EXETER, Nov. 20,
1846.
TO REV. JAMES C.
BOSWELL, President, and SAMUEL A. HALEY, ESQ., Secretary, &c.
Gentlemen:—I have
received your letter of October 24th, in reference to the proceedings at the
Convention of Independent Democrats and Liberty men of the First Congressional
District, and I embrace the earliest opportunity which my engagements have
allowed to send you an answer.
I believe it to be
the object of those assembled at the above named convention, to re-affirm the
fundamental principles of republican liberty, and to act out with fearless
devotion the doctrines of human equality and universal justice. Entertaining
these views, I rejoice in their free expression, and am content to stand or
fall with the others in their defense.
Two causes have
contributed more than all others to effect the late change in the political
balance of parties. The first has been the despotism of party power, by which
generous impulses have been repressed and discouraged, the exercise of private
judgment made dangerous, and all individuality of character sought to be
extinguished, by compelling men to believe, or to profess, those sentiments
only which were suggested by a selfish and ever-shifting policy and sanctioned
by self-constituted party leaders. No tyranny is more galling than that which
would quench the free thoughts of free men; no tyrants are more despicable than
those who, "dressed in a little brief authority," would attempt in a
democracy to exercise the power and the prerogatives hereditary despots; no
engine of influence is more dangerous or more execrable than a hireling press,
speaking no words for truth or justice, but devoting all its energies to the
perpetration of human servitude. To free New Hampshire from such influences,
and to expose in their deformity those who had wielded them too long, was one
object in our organization, and this object, I rejoice in believing, has been
in a good degree accomplished.
The second and chief
cause of the late change has been the existence and progressing power of the
institution of slavery. The encroachments of the slave-holding interests, and
the subserviency of public men to its numerous exactions, have been so
exorbitant and so notorious as to have become just cause of alarm to every
friend of humanity and the country. The people, irrespective of party, have at
length turned their attention to the subject, and by unequivocal manifestations
are teaching their public servants that hereafter other things will be expected
of them than a base and servile homage to the dark spirit of slavery; that some
efforts will be demanded at their hands, more efficient than a “masterly
inactivity," or a halting opposition to an abstract idea; that it is time
for them to stand up like men, and, echoing the strong voice of a free people,
to say to the sweeping tide of oppression, "thus far and no farther."
The inquiry now is, what can be done, what can Congress do to free the master
and the slave and the nation from the sin and the retributions of slavery? Of
cowardly discussion about the extent of our powers we have had enough. The
exigency of the country as well as the spirit of the age require now the
performance of those acts whose constitutionality and propriety are beyond
reasonable doubt. They require that the shadow of slavery shall no longer
darken the District of Columbia, and that the trader in human beings shall no
longer be permitted to shelter himself from the scorn of the Christian world
beneath the wings of the national capitol. They require that no new slave
state, with a constitution recognizing slavery, shall hereafter be admitted to
the Union, and that no existing state, whether Texas or Florida, shall be
dismembered to subserve the slave holding interest. They require that the
domestic, inter-state slave trade, a traffic in no respect less infamous than
that foreign slave trade which has been branded by the civilized world as
piracy, shall, under the clause in the
Constitution which gives power to Congress, "to regulate commerce with
foreign nations and among the several states," be utterly and forever
prohibited. They require that the labor and interest of the free states should
be respected, and that slavery be no longer permitted to give character to our
legislation.
Let the people of
the free states come now to the rescue of freedom and the Constitution, and
something may be done to perpetuate the Union,—let them be found wanting in
this trial of their integrity, and let the South for a few years more continue
unchecked her schemes in behalf of slavery, and no human power can prevent a
dissolution. For the sake then of the Union, let the people of the free states
be careful to discern and perform on this subject the duties of patriotism and
humanity.
One other subject claims
attention. The present war with Mexico cannot be lost sight of in any
discussion of the public interest. Originating in the unauthorized and
iniquitous scheme of the annexation of Texas, it is now prosecuted without that
public necessity which can justify us on the page of impartial history, and
with no prospect of “conquering a peace," or effecting an honorable
reconciliation. It has become a war of conquest, and as such is in violation of
every principle of a popular government, as well as of every precept of
Christianity. It is adding immense territory to the southern portion of the
country, and is thus threatening to destroy the balance of the states, and to
consign the nation more hopelessly to the control of slaveholders. It is waged
against a neighboring nation, a younger republic, which for years, in weakness
and distraction, endeavored to follow the example of our prospering nation; and
as such, the war is disgraceful and mean. It is carried on at the expense of
the blood of brave men, whose valor is worthy of a better cause, and has
already exhausted the treasury of the country, and involved the nation in a
heavy debt. Under these circumstances there can be no doubt that the honor and
best interests of the country demand a speedy end of the contest, and that all
matters in dispute be settled by arbitration or negotiation.
I have thus spoken
briefly of some of the topics suggested by your resolutions. It remains for me
simply to acknowledge my deep sense of the honor which your nomination has
conferred upon me. If it is thought that my acceptance of this nomination can
subserve the interests of the cause in which we are engaged, I shall not feel
at liberty to shrink from the position in which you have placed me; but shall
remain,
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