punished.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles,
Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 —
December 31, 1866, p. 41-4
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