HEADQUARTERS OF MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN,
In the City of Savannah, Ga., Thursday
evening,
January 12, 1865—8 p.m.
On the evening of
Thursday, the 12th day of January, 1865, the following persons of African
descent met, by appointment, to hold an interview with Edwin M. Stanton,
Secretary of War, and Major-General Sherman, to have a conference upon matters
relating to the freedmen of the State of Georgia, to wit:
1. William J.
Campbell, aged fifty-one years, born in Savannah; slave until 1849, and then
liberated by will of his mistress, Mrs. Mary Maxwell; for ten years pastor of
the First Baptist Church of Savannah, numbering about 1,800 members; average
congregation, 1,900; the church property, belonging to the congregation
(trustees white), worth $18,000.
2. John Cox, aged
fifty-eight years, born in Savannah; slave until 1849, when he bought his
freedom for $1,100; pastor of the Second African Baptist Church; in the
ministry fifteen years; congregation, 1,222 persons; church property, worth
$10,000, belonging to the congregation.
3. Ulysses L.
Houston, aged forty-one years, born in Grahamville, S.C.; slave "until the
Union army entered Savannah;" owned by Moses Henderson, Savannah, and
pastor of Third African Baptist Church, congregation numbering 400; church
property, worth $5,000, belongs to congregation; in the ministry about eight
years.
4. William Bentley,
aged seventy-two years, born in Savannah; slave until twenty-five years of age,
when his master, John Waters, emancipated him by will; pastor of Andrew's
Chapel, Methodist Episcopal Church (only one of that denomination in Savannah),
congregation numbering 360 members; church property worth about $20,000, and is
owned by the congregation; been in the ministry about twenty years; a member of
Georgia conference.
5. Charles Bradwell,
aged forty years, born in Liberty County, Ga.; slave until 1851; emancipated by
will of his master, J. L. Bradwell; local preacher, in charge of the Methodist
Episcopal congregation (Andrew's Chapel) in the absence of the minister; in the
ministry ten years.
6. William Gaines,
aged forty-one years, born in Wills County, Ga.; slave “until the Union forces
freed me;” owned by Robert Toombs, formerly U.S. Senator, and his brother,
Gabriel Toombs; local preacher of the Methodist Episcopal Church (Andrew's
Chapel); in the ministry sixteen years.
7. James Hill, aged
fifty-two years, born in Bryan County, Ga.; slave “up to the time the Union army
come in;” owned by H. F. Willings, of Savannah; in the ministry sixteen years.
8. Glasgow Taylor,
aged seventy-two years, born in Wilkes County, Ga.; slave "until the Union
army come;" owned by A. P. Wetter; is a local preacher of the Methodist
Episcopal Church (Andrew's Chapel); in the ministry thirty-five years.
9. Garrison Frazier,
aged sixty-seven years, born in Granville County, N. C.; slave until eight
years ago, when he bought himself and wife, paying $1,000 in gold and silver;
is an ordained minister in the Baptist Church, but, his health failing, has now
charge of no congregation; has been in the ministry thirty-five years.
10. James Mills,
aged fifty-six years, born in Savannah; freeborn, and is a licensed preacher of
the First Baptist Church; has been eight years in the ministry.
11. Abraham Burke,
aged forty-eight years, born in Bryan County, Ga.; slave until twenty years
ago, when he bought himself for $800; has been in the ministry about ten years.
12. Arthur Wardell,
aged forty-four years, born in Liberty County, Ga.; slave until "freed by
the Union army;" owned by A. A. Solomons, Savannah, and is a licensed
minister in the Baptist Church; has been in the ministry six years.
13. Alexander
Harris, aged forty-seven years, born in Savannah; freeborn; licensed minister
of Third African Baptist Church; licensed about one month ago.
14. Andrew Neal,
aged sixty-one years, born in Savannah; slave "until the Union army
liberated me;" owned by Mr. William Gibbons, and has been deacon in the
Third Baptist Church for ten years.
15. James Porter,
aged thirty-nine years, born in Charleston, S.C.; freeborn, his mother having
purchased her freedom; is lay reader and president of the board of wardens and
vestry of Saint Stephen's Protestant Episcopal Colored Church in Savannah; has
been in communion nine years; the congregation numbers about 200 persons; the
church property is worth about $10,000, and is owned by the congregation.
16. Adolphus Delmotte,
aged twenty-eight years, born in Savannah; freeborn; is a licensed minister of
the Missionary Baptist Church of Milledgeville, congregation numbering about
300 or 400 persons; has been in the ministry about two years.
17. Jacob Godfrey,
aged fifty-seven years, born in Marion, S.C.; slave "until the Union army
freed me;" owned by James E. Godfrey, Methodist preacher, now in the rebel
army; is a class leader and steward of Andrew's Chapel since 1836.
18. John Johnson,
aged fifty-one years, born in Bryan County, Ga.; slave "up to the time the
Union army came here;" owned by W. W. Lincoln, of Savannah; is class
leader and treasurer of Andrew's Chapel for sixteen years.
19. Robert N.
Taylor, aged fifty-one years, born in Wilkes County, Ga.; slave "to the
time the Union army come;" was owned by Augustus P. Wetter, Savannah, and
is class leader in Andrew's Chapel for nine years.
20. James Lynch,
aged twenty-six years, born in Baltimore, Md.; freeborn; is presiding elder of
the Methodist Episcopal Church, and missionary to the Department of the South;
has been seven years in the ministry and two years in the South.
Garrison Frazier,
being chosen by the persons present to express their common sentiments upon the
matters of inquiry, makes answers to inquiries as follows:
First. State what
your understanding is in regard to the acts of Congress and President Lincoln's
proclamation touching the condition of the colored people in the rebel States.
Answer. So far as I
understand President Lincoln's proclamation to the rebellious States, it is,
that if they would lay down their arms and submit to the laws of the United
States before the 1st of January, 1863, all should be well, but if they did
not, then all the slaves in the rebel States should be free, henceforth and
forever. That is what I understood.
Second. State what
you understand by slavery, and the freedom that was to be given by the
President's proclamation.
Answer. Slavery is
receiving by irresistible power the work of another man, and not by his
consent. The freedom, as I understand it, promised by the proclamation is
taking us from under the yoke of bondage and placing us where we could reap the
fruit of our own labor and take care of ourselves and assist the Government in
maintaining our freedom.
Third. State in what
manner you think you can take care of yourselves, and how can you best assist
the Government in maintaining your freedom.
Answer. The way we
can best take care of ourselves is to have land, and turn in and till it by our
labor—that is, by the labor of the women, and children, and old men—and we can
soon maintain ourselves and have something to spare; and to assist the
Government the young men should enlist in the service of the Government, and serve
in such manner as they may be wanted. (The rebels told us that they piled them
up and made batteries of them, and sold them to Cuba, but we don't believe
that.) We want to be placed on land until we are able to buy it and make it our
own.
Fourth. State in
what manner you would rather live, whether scattered among the whites or in
colonies by yourselves?
Answer. I would
prefer to live by ourselves, for there is a prejudice against us in the South
that will take years to get over, but I do not know that I can answer for my
brethren.
(Mr. Lynch says he
thinks they should not be separated, but live together. All the other persons
present being questioned, one by one, answer that they agree with "Brother
Frazier.")
Fifth. Do you think
that there is intelligence enough among the slaves of the South to maintain
themselves under the Government of the United States, and the equal protection
of its laws, and maintain good and peaceable relations among yourselves and
with your neighbors?
Answer. I think there
is sufficient intelligence among us to do so.
Sixth. State what is
the feeling of the black population of the South toward the Government of the
United States; what is the understanding in respect to the present war, its
causes and object, and their disposition to aid either side. State fully your
views.
Answer. I think you
will find there is thousands that are willing to make any sacrifice to assist
the Government of the United States, while there is also many that are not
willing to take up arms. I do not suppose there is a dozen men that is opposed
to the Government. I understand as to the war that the South is the aggressor.
President Lincoln was elected President by a majority of the United States,
which guaranteed him the right of holding the office and exercising that right
over the whole United States. The South, without knowing what he would do,
rebelled. The war was commenced by the rebels before he came into the office.
The object of the war was not, at first, to give the slaves their freedom, but
the sole object of the war was, at first, to bring the rebellious States back
into the Union and their loyalty to the laws of the United States. Afterward,
knowing the value that was set on the slaves by the rebels, the President
thought that his proclamation would stimulate them to lay down their arms,
reduce them to obedience, and help to bring back the rebel States, and their
not doing so has now made the freedom of the slaves a part of the war. It is my
opinion that there is not a man in this city that could be started to help, the
rebels one inch, for that would be suicide. There was two black men left with
the rebels, because they had taken an active part for the rebels, and thought
something might befall them if they staid behind, but there is not another man.
If the prayers that have gone up for the Union army could be read out you would
not get through them these two weeks.
Seventh. State
whether the sentiments you now express are those only of the colored people in
the city, or do they extend to the colored population through the country, and
what are your means of knowing the sentiments of those living in the country.
Answer. I think the
sentiments are the same among the colored people of the State. My opinion is
formed by personal communication in the course of my ministry, and also from
the thousands that followed the Union army, leaving their homes and undergoing
suffering. I did not think there would be so many; the number surpassed my
expectation.
Eighth. If the rebel
leaders were to arm the slaves what would be its effect!
Answer. I think they
would fight as long as they were before the bayonet, and just as soon as they
could get away they would desert, in my opinion.
Ninth. What, in your
opinion, is the feeling of the colored people about enlisting and serving as
soldiers of the United States, and what kind of military service do they
prefer?
Answer. A large
number have gone as soldiers to Port Royal to be drilled and put in the
service, and I think there is thousands of the young men that will enlist;
there is something about them that, perhaps, is wrong; they have suffered so
long from the rebels that they want to meet and have a chance with them in the
field. Some of them want to shoulder the musket, others want to go into the
quartermaster or the commissary's service.
Tenth. Do you
understand the mode of enlistment of colored persons in the rebel States, by
State agents, under the act of Congress! If yea, state what your understanding
is.
Answer. My
understanding is that colored persons enlisted by State agents are enlisted as
substitutes, and give credit to the States, and do not swell the army, because
every black man enlisted by a State agent leaves a white man at home; and also,
that larger bounties are given or promised by the State agents than are given
by the States. The great object should be to push through this rebellion the
shortest way, and there seems to be something wanting in the enlistment by
State agents, for it don't strengthen the army, but takes one away for every
colored man enlisted.
Eleventh. State
what, in your opinion, is the best way to enlist colored men for soldiers.
Answer. I think,
sir, that all compulsory operations should be put a stop to. The ministers
would talk to them, and the young men would enlist. It is my opinion that it
would be far better for the State agents to stay at home, and the enlistments
to be made for the United States under the direction of General Sherman.
In the absence of
General Sherman the following question was asked: Twelfth. State what is the
feeling of the colored people in regard to General Sherman, and how far do they
regard his sentiments and actions as friendly to their rights and interests, or
otherwise.
Answer. We looked
upon General Sherman, prior to his arrival, as a man, in the providence of God,
specially set apart to accomplish this work, and we unanimously felt
inexpressible gratitude to him, looking upon him as a man that should be
honored for the faithful performance of his duty. Some of us called upon him
immediately upon his arrival, and it is probable he did not meet the Secretary
with more courtesy than he met us. His conduct and deportment toward us
characterized him as a friend and a gentleman. We have confidence in General
Sherman, and think that what concerns us could not be under better hands. This
is is our opinion now from the short acquaintance and intercourse we have had.
(Mr. Lynch states
that, with his limited acquaintance with General Sherman, he is unwilling to
express an opinion. All others present declare their agreement with Mr. Frazier
about General Sherman.)
Some conversation
upon general subjects relating to General Sherman's march then ensued, of which
no note was taken.
