John L. Motley Mary Benjamin Motley, July 24, 1863

Vienna,

July 24, 1863.

Dearest Mary: I wrote yesterday and said that I would write again to-day, thinking you would like to listen to the words of wisdom after I had had time to digest a little of the magnificent news we have just received. But, after all, I haven't much to say. For the details are entirely wanting. The papers only reach to 8th from Boston and 7th from New York; the later is of course by telegraph. We must wait a week to know exactly what has happened, and how large the success is. But isn't it one of the most striking and picturesque things imaginable that Lee's great invading army, after being thoroughly thrashed on the 2d and 3d July, should have moved off in rapid retreat on the 4th July, and that, on the same famous anniversary, Vicksburg, the great fortress and stronghold of the Mississippi, should have surrendered to the United States troops?

Suppose that Lee at the present moment has got 70,000 men at Hagerstown, where we know that he has fortified himself, — and that is the very utmost that one can even imagine him to have, — why, Meade by this time must have at least 150,000, after deducting all his losses in the battles. And the militia are streaming in by thousands a day. Government can send him (and I believe has sent him) every soldier they can dispose of from Washington, Baltimore, Fort Monroe, and the Peninsula. Our resources of food and ammunition are boundless, and I don't see how Meade can help cutting off the enemy's supplies. I pore over the map, and I don't see how Lee can help being in a trap. I will say no more, especially as about the time when you read this you will be getting the telegram to the 15th, which may prove that I have made an ass of myself. I send Sumner's letter, written apparently before hearing of any of these great victories. I also send Holmes's oration, which I haven't yet had time to read. No doubt it is magnificent, and I prefer to read it at leisure. I have another copy in the daily. He sent me this one. I also send a paper or two, which please preserve, as I file them. I went to the D'Ayllons' yesterday and brought home Susie. Love to Mrs. Cleveland and Lillie and my chickens.

Ever lovingly yours,

J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 339-41

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, January 27, 1863

79th Highlanders,                  

Camp Near Falmouth, Va.,  

Jan. 27th, 1863.

My dear Mother:

I have not written either you or other friends to whom I am indebted in an epistolary, for some little time past, because I sincerely cherished the hope that a short leave of absence was at length about to be granted me. As a last card I wrote to Doster to try what he could do for me in Washington. I immediately received a reply from him to the effect that he had applied to the War Department and that I might hope for the coveted “leave” the next day. That was more than a week ago, so I suppose I have had my usual ill-luck, and have nothing more to hope for. Morrison becomes more affable and annoying every day. He cannot forgive me the fright I gave him in regard to the Majority. Fear of American influence in the Regiment is his great Bug-a-boo. He watches me like a cat, and I suppose will catch me at something one of these days, which will serve as a pretext for disgracing me. Then he will talk hypocritically of his great regard and fondness for me, but that he is a soldier and must do his duty. Nothing can exceed the sweetness and amiability of the gentleman toward those he particularly dislikes. Bah! Why should I trouble you with these things? I do not doubt that at best your own fond fears make things out much worse than they really are. I hope I may soon see Sam here. He wrote me he intended running down. I should feel delighted to see him.

I wish I could ascertain something positive regarding the new Regiment. If it is not going to succeed, I would try and get something in the line of my profession provided for me. However I hate to back down, as I resolved at the outset that, for the period of the war, I would serve in any capacity Providence might find best, only reserving my intention to induce Providence to be as pliable as possible.

Joe Hooker commands the army of the Potomac. Everybody appears entirely indifferent to the matter. Heroes of many defeats, we are not inclined to give gratuitous confidence to anyone. Whoever finally succeeds any better than McClellan did, has a fine chance for immortality. The army of the Potomac is splendid in material, and once taught that their best efforts are not to be wasted, they will tell for themselves a splendid story. With McClellan they did best, because they believed that his plans contained all that human skill was capable of. Every new General will be splendidly supported in his first battle. If the battle end in another Golgotha, the old cry will be raised, “McClellan, or a new man!” Sumner and Franklin, piqued, it is reported are about to withdraw likewise. So, peaceful revolutions are occurring in the Army. Let us pray, and hope for the best. Possibly we are adopting the right course to find the right man, possibly the right course to insure our ruin. If Burnside was not a Napoleon, he was a first-rate soldier, and in a subordinate position can do splendid service to the country. Alas! Good-bye.

Affec'y.,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 273-5

Captain William Thompson Lusk to his sister, Lillie, December 31, 1862

Camp Near Falmouth, Va.

Dec. 31st, 1862.

My dear Sister Lillie:

I have just received your letter, and am much troubled to hear that mother has been ill. As you were intending to write me on New Year's eve, I have concluded to write you in turn, knowing it to be all one, whether I write you or mother. I am specially disposed to write to-night as I feel very good-natured. I am not troubled for the moment, either with the goadings of disappointed ambition, the peculiarities of Scotchmen, the inclemency of the weather, or even with “the unfortunate Abraham Lincoln.” In a word, I am determined to be good-humored in bidding farewell to the old year, notwithstanding it is responsible (either it, or the aforesaid Abraham) for so many disasters. If all the hopes so fondly entertained at the beginning of the year have not been realized, we know at least that Providence doeth all things well, if not exactly as man would have it.

MARY HARTWELL CHITTENDEN
Whom W. T. Lusk married May 4, 1864

The Highlanders mean to celebrate the New Year, as the accompanying card will show. Turkeys, hams, tongues, bread and butter and a bowl of punch will be furnished to visitors, and we hope they may be many. But pleasantest of all, Hall is coming to visit me, bringing with him a Dr. Hubbard of his regiment — an Uncle of pretty little Mary Chittenden. If we don't have a good time, then I'll hang up my sword on a willow tree, but you will have to wait until the second inst. for particulars. I had a good time Christmas too, and only regret you should have spent it so quietly. You see I raised a pair of ducks and rode up with them tied to my saddle to Stafford C. H. (ten miles), found Hall, eat the ducks (with Hall's assistance), gossiped, and made very merry, though I had so recently written home representing myself so very miserable. Yesterday I made Major Crosby of the 21st C. V. a visit, and found that I used to go to school with him to old Peltis up-town. We had a right good time of it. His heart so warmed toward me finally, that he brought out a loaf of cake made by his wife's fair fingers—good cake it was too. Speaking of cake reminds me that the Chaplain, my tent companion, has just received a cake from his sweetheart. Oh these sweethearts! Chaplain receives every mail pretty pink notes which he likes to be joked about. He likes the cake too.

Hall thinks I have grown dreadfully unrefined. I smoke a pipe and eat onions. Horrible, isn't it? Would you really like your brother at home, who can do such dreadful things? I can't come. I've tried, but Rhadamanthus, that is Old Bull Sumner, is adamant, and bids me wait until I catch swamp fever or lose a leg, when I will be able to return with flying colors. I tried in fact to take the Bull by the horns, and that's what I got for my pains. Dear me, I'm growing older every day, so you can imagine how old I shall be when I get home.

Well, sister Lillie, I would try and be sentimental in view of New Year's Eve, but that could hardly be looked for in a man that eats onions. But may many blessings rest on both my sisters, my mother and the little ones that are dear to us all. True love between you and Tom, between Hunt and Mary, deepening not weakening at each successive return of the New Year.

Had I my six months' pay, and twenty days to spend at home, how I would make things fly around.

Again love to mother, Uncle Phelps, Aunt Maria, Nellie, Tom, friends individually, collectively, and in bulk.

Affec'y, your brother,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 261-3

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, December 23, 1862

Camp Near Fredericksburg, Va.

Dec. 23d, 1862.

My dear Mother:

Time slips by without much to break the monotony of the hour, but still it slips by rapidly. We had a review to-day, Gen. Sumner being the reviewing officer. One of his staff, a Major Crosby, stopped to say to me that he understood I was a Norwich boy, and, a Norwich boy himself, he would be happy if I would call on him. Do you know who he is? I do not as a rule cultivate acquaintances much; it is so mortifying to be in a subordinate position. I cannot bear to be patronized, and my position subjects me to the annoyance. Surely, people have a right to argue, when the most common of tradesmen are found worthy of the highest and most responsible military posts without an hour's preparation, this fellow, who boasts of being an educated gentleman, must be poor stuff indeed, if, after eighteen months service, he finds himself unable to command as good a position as he did a half year ago. McDonald says it is a long road without any turn to it, but I begin to feel my military ambition satisfied. I would be so glad if I could only return to my medical studies. I know when I left home I acted contrary to the advice of all my friends.¹ Until now, pride forbade my acknowledging myself in the wrong, but stung and humiliated, I make my confession now. Many a time I have seen old school friends from Russell's (who in old times felt proud to claim me as an acquaintance) pass me, high in rank and proud of manner, and I have turned away my head. I could not bear the thought of their recognizing me less honored than themselves. I am not often unhappy, for I have already written that few officers of any rank in the Army Corps enjoy as many privileges as are accorded to me. To say the least I meet a cordial welcome everywhere, from the Headquarters of the Commanding General down. Still at times I cannot help feeling half sickened at the mortifying position in which I am placed. When in active service, in the presence of the enemy, I am never troubled with such thoughts, but in camp a man has too much time in which to think. If the troops go into winter quarters, I do not think I will be able to endure this state of things until Spring. I must return to my medical studies again. Why, the most humble country practitioner is more respectable than I, a despised soldier, found unworthy of honors which the commonest shoemaker wears with grace. I do not forget how anxious my friends have been to serve me, how earnestly they have labored and are laboring for me. But is not that mortifying too — to feel that, after all, you must owe all advancement not to your own merits, but to the influence of your friends? My dear mother, you must feel that in writing this I am only telling my griefs, as one may tell them to one's mother, and, having told them, find relief.

I do so wish I might come home. I am weak as a child now. To-morrow I will be stronger, and will regret this that I have written, yet I shall send it for all that. I shall send it because merely to tell one's troubles to a sympathizing friend, deprives them of their chief bitterness. I do not know if it be true, but I understand that the telegraphic despatch to Walter for my Commission was a piece of sharp practice that did not emanate from Gov. Morgan. That, however, is a matter that is past, and hardly, perhaps, to be regretted.

Give my best love to the dear friends around you, and believe me,

Very affec'y.,

Your son,

W. T. Lusk.

_______________

¹ He enlisted in the ranks, being unwilling to wait for a Commission. (Cf. p. 215.)

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 257-9

Abraham Lincoln to Major-General George B. McClellan, April 9, 1862

Washington, April 9. 1862

Major-General McClellan.

My Dear Sir.

Your despatches complaining that you are not properly sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much.

Blenker's Division was withdrawn from you before you left here; and you know the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought acquiesced in it — certainly not without reluctance.

After you left, I ascertained that less than twenty thousand unorganized men, without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for the defense of Washington, and Manassas Junction; and part of this even, was to go to Gen. Hooker's old position. Gen. Bank's corps, once designed for Manassas Junction, was diverted and tied up on the line of Winchester and Strausburg, and could not leave it without again exposing the upper Potomac, and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This presented (or would present, when McDowell and Sumner should be gone) a great temptation to the enemy to turn back from the Rappahanock, to and sack Washington. My explicit order that Washington should, by the judgment of all the commanders of Army Corps, be left entirely secure, had been neglected. It was precisely this that induced drove me to detain McDowell.

I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave Banks at Manassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up, and nothing was substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was constrained to substitute something for it myself. And now allow me to ask “Do you really think I should permit the line from Richmond, via Manassas Junction, to this city to be entirely open, except what resistance could be presented by less than twenty thousand unorganized troops?” This is a question which the country will not allow me to evade.

There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with you. When I telegraphed you on the 6th saying you had over a hundred thousand with you, I had just obtained from the Secretary of War, a statement, taken as he said, from your own returns, making 108.000 then with you, and en route to you. You now say you will have but 85.000 when all en route to you shall have reached you. How can the discrepancy of 23.000 be accounted for?

As to Gen. Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you precisely what a like number of your own would have to do, if that command was away.

I suppose the whole force which has gone forward for you, is with you by this time; and if so, I think it is the precise time for you to strike a blow. By delay the enemy will relatively gain upon you – that is, he will gain faster by fortifications and reinforcements, than you can by re-inforcements alone.

And, once more let me tell you, it is indispensable to you that you strike a blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to remember I always insisted, that going down the Bay in search of a field, instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only shifting, and not surmounting, a difficulty – that we would find the same enemy, and the same, or equal, entrenchments, at either place. The country will not fail to note – is now noting – that the present hesitation to move upon an entrenched enemy, is but the story of Manassas repeated.

I beg to assure you that I have never written you, or spoken to you, in greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain you, so far as in my most anxious judgment, I consistently can. But you must act.

Yours very truly

A. Lincoln

SOURCE: The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: February 1, 1863

The Virginia Legislature, now in session, has a bill under discussion for the suppression of extortion. One of the members, Mr. Anderson, read the following table of the prices of

AGRICULTURE PRODUCE.
Before the War.		Now.
White wheat, per bushel	$1.50	White wheat, per bushel	$4.50
Flour, per barrel	7.50	Flour, per barrel	22.00
Corn, per bushel	.70	Corn, per bushel	3.50
Hay, per hundred	1.00	Hay, per hundred	3.50
Hides, per pound	.07	Hides, per pound	.40
Beef, per pound	.08	Beef, per pound	.50
Bacon, per pound	.13	Bacon, per pound	.60
Lard, per pound	.15	Lard, per pound	1.00
Butter, per pound	.30	Butter, per pound	1.50
Irish potatoes	1.00	Irish potatoes	5.00
Sweet potatoes	1.00	Sweet potatoes	6.00
Apple brandy	1.00	Apple brandy	15.00
Wool, per pound	.30	Wool, per pound	2.00
MANUFACTURERS
Bar iron, per pound	.04	Bar iron, per pound	.20
Nails, per pound	.04	Nails, per pound	.60
Leather, sole, per pound	.25	Leather, sole, per pound	2.50
Leather, upper, per pound	.33	Leather, upper, per pound	3.50
COTTON GOODS.
Osnaburgs, per yard	.10	Osnaburgs, per yard	.75
Brown cotton, per yard	.10	Brown cotton, per yard	.75
Sheeting, per yard	.15	Sheeting, per yard	1.25
WOOLEN GOODS.
Coarse jeans	.45	Coarse jeans	4.00
Crenshaw’s gray	2.00	Crenshaw’s gray	28.00
MISCELLANEOUS.
Coarse shoes	$1.50	Coarse shoes	15.00
High-quartered shoes	3.50	High-quartered shoes	25.00
Boots	7.50	Boots	60.00
Wool hats, per dozen	7.00	Wool hats, per dozen	50.00
STOCKS.
Dividends on stocks in cotton companies, worth in May, 1861, $25 to $50 per share, now from $112 to $140

It is doubtful whether the bill will pass, as most of the members are agriculturists.

It is said and believed that several citizens from Illinois and Indiana, now in this city, have been sent hither by influential parties, to consult our government on the best means of terminating the war; or, that failing, to propose some mode of adjustment between the Northwestern States and the Confederacy, and new combination against the Yankee States and the Federal administration.

Burnside has at last been removed; and Franklin and Sumner have resigned. Gen. Hooker now commands the Federal Army of the Potomac — if it may be still called an army. Gen. R——, who knows Hooker well, says he is deficient in talent and character; and many years ago gentlemen refused to associate with him. He resigned from the army, in California, and worked a potatoe patch, Yankee like, on speculation — and failed.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 252-3

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 7, 1863

To-day I was requested to aid, temporarily, in putting in operation a new bureau, created by the military authorities, not by law, entitled the Bureau of Conscription. From conscription all future recruits must be derived. I found Gen. Rains, the chief, a most affable officer; and Lieut.-Col. Lay, his next officer, was an acquaintance. I shall not now, perhaps, see so much of the interior of this moving picture of Revolution; my son, however, will note important letters. It is said that Sumner's corps (of Burnside's army) has landed in North Carolina, to take Wilmington. We shall have news soon.

We are sending troops rapidly from Virginia to North Carolina.

The Northern papers say the following dispatch was sent to Washington by our raiding Stuart: “Gen. Meigs will in future please furnish better mules; those you have furnished recently are very inferior.” He signed his own name.

A large body of slaves passed through the city to-day, singing happily. They had been working on the fortifications north of the city, and go to work on them south of it. They have no faith in the efficacy of Lincoln's Emancipation.

But it is different in Norfolk; 4000 enfranchised slaves marched in procession through the town the other day in a sort of frantic jubilee. They will bewail their error; and so will the Abolitionists. They will consume the enemy's commissary stores; and if they be armed, we shall get their arms.

Lee and Beauregard were telegraphed to-day in relation to the movement on Wilmington; and the President had the cabinet with him many hours.

Gen. Rains is quite certain that the fall of New Orleans was the result of treachery.

By the emancipation, Gen. Wise's county, Princess Ann, is excepted — and so are Accomac and Northampton Counties; but I have no slaves. All I ask of the invaders is to spare my timber, and I will take care of the land — and I ask it, knowing the request will never be known by them until the war is over.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 233-4

Major Wilder Dwight: September 7, 1862

Camp Beyond Rockville, Maryland, September 7, Sunday.

It is a hot, sunny, breezy afternoon. We are in line of battle with Sumner's corps, as we have been ever since yesterday noon. The air is full of rumors, but my opinion is firm that the Rebels will not cross in force into Maryland. If they do, and if our hearts have not really died within us, then we shall be fit to strike them. We want Soldiers, SOLDIERS, and a General In Command. Please notice the words, all of them; for the history of the past fifteen months is the sad record of that want. Nothing surprising happened in Virginia. The force brought against us was not larger than our own, was equally fatigued, and, still more, without food. But we allowed them, — impotently and with fatal blindness, allowed them to outgeneral us. We ignored what was passing under our eyes, denied the familiar maxims of military science, blustered up to the moment of defeat, and then fled back to our base.

“No line of retreat.” “No base of supply.” “No strong positions.” What is the issue of that policy? A starving army hunting lines of retreat upon the firm base, and up to, and within, the strong fortification of its capital. We stood on the banks of the Rappahannock a week, while the enemy steadily pushed his columns up the other bank, and through a well-known mountain pass upon our rear. O, it is heavy to see life and hope and peace and honor withering away daily under such influences! Nor do I see any evidence of tone or wisdom in power anywhere

It has come back to McClellan! I met him as I went into Washington the other day. His manner was gay, confident, elate. His staff were jubilant. Again he takes the reins, and what do you expect? I must hope, though I know not why.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 287-8

Major-General Philip Kearny to Oliver S. Halsted Jr., August 4, 1862

HARRISON’S LANDING, 4th August, 1862.

DEAR PET: I thank you for your kind, long letter. You extend me hope.  You suggest withdrawing me and my division out of this ignoble position.  With Pope’s army I would breathe again.

We have no generals.  McClellan is the failure I ever proclaimed him.  He has been punished, just as I at once comprehended the moves of the parties. He will only get us in more follies, more waste of blood, fighting by driblets.  He has lost the confidence of all.  Nor has he a single officer about him capable of bettering us.  Sumner is a “bull in a china shop,” and a sure enough blunderer.  ––– lost his corps gratuitously at Fair Oaks.  He is not now in his right place, and will be much worse.  ––– is a small brain, ossified in a ‘4 company’ garrison on the frontier.  He was not ‘of us’ in Mexico, but in a rear column once saw a distant flash in a guerilla fight.  His skill is a myth, a poetical version of his own part at Bull’s Run. Porter is good in nature, but weak as water – the apparent of all this disaster for his want of generalship on the Chickahominy. ––– and Franklin are talented engineers.  They might make good generals if they understood the value of elements in their calculations; as it is, they are dangerous failures.

When ––– was drunk, he had some few men drowned before Yorktown.  I know of no other feat of his.  Franklin’s battle of West Point was a most runaway picket fight of our.  His part on the Chickahominy was unpardonable.  He sent over a division, (his own,) was present on that side out of fire, and never interfered to prevent them from being sacrificed by driblets and rendered prey to their false position.  I was horrified at it, as described by Gen. Taylor, and all others.  Is it surprising that I want to get out of this mess?  Besides, they have sent me a major generalship, like all these others, dating from 4th July, muddled in a batch of new and very ordinary junior officers.  Do they forget that I was appointed twelfth on the original list?  That I, on the heels of Bull’s Run, faced the enemy with a Jersey brigade in advance of all others, McClellan, McDowell, et id omne genus, nearly forcing me to come back of the “Seminary.”  Do they forget me at Manassas?  My Jersey brigade, that infected with panic the retiring enemy?  Has Williamsburg never come to their ears?  Oh, no!  I really feel aggravated beyond endurance.  Discipline becomes degradation if not wielded with justice.  Patriotism cannot amid all her sacrifices, claim that of self respect.  Generals, victorious in the past are not called on to expose their troops, unless those brave men are acknowledged.  Their identity in their chief’s promotion, claims a date of their own high acts.  Oh, No, I am nearer returning to the home I have given up, to the interests I have sacrificed, to my cherished wife, whose anxiety oppresses me, than I ever dreamt of in a war for the union.  But if the infatuated North are weak enough to let this crisis be managed by ‘small men of small motives,’ I am not willing to be their puppet.

My dear Pet, I am too lazy, and too little interested, to give into the future of this ‘little box of heresies,’ so do tell me – what do the people at the North look forward to in the future?  I fear lest the war will die out in rapid imbecility.

For McClellan, he is burnt out.  Never once on a battlefield, you have nothing to hope from him as a leader of a column.  How do they expect Pope to beat, with a very inferior force, the veterans of Ewell and Jackson?  But these are episodes.  We deceive ourselves.  There was a people of old – it was the warrior Spartan, with his Helot of the field.  The South have realized it.  There was an ambitious people of recent times, and a conscription pandered to her invasions .  At this moment the South exemplifies them both.  “Peace, peace,” but there is no peace.  No, not even with a disruptured Union.  Let the North cast away that delusion.

Draft we must, or the disciplined THOUSANDS of the South will redeem scrip in Philadelphia, and yet the true North must accept it, and quickly, to a man, or the moment it draggles in debate, Maryland, Tennessee, and Kentucky will cast past victories to the winds and rise with their nearly allied rebel kin.  My dear Pet, I shall be delighted when Henry can come on.  As to Col. Halstead, I think that his case is a type of the insane and unnecessary despotism introduced into the army, under the auspices of McClellan and his very weak aids.  It is now too late, but why was not the cavalry put in my charge at the commencement?  Two nights ago the rebel batteries fired across the river, and killed and wounded some thirty men.  Last night Hooker started out on a crude expedition to Malvern Hills.  He went out four miles and came back again.  Still a “false fuss” injures the whole army.  McClellan is dangerous, from the want of digesting his plans.  He positively has no talents.  Adieu.  Get me and my “fighting division” with Pope.  With best regards,

Yours,

KEARNY.

To Mr. O. S. HALSTEAD, JR., Newark, N. J.

SOURCES: George Congdon Gorham, Life and Public Services of Edwin M. Stanton, Volume 2, p. 21; Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 172-4; “A Letter from Gen. Kearney,” National Republican, Washington, DC, Thursday, October 16, 1862, p. 2; “Letter From General Kearny,” The Liberator, Boston, Massachusetts, Friday, October 24, 1862, p. 1; “Letter From General Kearney,” Alexandria Gazette, Alexandria, Virginia, October 16, 1862, p. 4; “The Famous Criticism of the late General Kearny on M'Clellan,” Richmond Times Dispatch, Richmond, Virginia, October 21, 1862;

Captain Charles Fessenden Morse, October 6, 1862

Maryland Heights, October 6, 1862.

Everything continues quiet with us. We have a nice camp and are beginning to make ourselves comfortable. I have a floor in my tent and a patent bedstead of Hogan's invention. Our mess gets on finely; we have plenty to eat and very good too. I know you will be pleased to feel that I am no longer in danger of starvation. You'd hardly believe we had suffered any hardships lately, to see us after dinner or supper, sitting or lying around my tent, enjoying our pipes and cigars, reading the papers or having a quiet discussion on some subject.

Last week, we had a visit from President Lincoln, accompanied by Generals Sumner and Howard and a large staff of other officers. He reviewed our regiment briefly, we receiving him with the customary honors. General Sumner paid our regiment the handsomest compliment that I have heard come from any officer of high rank. He said, in our hearing, to the President, “This is the Second Massachusetts Regiment, the first regiment that volunteered for the war. I have it on good authority, General Sedgwick, that it is the best regiment in the service.”

Such praise as this, coming from the source it does, is very pleasing. After the review, I was detailed (I suppose from my knowledge of the mountain paths and the fact that I had a horse), to guide the party to the summit of the Maryland Heights. I showed the way until we got to a path where it was right straight up, when Abraham backed out. I think it must have reminded him of a little story about a very steep place; at any rate, around they turned and went down the mountain. I gave “Uncle Abe” a few parting words of advice with regard to the general management of things, bade them farewell, and went back to camp.

I am afraid we have lost Colonel Andrews; he was detailed day before yesterday, to take command of a brigade of four new regiments; this is probably but an intermediate step before being commissioned Brigadier. Captain Cogswell is now in command; if neither Major Savage nor Captain Quincy ever come back, he will be Colonel, making Mudge Lieutenant-Colonel, and Russell, Major, and me second Captain, Curtis' old place on the left of the line.

Has the death of Major Sedgwick been spoken of in any of the Boston papers? You remember he was formerly a first Lieutenant in our regiment; he left us last autumn to go to his cousin's, General Sedgwick's, staff, where he was made Assistant Adjutant General and promoted to be Major. We have seen a good deal of him since we left Washington. He was one of the most interesting men in conversation I ever knew, full of stories and experiences of the Peninsular campaign, in which he took an active part, having been present at most of the principal battles. The night before Antietam, he was around at our bivouac. We were discussing the probabilities as to when Richmond would be taken; I made him a bet of a basket of champagne that it wouldn't be taken the 1st of January, 1863. This wager he accepted and registered in my pocket book and signed his name to it. The next day was the battle. General Sedgwick went into it with his division in Sumner's corps; Major Sedgwick received his wound in that terrible wood where our right wing suffered its heaviest loss. The bullet went through his body, grazing his backbone, instantly paralyzing the whole lower parts. He remained on the field two or three hours perfectly conscious, though suffering the worst pain. During this time he wrote several pages in his book, requests, etc. He was removed to Frederick, Maryland, where he died two or three days ago. He was only one among many, but he was one of the original “Second,” and a man I always liked very much.

I believe I have not told you about our old flag. Sergeant Lundy is color-bearer now (the old Crimean soldier of whom I sent the daguerreotype); he's a splendid fellow and plucky as can be; all through the action, he kept the flag up at full height, waving it to and fro. Well, on examination of it after the fight was over, we found twenty new bullet holes through the colors and three through the staff. The socket in which the butt rested was shot away close to the Sergeant's belt. Our old staff was shot in two at Cedar Mountain, and is now at home being mended. While I think of it, I must tell you of one most singular incident that happened the day of the battle. As we were advancing over one part of the field, which was pretty thickly covered by our dead and wounded, a man of Company F, Captain Mudge's company, suddenly came upon the dead body of his father, who was in the Twelfth Massachusetts Regiment and had been killed early in the day. It was a terrible meeting for father and son; they had not seen each other for over a year. The next day the son got permission to bury his father in a decent manner and put a head-board at his grave.

Have you made up your mind about the Emancipation Proclamation? At first, I was disposed to think that no change would be produced by it, but now, I believe its effect will be good. It is going to set us straight with foreign nations. It gives us a decided policy, and though the President carefully calls it nothing but a war measure, yet it is the beginning of a great reform and the first blow struck at the real, original cause of the war. No foreign nation can now support the South without openly countenancing slavery. The London Times, no doubt, will try to make out slavery a Divine Institution, but its influence does not extend everywhere. I think the course of that paper, since this war began, has been more outrageous than anything I ever knew of; you wouldn't think any paper could be so base as to say, as it has just said, that the President's Proclamation was published to produce a servile insurrection. It may have the effect to cause disturbances among the troops from the extreme Southern States, who will think, perhaps, that their presence is needed more at home than up in Virginia. There is no mistake about it, if the fact becomes generally known among the slaves of the South that they are free as soon as within our lines, there will be a much more general movement among them than there has been before. It is evident that Jeff Davis is frightened by it, to judge by the fearful threats of retaliation he is making.

Yesterday, Bob Shaw and I took a fine horseback ride of about twenty miles, visiting the vicinity of Antietam. Most of McClellan's army is encamped near there. We expected to find the First Massachusetts Cavalry, but they had moved up the river to Williamsport. My horse is in fine condition, now; she seemed to enjoy the exercise yesterday as much as I did.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 95-9

Captain Charles Fessenden Morse, September 10, 1862

Near Darnestown, September 10, 1862.

I have time to write a word to say that I'm safe and well. We are on the move all the time and have not had a real rest yet.

I have been considerably used up with fatigue, but am feeling better now. We are with Sumner's corps and have been beside the Twentieth Massachusetts several days. I expect we shall see some some [sic] fighting in a day or two. We move toward Frederick in about half an hour.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 85

Major-General John Sedgwick to George Woodruff, October 1, 1863

Headquarters 6th Army Corps,

Culpeper, October 1, 1863.

To George Woodruff, Esq.

Dear sir:

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 25th instant in regard to the services of your son, the late Lieutenant G. A. Woodruff, 1st Artillery, U. S. A. I will to-day forward your letter to Lieutenant-Colonel James H. Taylor, who was Chief of Staff of the late Major-General Sumner, under whose command the artillery of the division was directed. I assumed command of the division to which your son belonged in January, 1862, and had occasion to notice him expressly for the zeal and fidelity which he manifested in the discharge of his duties. Upon our arrival on the Peninsula we formed part of Sumner's corps. At the battle of Fair Oaks my division was the first of the corps to reach the field, and I placed the battery in position. I herewith enclose an extract from my report. I consider that the battery contributed essentially in the repulse of the rebels. At the battle of Glendale the battery was again in a prominent position. General Sumner and myself were both wounded inside the battery. I enclose an extract of my report. I presume General Sumner noticed more particularly its service, as was his promise. At the battle of Antietam I again had occasion to notice your son's gallantry, then in command of his battery. Whilst leaving the field, my horse having been killed, and badly wounded myself, I was left for some time within the battery, which was then engaged in repulsing and did repulse the column of the enemy that had broken my division. No veteran could have selected a better position, and no one could have shown more gallantry in defending it. I made no report of this battle, or I should have mentioned especially the services of your son and his battery. This was the last of my service with him; but I presume Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor will give you a more detailed and connected history of your son's service.

I would here remark that no General officer has authority to confer brevets; the President only has that right, with the sanction of the Senate. I have no means of knowing, but have no doubt your son's name went in to the Senate for two, perhaps three, brevets.

I am, very respectfully,

John Sedgwick,

Major-General.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 158-9

Acceptance of the Sword and Other Testimonials by Major-General John Sedgwick

Gentlemen:

I accept these beautiful testimonials of your regard with feelings of sincerest gratitude, mingled with somewhat of embarrassment. It is a fortunate thing for a commander to be able in the discharge of the duties imposed upon him to win the kindly regard of those over whom he happens to be placed. I had not dared to hope, when I parted with you many months ago, that such had been my good fortune, for I felt that whatever obligation our mutual connection had created rested solely with me. I was proud of the division. I felt that I had every reason to be grateful to the officers and men composing it for their gallant and unexceptionable bearing and for the high reputation which their conduct had won for the command. I was, therefore, naturally somewhat embarrassed when I learned that it was your intention to revive the memories of old associations by an occasion such as this. It did not need, however, these substantial evidences of your good will to recall the old division and the pleasant days of my connection with it. I have never forgotten it, nor the friends who made it dear to me and honoured in the army.

Though some of these are not present with you to-day, and will never again take part in any scene on earth, yet all are alike remembered. Some, too, who united with you in the preparations for this day have not lived to see it, or are absent suffering from wounds received at Fredericksburg or on the glorious field of Gettysburg. The brave young Kirby and the gallant Colonels of the 59th and 82nd New York and of the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteers, and others whose names are equally familiar, are numbered with the unforgotten dead. They have fallen in recent battles, giving up their lives for the glory of the Union and the honour of our arms. If there had been anything wanted to give your offering a value which no words of mine can express, it would have been that it comes partly in the name of brave men killed in battle for their country. It comes, too, from a part of that command which was so often led to battle by that noble soldier Sumner, whose last and proud boast it was that they “never lost a gun.”

Have I not reason, then, to be grateful for these your gifts, recalling, as they do, both the living and the dead — brave men who are still contending for their country's honour, and noble martyrs who have borne witness with their blood to the sincerity of their patriotism.

Gentlemen, I honour the division which you represent; I shall always look back with pride to the time I commanded it, as who would not be proud to lead such men to battle under Sumner? With such a leader for your corps, it is no wonder that your record is unspotted. I glory in the reputation you have won under the gallant veteran whose memory the nation reverently honours, and I rejoice that under the leadership of Hancock and Gibbon so grand a future awaits you.

I have followed your career with interest through the varying fortunes of the war, observing always with sorrow whenever any of the old, familiar names appeared on the honoured roll of the fallen. I shall still continue to watch your course in the campaigns that are to follow, and I shall feel that every new honour you may win will be another ornament added to this beautiful sword, increasing, if that were possible, the value I attach to it. Deeply appreciating the kind feelings you have expressed for me, I accept these testimonials of your esteem with pardonable pride. I thank you with all my heart.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 152-4

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: January 31, 1863

We are in statu quo, and our armies quiet. The Northern army seems to be in commotion. Burnside has resigned, and “fighting Joe Hooker” has been put in his place. Sumner and Franklin have also resigned their “grand divisions.” Pourquoi? Won't the men advance? Perhaps the Stafford mud has been more than a match for them. Burnside had issued but a few days ago an address to his men, saying they were about to “strike the final blow at the rebellion.” All was in readiness, and the “Grand Army” moved forward; just then the “rain descended and the floods came,” and, attempting to cross the Rappahannock ten miles above Fredericksburg, ambulances, wagons, big guns and all stuck in the mud; the order, “To your tents, O Israel,” had to be given, and the “rebellion” still flourishes.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 187

Brigadier-General John Sedgwick to his Sister, July 12, 1862

Camp James River, July 12, 1862.

My dear sister:

Everything remains very much as when I last wrote. No reinforcements have arrived since. The enemy have withdrawn and returned to the vicinity of Richmond. What our future movements are to be is quite uncertain. The President rode through the camps when here, and expressed himself pleased and disappointed in the appearance of the troops. He had supposed that we were all desponding, when he found every one joyful. General McClellan paid me and my division a high compliment in presenting us to the President. I believe he has recommended me for a Brevet Brigadier in the regular army. I know General Sumner has. I would value this more than a Brigadier of Volunteers.

Write often. Have you purchased the Treasury notes and have you paid off all our debts? I hope so, and have something left to keep the machine running. You must not break in upon what we have salted away. I believe I wrote you that I lost my old horse in one of the actions. My servant, who has been with me as long as the horse, had gone on, and I did not see him for two days. When I told him about Tom, he cried like a child, and said, “Bless God, General, I am glad they did not get you. Next to old Tom” (the horse), “I had rather see you safe than any man living.” I owe him about one hundred dollars. With much love to all,

I am, very affectionately,

J. S.

SOURCES: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 74-5

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: September 30, 1862

The Richmond Examiner of yesterday contains Lincoln's Proclamation, declaring all the negroes free from the 1st of January next! The Abolition papers are in ecstasies; as if they did not know that it can only be carried out within their lines, and there they have been practically free from the moment we were invaded. The New York Tribune is greatly incensed at the capture of Harper's Ferry; acknowledges that the battle of Sharpsburg was a disaster to them — Sumner's corps alone having lost 5,000 men in killed and wounded. It says it was the “fiercest, bloodiest, and most indecisive battle of the war.” Oh, that their losses could convince them of the wickedness of this contest! but their appetite seems to grow on what it feeds upon. Blood, blood, is still their cry. My heart sickens at the thought of what our dear soldiers have yet to pass through. Arise, O God, in thy strength, and save us from our relentless foes, for thy great name's sake!

Mr. ––– has improved so much in health that we return in a few days to Richmond, that he may again enter upon the duties of his office. Ashland is our destiny for next year; the difficulty of obtaining a house or board in Richmond has induced us to join a party of refugee friends in taking a cottage there. Our children are already there, and write that a comfortable room is awaiting us. Last night we received a message from Mrs. and Miss S., of Alexandria, that they were in this place, having run the blockade, from their oppressed home, during the battles around Richmond, when many of the soldiers had been withdrawn, and of course the surveillance of the old town had become less severe. Mrs. D., of Alexandria, and myself went directly after breakfast to see them. They had much to tell of the reign of terror through which they had gone, and nothing very satisfactory of our homes. Mrs. D's house was occupied as barracks, and ours as a hospital. Miss ––– had accompanied our friend Mrs. ––– there one day during the last winter; it was used as a hospital, except the front rooms, which were occupied by General N. (a renegade Virginian) as headquarters. Can it be that any native of Virginia can be untrue to her now? Let General Scott, General Newton, and Captain Fairfax answer! General N. married a Northern wife, which must account for his defection. The ladies drove up to our poor old home, the road winding among stumps of trees, which had been our beautiful oak grove; but one tree was left to show where it had been; they inquired for Mrs. N. She was out, and they determined to walk over the house, that they might see the state of our furniture, etc. They went up-stairs, but, on opening the door of our daughter's room, they found a lady standing at a bed, cutting out work. Mrs. ––– closed the door and turned to my chamber; this she found occupied by a family, children running about the room, etc.; these she afterwards found were the families of the surgeons. With no very amiable feelings she closed that door and went to another room, which, to her relief, was unoccupied; the old familiar furniture stood in its place, and hanging over the mantel was my husband's portrait. We left it put away with other pictures. The wardrobe, which we had left packed with valuables, stood open and empty; just by it was a large travelling-trunk filled with clothing, which, she supposed, was about to be transferred to the wardrobe. She turned away, and on going down-stairs met Mrs. N., who politely invited her into her (!) parlour. The piano, sofas, etc., were arranged precisely as she had been accustomed to see them arranged, she supposed by our servants, some of whom were still there. This furniture we had left carefully rolled together, and covered, in another room. The weather was cold, and the floor was covered with matting, but no carpet. Mrs. N. apologized, saying that she had lately arrived, and did not know that there was a carpet in the house until, the day before, she was “exploring” the third story, and found in a locked room some very nice ones, which the soldiers were now shaking, and “she should make herself comfortable.” She had just before been expressing holy horror at the soldiers in Alexandria having injured and appropriated the property of others. Mrs. ––– looked at her wonderingly! Does she consider these carpets her own? Our parlour curtains were upon the passage-table, ready to be put up. She found them, no doubt, while exploring the third story, for there we left them securely wrapped up to protect them from moths. Ah! there are some species of moths (bipeds) from which bars and bolts could not protect them. This we did not anticipate. We thought that Federal officers were gentlemen!

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 158-61

Official Reports of the Seven-Days’ Battles, June 25-July 1, 1862: No. 24 - Report of Brig. Gen. John Sedgwick, U.S. Army, commanding Second Division, of engagement at Peach Orchard, or Allen's Farm, and battles of Savage Station, Glendale, or Nelson's Farm (Frazier's Farm), and Malvern Hill.

No. 24

Report of Brig. Gen. John Sedgwick, U.S. Army, commanding Second Division, of engagement at Peach Orchard, or Allen's Farm, and battles of Savage Station, Glendale, or Nelson's Farm (Frazier's Farm), and Malvern Hill.

HEADQUARTERS SECOND DIVISION, SUMNER'S CORPS,

Harrison's Landing, Va., July 5, 1862.

LIEUTENANT: I have the honor to submit the following report of the part sustained by this division in the march made and the actions fought by this army during June 29 and 30 and July 1 and 2:

The division left its camp at Fair Oaks immediately after daybreak June 29, and formed in line of battle faced to the rear on the left of Richardson's division, on Allen's farm, between Orchard and Savage Stations, on the Richmond and York River Railroad. The enemy appeared and attacked about 9 a.m., but was successfully held in check. At about noon, all firing having been suspended, the command crossed the railroad and fell back to the high ground south of Savage Station and near the Williamsburg Road. About 5 p.m. the enemy attacked again in stronger force and with more impetuosity, but was gallantly resisted and driven back, the engagement continuing until quite dark.

About 11 p.m. the march was resumed across White Oak Swamp, the crossing being successfully accomplished by about daybreak. After a brief rest the march was continued to the point known as Nelson's Farm, or Glendale. About 11 a.m. June 30, the enemy having made a strong attack with artillery upon Franklin's command, which had remained to defend the bridge across White Oak Swamp, Dana's and Gorman's brigades (the latter under command of Colonel Sully, First Minnesota) were sent, under Brigadier-General Dana, to Franklin's support, moving a part of the way at double-quick.

About 3 p.m. a very fierce and strong attack was made upon McCall's division in the first line, which after a short resistance retired, thus bringing in direct contact with the enemy that portion of my command remaining with me. Burns went immediately to meet the enemy, and Dana's and Sully's brigades were recalled, again marching a part of the way at double-quick. The Nineteenth Massachusetts, Colonel Hinks, was the first to arrive, and scarcely pausing to draw breath, gallantly dashed at the enemy. The others followed and went to the front as they came up as rapidly as their wearied condition rendered possible. Some temporary confusion arose among the regiments of Dana's brigade owing to their failure to advance equally with each other, and all these regiments suffered severely. The entire division was now hotly engaged, the greater part of it until night, and not only did these troops meet and repulse the assaults of the enemy, but were forced to withstand the demoralizing influence of the panic among those of the first line, who in many instances broke through our ranks in their haste to move out of reach of the enemy's fire.

About 10 p.m. the regiments, which were lying upon- their arms in the positions occupied at the close of the fight, which lasted, as at Savage Station, until some time after dark, were called in, and preparations made to continue the march to Malverton, which we reached about daybreak.

At 9 a.m. July 1 the enemy again attacked. My division took up a position under the orders of General Sumner, which was changed once or twice during the day, and was held in readiness to meet the enemy should he appear in our immediate front, or to give any assistance required on other parts of the line. It was exposed during a portion of the morning to a heavy fire of artillery, from which, however, surprisingly few casualties resulted, among them, unhappily, the death of Major Brown, Thirty-fourth New York Volunteers.

Between 12 and 2 a.m. of the 2d instant my command was withdrawn from the hill, and took up the march down the River road to this point, arriving about 10 a.m.

We have to deplore the loss of several valuable officers. Colonel Hinks, Nineteenth Massachusetts, fell, dangerously wounded, during the action at Glendale while gallantly leading his regiment. Major How, of the same regiment, fell at the same time. Colonel Charles, Forty-second New York, also fell, mortally wounded, at the head of his regiment.

I cannot refrain from speaking with pride and satisfaction of the great resolution, cheerfulness, and good conduct of the men during the entire march. All were ready at all times, in spite of the severe and almost unparalleled fatigues they were compelled to undergo, to meet the enemy at a moment's notice. I would especially call the attention of the general commanding the corps to the gallantry of Brigadier-General Burns in the severe engagements both of Savage Station and of Glendale, in the former of which he was severely wounded, and in both of which he exhibited great daring and excellent judgment in the disposition of his troops.

The conduct of Brigadier-General Dana and of Colonel Sully, though they were less conspicuously engaged, was in every way what was to be expected from their well-established reputation. I would also especially commend the firm and steady behavior of the Seventy-first Pennsylvania, under Lieutenant-Colonel Jones, which covered the movement from Fair Oaks to Allen's farm, repelling several attacks made by superior numbers most handsomely. Kirby's battery was of great service in the engagement at Glendale, and it is needless to say that officers and men fully sustained their well-earned reputation. Captain Tompkins' Rhode Island battery was also engaged upon the same occasion, and was worked with great spirit.

I refrain from multiplying mention of good conduct, but refer for additional details to the reports of brigade and regimental commanders which I herewith submit. My personal staff, Capt. William D. Sedgwick, assistant adjutant-general, Lieut. Church Howe, aide-de-camp, as well as Col. C. H. Tompkins, chief of artillery, were untiring in their exertions, and rendered me, as usual, constant and most valuable assistance. Maj. R. F. Halsted, volunteer aide, also behaved most handsomely, and rendered me important services. To Capt. R. N. Batchelder, assistant quartermaster, for his skill and indefatigable energy in the difficult undertaking of moving our transportation, the service is under great obligations.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOHN SEDGWICK,

Brigadier-General, Volunteers, Commanding Division.

Lieut. L. KIP,

Acting Assistant Adjutant-General, Sumner's Army Corps.

SOURCES: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 63; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 11, Part 2 (Serial No. 13), p. 80-2

Captain William D. Sedgwick to his Cousin, June 5, 1862

Headquarters Division,

Near Fair Oaks Station, June 5, 1862.

My dear cousin:

The General asks me to write you a short account of our recent battle, he himself being too much engrossed by the various occurrences constantly demanding his attention as commanding officer to find time to write you at sufficient length. I do it very gladly, for though it is so long since I have seen you that my recollections of you, though very pleasant, are somewhat vague, both my Aunt Catherine's great affection for you, and my own well-deserved affection for your brother the General, lead me to regard the writing to you as a very pleasant task. Saturday, about noon, a firing heavier, closer, and more sustained than that which we have been so long accustomed to hear roused us all. General Kearny, who had just stopped to make a call on the General, remounted his horse and galloped off in great haste to his own command. After the interchange of a few despatches from Heintzelman to Sumner, and Sumner to headquarters, we got under arms and marched as rapidly as possible, crossing the Chickahominy River and swamp over a bridge we had recently built, but which recent heavy rains had in great part carried away. To get through our artillery seemed impossible. Men went in up to their waists; horses floundered and fell down. Three pieces only of the leading one of our four batteries could be dragged through in time to assist in resisting the first attack that awaited us.

About four o'clock, having marched about three and one half miles over roads which, when not swamp, were all deep mud, we formed line in a bog and pushed forward on to the crest of a higher piece of ground. Our regiments were soon ranged on two sides of a rectangle facing two sides of a wood. The enemy, who had previously utterly routed Casey's division on the other side of the railroad track, driving them out of their camp and capturing many guns, advanced upon us along and through the woods, and came up in great numbers and with their best troops, including their boasted Texas Brigade and Hampton Legion, North and South Carolinians, Georgians, Mississippians, and Tennesseeans. By a little before five o'clock our whole lines were blazing, the enemy having come up to within one hundred and fifty, and in some instances, in their endeavour to take our artillery, which was doing savage execution, up to within twenty yards.

Their attack was so fierce that for a few moments we were uneasy lest our men should give way; but they held their ground as steadily as veterans and fired better than the enemy, whose attention was divided by a regard for protection of their own persons by the cover of the woods, from which, indeed, they rushed out several times, but only to fall back again. We have buried about two hundred of their dead and attended, say, one hundred of their wounded prisoners, besides capturing a considerable number. These prisoners say that Davis, Lee, Johnston, Magruder, and Floyd were all on the field near Fair Oaks Station, and had assured their troops of an easy victory. They had declared it impossible that we should succeed in crossing with any of our artillery. Magruder recognized his old battery, now commanded by Lieutenant Kirby and beautifully worked (all the pieces came up during the fight), and swore he would have it, but finally gave it up, saying, “All hell can't stand such a fire as that!” Some of the prisoners were much afraid that we would butcher them, but the greater number appeared to have learned that their newspaper accounts of our cruelties were lies, and had no fears. I have seen a good many terrible sights, bad wounds, mangled bodies, but I dare say you would not thank me for giving you any details. A regiment of another division fighting alongside of us captured an omnibus and some buggies in which some “ladies” of Richmond had driven out to see the Yankees whipped.

The next morning we expected the enemy to renew the attack with strong reinforcements, and were up after bivouacking under a tree. In the meantime Richardson's division, which followed us, and the remainder of our artillery had come up. They did not attack as early as we expected, and when they did (about half-past seven) Richardson's division bore the brunt of the fight, assisted by only a portion of General Sedgwick's command. This second battle was fought chiefly on our left, and, though very fierce, lasted but a few hours. We again drove them back, and since then they have appeared disinclined to make any general attack, though they “feel” us occasionally, but very cautiously.

Heavy rains since Sunday have rendered all the bridges below us impassable, and we have to depend upon the railroad bridge. We have now got up pretty much all our stores and effects by rail to Fair Oaks, and are ready for future developments. The ground, just now, is so universally wet and heavy that I should say no grand movement is likely to be made on either side. I need not tell you that the General rode into and through showers of bullets as imperturbably as if they were so many hailstones. Looking at him half persuaded me that there was no danger, though it seemed, now and then, as if our not being touched was almost equivalent to riding through a hail-storm without encountering a pellet. Our men behaved so well that the General and General Sumner expressed the highest satisfaction with them. Hereafter he will feel much of the same confidence in them which they so justly repose in him.

Hoping that I may have an opportunity to become reacquainted with you after this war is over,

I am, very sincerely,

Your affectionate cousin,

Wm. D. Sedgwick

SOURCE: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 57-62