Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, March 23, 1866

Special notice from the President that there would be no Cabinet-meeting. Called upon him this P.M. and gave him, generally, my views in regard to what is called the Civil Rights Bill, which, if approved by him, must lead to the overthrow of his Administration as well as that of this mischievous Congress which has passed it. The principles of that bill, if carried into effect, must subvert the government. It is consolidation solidified, breaks down all barriers to protect the rights of the States, concentrates power in the General Government, which assumes to itself the enactment of municipal regulations between the States and citizens and between citizens of the same State. No bill of so contradictory and consolidating a character has ever been enacted. The Alien and Sedition Laws were not so objectionable. I did not inquire of the President what would be his course in regard to the bill, but we did not disagree in opinion on its merits, and he cannot give it his sanction, although it is unpleasant to him to have these differences with Congress.

He tells me that Senator Pomeroy disavows having stated that he saw the President drunk at the White House, but says he (Pomeroy) wrote Lincoln, the Postmaster at Brooklyn, that he saw Robert, the President's son, in liquor, and he thought the same of his son-in-law, Senator Patterson.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 460-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, March 16, 1866

A quiet Cabinet-meeting with nothing of interest discussed. Dennison read his communication on the test oath. It is less vigorous and pertinent than McCulloch's, but will do as a backer. McCulloch showed me a letter from Henry Ward Beecher to Defrees in which it is said that the postmaster at Brooklyn (Lincoln) informed him (Beecher) that Senator Pomeroy had authorized and requested him (L.) to inform B. that he (P.) called at the White House a week since, and found the President, his son, and son-in-law all drunk and unfit for business, that the President kept a mistress at the White House, etc. I advised that these slanders should be told the President in order that he might be aware of the character of the scandals circulated.

By appointment McCulloch, Dennison, and myself agreed to meet the President this evening at seven. At that hour McCulloch and I came together near Dennison's door and went in. Soon after Speed and his wife were announced. D. went in to them with an understanding that he would join us at the White House. But he failed to do so.

Mr. English of Connecticut was with the President when we went in, but left almost immediately. The President expressed himself pleased with English, and dissatisfied with something which Hawley had said, some answers to inquiries, as I understood. McCulloch remarked that it would not do for us to disconnect ourselves from the War Party, even if some had got astray, for every loyal household had its representative in the army, and the feeling was strong in their favor.

The letter on the test oath McC. read to us. I suggested a single alteration which I mentioned before, calling the Southerners "our rebellious countrymen" instead of a "hostile people." The President approved the suggestion, and McCulloch came into it. Some other alterations, chiefly verbal, suggested themselves, but, witnessing the sensitiveness of McC., I did not mention them.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 453-4  

Letter from G., May 13, 1864

BELLE PLAIN, VA., May 13, 1864.

On the S. C. boat, pulling up to the shore Government flatboats of horses and cavalry recruits. There are no docks and the army supplies are being landed from barges connected by pontoons with the shore. A constant stream of contrabands passing with bags of grain and barrels of pork on their shoulders. Dr. Douglas and Dr. Agnew are here. Good Dr. Cuyler is here. Senator Pomeroy is on board going down to bring up General Bartlett of Massachusetts who went into the fight with a Palmer leg and was wounded again. Col. —— tells me there has been great anxiety at the War Department. Mr. Stanton said to him, “When we have a victory the whole North shall know it.”—“And when there is silence?” said Col. ——. “Then,” said the Secretary, “there is no communication with the front.” We have a Feeding-Station on shore and are putting up another two miles away, on the hill, where ambulance trains halt sometimes for hours, owing to obstructions in the road. The mud is frightful and the rain is coming on again. We are directed to take the return train of ambulances for Fredericksburg.

Just as I finished, the train from Fredericksburg arrived. Nothing I have ever seen equals the condition of these men. They had been two or three days in the ambulances; roads dreadful; no food. We have been at work with them from morning till night without ceasing; filling one boat, feeding the men; filling another, feeding them. There is no sort of use in trying to tell you the story. I can scarcely bear to think of it. All the nurses and cooks from the Invalid Corps of our Hospital, who marched off that day, Sullivan, Lewis and the rest, armed with muskets again, are down here guarding prisoners. Yesterday a squad of rebel officers was marched on board a boat lying by ours. I had to pass through their ranks to get supplies from our boat, and shook hands with our boys and saw the officers; Stewart and Bradley Johnson among them; strong well-fed, iron looking men, all of them. There's no give in in such looking men as these. Our soldiers from the front say the rebels stand— stand—in solid masses, giving and taking tremendous blows and never being shoved an inch. It is magnificent!

No words can express the horrible confusion of this place. The wounded arrive one train a day, but the trains are miles long; blocked by all sorts of accidents, wagon trains, bad roads, broken bridges; two, three days on the way, plunged in quagmires, jolted over corduroy, without food, fainting, starving; filthy; frightfully wounded, arms gone to the shoulder, horrible wounds in face and head. I would rather a thousand times have a friend killed on the field than suffer in this way. It is worse than White House, Harrison's, or Gettysburg by far. Many die on the way. We found thirty-five dead in the ambulances yesterday, and six more died on the stretchers while being put on board the boats. The boats are anything that can be got hold of, cattle scows, anything. Barges of horses are landed by the side of the transports and the horses cross the deck where the helpless men lie. Mules, stretchers, army wagons, prisoners, dead men and officials as good as dead are tumbled and jumbled on the wretched dock which falls in every little while and keeps the trains waiting for hours. We fed the men at once. We fed all the five boats that got off yesterday. There is no Government provision for this, beyond bread; no coffee, no soup, no cups or pails, or vessels of any kind for holding food. The men eat as if starving. These had been three days without food. We are ordered to Fredericksburg today to report to Dr. Douglas, as there is more misery there than here.

SOURCE: Jane Stuart Woolsey, Hospital Days, p. 150-1

Samuel Clark Pomeroy

Pomeroy, Samuel Clark, pioneer and United States senator, was born at Southampton, Mass., Jan. 3, 1816; was educated at Amherst College, and in 1840 became an enthusiastic opponent of slavery. He was present when President Pierce signed the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and remarked to the president: “Your victory is but an adjournment of the question from the halls of legislation at Washington to the prairies of the freedom-loving West, and there, sir, we shall beat you.” To assist in carrying out his prophecy he left Boston in Aug., 1854, with 200 people bound for Kansas, and upon arriving in the territory located at Atchison. He canvassed the Eastern states in the interest of the free-state cause; was one of a party arrested by Col. Cooke on the Nebraska river in Oct., 1856, but was released by Gov. Geary upon his arrival at Topeka; was a member of the Osawatomie convention in May, 1859, that organized the Republican party in Kansas, and served on the first state executive committee of that party. In connection with his management of the aid committee for the relief of the people of Kansas in the great drought of 1860 he was charged with irregular conduct, but was exonerated in March, 1861, by a committee composed of W. W. Guthrie, F. P. Baker and C. B. Lines. On April 4, 1861, he was elected one of the first United States senators from Kansas, and was reëlected in 1867. During the troubles over the Cherokee Neutral Lands many of the people of the state lost confidence in Mr. Pomeroy, and in 1873 he was defeated for reëlection to the senate by John J. Ingalls. It was in connection with this [s]enatorial election that State Senator A. N. York of Montgomery county made his sensational charges of bribery against Senator Pomeroy. The charges were investigated by a committee of the United States senate and also by a joint committee of the Kansas legislature. On March 3, 1873, a majority of the former committee reported that “the whole transaction, whatever view be taken of it, is the result of a concerted plot to defeat Mr. Pomeroy.” Three days later the committee of the state legislature reported Mr. Pomeroy "guilty of the crime of bribery, and attempting to corrupt, by offers of money, members of the legislature.” He was arraigned for trial before Judge Morton at Topeka on June 8, 1874, but a change of venue was taken to Osage county. After several delays and continuances the case was dismissed on March 12, 1875. On Oct. 11, 1873, while the political opposition to Mr. Pomeroy was at its height he was shot by Martin F. Conway in Washington, the bullet entering the right breast, inflicting a painful but not serious wound. Conway claimed that Pomeroy had ruined himself and his family. After the bribery case against him was dismissed Mr. Pomeroy returned to the East and died at Whitinsville, Mass., Aug. 27, 1891.

SOURCE: Frank W. Blackmar, Editor, A Standard History of Kansas and Kansans, Volume 2, p. 485-6

The Pomeroy Circular, February 1864

[Strictly Private.]

WASHINGTON, (D. C.) FEBRUARY, 1864

SIR: The movements recently made throughout the country to secure the renomination of President Lincoln render necessary some counteraction on the part of those unconditional friends of the Union who differ from the policy of his administration.

So long as no efforts were made to forestall the political action of the people it was both wise and patriotic for all true friends of the Government to devote their influence to the suppression of the rebellion.  But when it becomes evident that party machinery and official influence are being used to secure the perpetuation of the present Administration, those who conscientiously believe that the interests of the country and of freedom demand a change in favor of vigor and purity and nationality, have no choice but to appeal at once to the people, before it shall be too late to secure a fair discussion of principles.

Those in behalf of whom this communication is made have thoughtfully surveyed the political field, and have arrived at the following conclusions:

1. That, even were the re-election of Mr. Lincoln desirable, it is practically impossible against the union of influences which will oppose him.

2. That should he be re-elected his manifest tendency towards the compromises and temporary expedients of policy will become stronger during a second term than it has been in the first, and the cause of human liberty and the dignity and honor of the nation suffer in proportionately; while the war may continue to languish during his whole Administration, till the public debt shall become a burden too great to be borne.

3. That the patronage of the Government, through the necessities of the war, has been so rapidly increased, and to such an enormous extent, and so loosely placed, as to render the application of the “one term principle” absolutely essential to the certain safety of our republican institutions.

4. That we find united in Hon. Salmon P. Chase more of the qualities needed in a President during the next four years than are combined in any other available candidate; his record, clear and unimpeachable, showing him to be a statesman of rare ability, and an administrator of the very highest order, while his private character furnishes the surest obtainable guaranty of economy and purity in the management of public affairs.

5. That the discussion of the Presidential question, already commenced by the friends of Mr. Lincoln, has developed a popularity and strength in Mr. Chase unexpected even to his warmest admirers; and, while we are aware that this strength is at present unorganized and in no condition to manifest its real magnitude, we are satisfied that it only needs systematic and faithful effort to develop it to an extent sufficient to overcome all opposing obstacles.

For these reasons, the friends of Mr. Chase have determined on measures which shall present his claims fairly and at once to the country.  A central organization has been effected, which already has its connections in all the States, and the object of which is to enable his friends every where most effectually to promote his elevation to the Presidency.  We wish the hearty co-operation of all those in favor of the speedy restoration of the Union upon the basis of universal freedom, and who desire an administration of the Government, during the first period of its new life, which shall, to the fullest extent, develop the capacity of free institutions, enlarge the resources of the country, diminish the burdens of taxation, elevate the standard of public and private morality, vindicate the honor of the Republic before the world, and in all things make our American nationality the fairest example for imitation which human progress have ever achieved.

If these objects meet your approval, you can render efficient aid by exerting yourself at once to organize your section of the country, and by corresponding with the Chairman of the National Executive Committee, for the purpose of either of receiving or imparting information.

Very respectfully,

S. C. POMEROY,                 

Chairman National Executive Committee.

_______________

* This circular was not written by Mr. Pomeroy, but by Mr. James M. Winchell, secretary of the committee. Mr. Pomeroy signed it as chairman of the committee.

SOURCES:  Weekly National Intelligencer, Washington, D. C., Thursday, February 25, 1864, p. 1; Jacob William Schuckers, The Life and Public Services of Salmon Portland Chase, p. 499-500.

Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln, February 22, 1864

Washington Feb 22, 1864

My dear Sir

It is probable that you have already seen a letter printed in the Constitutional Union, Saturday afternoon, & reprinted in the Intelligencer this morning, written by Senator Pomeroy, as Chairman of a Committee of my political friends.

I had no knowledge of the existence of this letter before I saw it in the Union.

A few weeks ago several gentlemen called on me & expressed their desire, which, they said, was shared by many earnest friends of our common cause, that I would allow my name to be submitted to the consideration of the people in connexion with the approaching election of Chief Magistrate. I replied that I feared that any such use of my name might impair my usefulness as Head of the Treasury Department & that I much preferred to continue my labors where I am & free from distracting influences, until I could honorably retire from them. We had several interviews. After consultation, and conference with others, they expressed their united judgment that the use of my name as proposed would not affect my usefulness in my present position; and that I ought to consent to it. I accepted their judgment as decisive; but at the same time told them distinctly that I could render them no help, except what might come incidentally from the faithful discharge of public duties; — for these must have my whole time. I said also that I desired them to regard themselves as not only entirely at liberty, but as requested, to withdraw my name from consideration whenever, in their judgment the public interest would be promoted by so doing.

The organization of the Committee, I presume, followed these conversations; but I was not consulted about it; nor have I been consulted as to its action; nor do I even know who compose it. I have never wished that my name should have a moment's thought in comparison with the common cause of enfranchisement & restoration or be continued before public a moment after the indication of a preference by the friends of that cause for another.

I have thought this explanation due to you as well as to myself. If in your judgment there is anything in my action or position which, in your judgment, will prejudice the public interest under my charge I beg you to say so. I do not wish to administer the Treasury Department one day without your entire confidence.

For yourself I cherish sincere respect and esteem, and, permit me to add, affection. Differences of opinion as to administrative action have not changed these sentiments; nor have they been changed by assaults upon me by persons who profess themselves the special representatives of your views and policy. You are not responsible for acts not your own; nor will you hold me responsible except for what I do or say myself.

Great numbers now desire your reelection. Should their wishes be fulfilled by the suffrages of the people I hope to carry with me into private life the sentiments I now cherish, whole and unimpaired.

With great respect,

Yours truly

S P Chase

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Secretary Chase on Occasion of Secret Circular

SOURCE: Lincoln, Abraham. Abraham Lincoln papers: Series 1. General Correspondence. 1833 to 1916: Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln, Monday,Pomeroy Circular; endorsed by Lincoln. 1864. Manuscript/Mixed Material. https://www.loc.gov/item/mal3073400/.

De Witt C. Chipman to Abraham Lincoln, February 29, 1864

De Witt C. Chipman,

Collector.

Collector's Office, 11th Indiana District,                  

Noblesville, February 29 A. D. 1864

Dr Sir

Enclosed find a circular signed by S C Pomeroy and franked by Blow. It is marked “private” As I do not recognise the right of any man to send me such a document, with an injunction of “private” upon a matter of such commanding public importance as the Presidency I take the liberty of enclosing it to you

This circular has been forwarded to the Collectors in Indiana, but at a meeting of several of them at Indianapolis on the 23 instant when this state Instructed for you, every one of them declared for you. It was understood then and there that Secretary Chase would remove all who did not actively take the field for him and against you. But they did not and could not believe that Chase was a party to this affair. His high character hitherto, and his spotless integrity precluded the suspicion of it. But whether he did or did not the threat of removal hanging over them in terrorum did not make a single one falter I said then and stand by it now, that my official head might be elevated as high as Hamans Galows before I would be driven to the support of any man I knew you 20 odd years ago in Tazewell Co Illinois as a Lawyer, and do not propose to be bamboozled or driven from my preferinces

The slanderous and disgraceful charges contained in that circular, amounting to legal scandalum magnatum will be rejected by a Country which sees the administration exposing corruption, extravigance and rascality wherever found and pushing a victorious war all over the rebellious territory.

When you issued the Emancipation Proclimation, you did an act which history will chronicle and posterity recognise as the most imperishable monument of Liberty and Justice in the annals of time.

Mr President you are safe, for that Providence which you invoked and that considerate mankind which you appealed to will perpetuate your name among the illustrious benefactors of mankind.

I trust that you will regard this circular as a sufficient excuse for writing this letter, and believe that I am animated by the kindest wishes for your welfare, and the best interest of our Common Country

The enclosed piece of poetry will demonstrate the high estimate which time and sober judgements will place upon that Proclamation

With sentiments of the

highest respect I beg leave to

subscribe myself your obidient

Servant

De Witt. C. Chipman

To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln,

            Washington D. C.

SOURCE: Lincoln, Abraham. Abraham Lincoln papers: Series 1. General Correspondence. 1833 to 1916: De Witt C. Chipman to Abraham Lincoln, Monday,Pomeroy Circular. 1864. Manuscript/Mixed Material. https://www.loc.gov/item/mal3109100/.

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, February 22, 1864

Wrote a line to Seward that I had not been officially notified of the raising of the blockade of Brownsville, Texas. The whole thing has been done most bunglingly by him, Chase, and the President. The subject was discussed two or three weeks since in regard to Brownsville and one or two other places, but we came to no conclusion, and nothing farther was said to me, nor was I aware that any action had been taken in regard to it till I saw the proclamation in the newspapers.

A circular, “strictly private,” signed by Senator Pomeroy and in favor of Mr. Chase for President, has been detected and published. It will be more dangerous in its recoil than its projectile. That is, it will damage Chase more than Lincoln. The effect on the two men themselves will not be serious. Both of them desire the position, which is not surprising; it certainly is not in the President, who would be gratified with an indorsement. Were I to advise Chase, it would be not to aspire for the position, especially not as a competitor with the man who has given him his confidence, and with whom he has acted in the administration of the government at a most eventful period. The President well understands Chase's wish, and is somewhat hurt that he should press forward under the circumstances. Chase tries to have it thought that he is indifferent and scarcely cognizant of what is doing in his behalf, but no one of his partisans is so well posted as Chase himself.

The National Committee appointed at Chicago met today. As Connecticut had sent forward no one as a substitute in my place, I was for a brief time with the committee. I judge that four fifths are for the reelection of the President. The proceedings were harmonious, and will, I think, be satisfactory. I do not like this machinery and wish it could be dispensed with.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 529-30

Diary of John Hay: January 9, 1864

Cameron has written to the President that the entire Union force of the Pa. Legislature, House and Senate, have subscribed a request that the President will allow himself to be re-elected, and that they intend visiting Washington to present it. He says: — “I have kept my promise.”

The indications all look that way. The loud Lincoln men, who are useful only as weather gauges to show the natural drift of things, are laboring hard to prove themselves the original friends of the President. Mark Delahay is talking about the Chase plot to ruin him and Lincoln. He says Pomeroy is to be at the head of the new Frémont party that is soon to be placed in commission; and much of this. On the other hand, Wayne MacVeagh, who dined with me to-day, says that the strugglers now seem to get ahead of each other in the nomination. The New Hampshire occurrence startled the Union League of Philad^a. They saw their thunder stolen from their own arsenals. They fear their own endorsement will be passée before long, and are now casting about to get some arrangement for putting him in nomination at once.

Wayne told a very funny story about Forney and Cameron in conversation about politics on the train. Forney bibulously insisting that if he had beaten Cameron for the Senate, there would have been no war.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 153-4; for the entire diary entry see Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letter of John Hay, p. 152-3.