Review: Three Roads to Gettysburg

Three Roads to Gettysburg: Meade, Lee, Lincoln, and theBattle That Changed the War, the Speech That Changed the Nation

By Tim McGrath

It is estimated that between 60,000 and 100,000 books related to the American Civil War have been published since 1865, with approximately 30,000 devoted to the Gettysburg Campaign and Battle of Gettysburg. Depending on which estimates one accepts, that means that somewhere between 30 and 50 percent of the enormous literature of the Civil War has focused, at least in part, on Gettysburg. With numbers like these, one might reasonably ask: Is there really a need for another book about Gettysburg?

Tim McGrath’s Three Roads to Gettysburg provides a compelling answer to that question—not by uncovering some previously unknown story of the battle, but by finding a different way to tell a familiar one.

Many people, justly or unjustly, point to Gettysburg as the turning point of the Civil War. But how did the war arrive at that pivotal moment? The events of July 1–3, 1863, did not occur in isolation. They were the product of years of political, military, and personal developments involving thousands of individuals. A comprehensive accounting of all the events and personalities that laid the foundation for Gettysburg would be virtually impossible in a single volume. McGrath simplifies that daunting task by selecting three men whose lives and decisions became intimately connected with the battle and its aftermath: Union Major General George Gordon Meade, Confederate General Robert E. Lee, and President Abraham Lincoln.

These three "roads" form the structure of McGrath’s narrative. He follows Meade, Lee, and Lincoln from their early lives through the events that ultimately brought two of them together on the Gettysburg battlefield and placed the third in the position of interpreting the battle's meaning for a divided nation. Along the way, McGrath demonstrates how seemingly separate lives can gradually converge at a single moment in history.

For Meade and Lee, McGrath begins with their early years and education at West Point, follows their military assignments and service during the Mexican-American War, and then traces their careers through the turbulent 1850s and the outbreak of the Civil War. Their military careers unfold against the growing sectional crisis and, eventually, the war itself. The two men ultimately find themselves commanding opposing armies on the fields around Gettysburg.

Lincoln’s road is different, but equally important. McGrath follows him from his humble beginnings near Hodgenville, Kentucky, and his formative years in Indiana, through his experiences in New Orleans and New Salem, Illinois, and into Illinois politics and the United States Congress. From these modest beginnings, Lincoln eventually reaches the presidency at the moment when the nation is torn apart by civil war. His road to Gettysburg culminates not as a battlefield commander but as the nation's chief executive and, ultimately, as the author of the Gettysburg Address.

McGrath’s narrative is essentially linear, alternating among his three principal subjects and giving each his turn as their lives move through the twists and turns of history. This approach allows the reader to watch the three roads gradually converge on the small Pennsylvania town of Gettysburg. The contrast between the scale of the events and the size of the town is striking. Approximately 160,000 soldiers would eventually participate in the battle, while Gettysburg itself was home to only about 2,400 people.

Once the armies arrive at Gettysburg, however, the limitations of a three-man biography become apparent. The lives of Meade and Lee alone cannot provide everything necessary to explain the complicated events of July 1–3, 1863. McGrath therefore expands his narrative, introducing the experiences and perspectives of numerous other participants. This allows him to move beyond the three principal biographies and provide the reader with a broader understanding of the battle itself.

The approach works particularly well for readers who may know the broad outlines of Gettysburg but lack a detailed understanding of how the battle unfolded. Rather than becoming overwhelmed by the enormous cast of characters associated with Gettysburg, the reader is given three central figures through whom the larger story can be understood.

The book does not end with the Confederate retreat from Gettysburg. Its final chapters turn to Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address and then provide a broad overview of the remaining two years of the war, from Gettysburg through Lee’s surrender at Appomattox Court House. McGrath follows Lee into the postwar years and his presidency of what became Washington and Lee University, examines Lincoln’s assassination, revisits the postwar relationship between Meade and Major General Daniel E. Sickles, and concludes with the deaths of Lee and Meade.

This structure reinforces one of the book's central themes: Gettysburg was not an isolated event but a moment in the lives of three men whose stories continued long after the guns fell silent. The battle itself occupies only a few days, but the roads that brought Meade, Lee, and Lincoln there—and the consequences of what happened there—extend across decades.

So, to return to the original question: Is there really a need for another book about Gettysburg?

This is not a book written for scholars of the American Civil War or specialists in the Gettysburg Campaign. Nor does it attempt to replace the numerous detailed studies that have examined the battle from virtually every conceivable angle. It was not designed to do so. McGrath’s intended audience is the general reader of history with an interest in the Civil War, particularly those with limited knowledge of the war and Gettysburg, as well as readers looking for an accessible refresher on one of the most studied battles in American history.

For that audience, Three Roads to Gettysburg offers a distinctive approach. It is a well-researched and accessible narrative presented as a single-volume triple biography. Rather than asking the reader to absorb the enormous cast of characters and events surrounding Gettysburg all at once, McGrath uses the lives of Meade, Lee, and Lincoln as three guideposts through the complicated history that led to the battle and its aftermath.

There will almost certainly always be new books about Gettysburg. Some will be massive, highly detailed studies devoted to the minutiae of the campaign, the battlefield, individual units, commanders, soldiers, civilians, or particular moments of the fighting. Others, like Three Roads to Gettysburg, will provide broader narratives for readers who are new to the subject or simply want to revisit the story without wading through hundreds of pages of specialized scholarship.

And perhaps that is the best answer to the question of whether another Gettysburg book is necessary. There is always room for another telling of an important story when it finds a new audience or presents that story in an accessible way. Gettysburg has been studied for more than 160 years, yet each generation produces new readers encountering the Civil War for the first time. For those readers, the story still needs to be told—and McGrath has chosen three remarkable roads by which to tell it.

ISBN 978-0593184394, Dutton, © 2025, Hardcover, 528 Pages, Maps, End Notes, Bibliography & Index. $38.00.  To Purchase the book click HERE.

Brevet Major General George Sykes to Captain Porter Farley, August 5, 1872

Fort Snelling, Minnesota, August 5, 1872.

Captain Porter Farley, Rochester, New York.

DEAR SIR: Your letter has just reached me through the War Department, and it gives me pleasure to answer such of the questions it asks as I can. I enclose a copy of my Report of the Battle of Gettysburg, which is confined exclusively to what I knew of events then taking place. The only error in it I have ever discovered, is that Birney did not close the gap I asked him to, near the battery on the left of his line. Through that gap the enemy in part forced his way. The Divisions of the Fifth Corps moved from the Baltimore pike where it crossed Rock Creek, as follows: First Division, Second Division, Third Division. About 3 P. M. on the 2d of July the Corps Commanders were at the headquarters of General Meade. After consultation, I was directed by him to establish the Fifth Corps on the left of the general line of the army, terminating at Little Round Top, and hold that part of the field. The crest of the valley sweeping from Cemetery Ridge around to the left and embracing Little Round Top was the general line of battle adopted by the commanding General. The position of the Third Corps was not known to me, and no staff officer was given me to find it out. In looking for it, I found the gap spoken of in my Report, in consequence of which, I sought the commander of the troops nearest it, and asked that it be closed, promising to fill the interval he might make with my own troops. To accomplish this, I hastened to the leading Brigades, Sweitzer and Tilton, First Division, and posted them on the edge of a wood in front of part of Birney's line, to cover the interval I expected him to make. How Vincent got to Round Top I do not know, unless hearing my aide-de-camp deliver the order for the Corps to take the left of the line, he made his way there of his own soldierly instinct. As I conducted the two leading brigades across the Taneytown pike to the position I gave them, I do not remember to have seen Vincent's troops. I was at the head, and he at the rear of the column, and a sputtering fire having commenced, I was anxious to get the foremost brigades in their place. The interference with orders given by me to my troops occurred only in Warren's hurrying up Weed's Brigade to Round Top, which was very judicious, and an interference of General Sickles by which General Weed was withdrawn in part from Round Top, and placed en route towards the right, until I met him, and at once returned him to his place. Watson's Battery of regular artillery was likewise appropriated by Sickles without my knowledge, in consequence of which it was for a time lost. General Ayres took position to the right of Little Round Top until I ordered him to attack in the direction of the 'Den,' and Crawford was to be the right rear of Ayres until I moved him to the attack at a later hour. You are right about two Brigades of the First Division being out towards the peach orchard; I placed them there myself, and for the reason given. The rocky glen did not admit of troops being posted across it. If the left of the line of the Third Corps had not been thrust out into the valley, there would have been no interval near the glen, and I do not believe the enemy would have made the headway he did, but, being there, the glen enabled Longstreet to use it as a cover, and gave him power to turn the flank of the Third Corps. Had not the Fifth Corps held Round Top and the ground adjacent, nothing would have stopped him from reaching the Baltimore turnpike. Our Corps never got the credit it deserved that day. It simply saved defeat, and every fair-minded soldier knows it. The military politicians did not want one of their pets to suffer, and were strong enough to uphold 'their own.'

I have thus, Captain, replied to your letter as far as I am able. I cannot tell you much not known to you before. I am, Captain,

Yours Very Respectfully,

GEO. SYKES.

SOURCE: Oliver Willcox Norton, The Attack and Defense  of Little Round Top,Gettysburg, July 2, 1863, pp. 293-5

Private John C. West to Stark West, July 8, 1863

HAGERSTOWN, MD., JULY 8TH, 1863.

To Master Stark West, four years old:

MY DEAR LITTLE MAN: I wrote to mamma from our camp near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, and as to-morrow is your birthday, and you are getting to be a big boy, I thought you would like for papa to write you a letter and tell you something about the war and the poor soldiers.

God has been very good to me since I wrote to mamma. He has saved my life when many thousands of good men have been slain all around me. On the 1st, 2nd and 3rd of July a very terrible battle was fought near Gettysburg. We marched all night, leaving camp at 2 o'clock in the afternoon in order to reach the battlefield in time. There had been some fighting on the 1st and we passed a hospital where I saw a great many wounded soldiers, who were mangled and bruised in every possible way, some with their eyes shot out, some with their arms, or hands, or fingers, or feet or legs shot off, and all seeming to suffer a great deal. About two miles farther on I found a great many soldiers drawn up in a line, ready to meet the Yankees, who formed another line a mile or two in front of them. These lines were three or four miles long, and at different places on the hills were the batteries of artillery.

These, you know, are cannons, which shoot large shells, and iron balls a long distance. We kept in this line so long, and I was so tired, I went to sleep and dreamed about you and mamma and little sister, and I asked God to take care of you if I am taken away from you. After awhile we were marched off in a great hurry towards the left of the Yankee line of battle, which is called the left wing, and was opposite to our right wing, which was composed principally of Hood's division. Our brigade was ordered to charge upon one of the Yankee batteries, which was posted on a mountain as high as mount Bonnell, with another battery on a still higher mountain, just back of it, to support it. We were standing in an open field, under the shot and shell of these batteries, for half an hour, before we moved forward, and a good many soldiers were killed all around me. One poor fellow had his head knocked off in a few feet of me, and I felt all the time as if I would never see you and little sister again. When the command was given to charge we moved forward as fast as we could towards the battery. It was between a half and three-quarters of a mile across an open field, over a marshy branch, over a stone fence, and up a very rugged and rocky hill, while Yankee sharpshooters were on the higher mountains, so as to have fairer shots at our officers. On we went yelling and whooping, and soon drove the Yankees from the first battery, but were too much worn out and exhausted to climb to the second, besides a great many of our men were killed, and minnie bullets and grape shot were as thick as hail, and we were compelled to get behind the rocks and trees to save ourselves.

We renewed the charge several times, but the slaughter of our men was so great that after four or five efforts to advance we retired about sunset and slept behind the rocks. I had thrown away my blanket and everything except my musket and cartridge box in the fight, and so spent a very uncomfortable night. We remained at the same place all the next day, and every now and then Yankee bullets would come pretty thick amongst us. One bullet went through my beard and struck a rock half an inch from my head, and a piece of the bullet hit me on the lip and brought the blood.

Lieutenant Joe Smith, of McLennan county, was killed in ten feet of me, and John Terry and Tom Mullens were both wounded in the shoulders. I wanted to write my little man a letter, which he could read when he was a big boy, but it has been raining and the ground is very wet and everything so uncomfortable that I cannot enjoy it.

Tell mamma she had better put off her visit to South Carolina until the war is over, as she seems to be doing very well, and it will be better for her.

Your father, truly,

JOHN C. WEST.

SOURCE: John Camden West, A Texan in Search of a Fight: Being the Diary and Letters of a Private Soldier in Hood’s Texas Brigade, pp. 84-6

Private John C. West to Mary Eliza Stark West, July 9, 1863

CAMP NEAR HAGERSTOWN, MD.,        

JULY 9TH, 1863.

MY PRECIOUS WIFE:

On yesterday I wrote a bungling letter to my "little man" intending it for his birthday, as I feared we would be ordered off to-day, and sure enough I have just learned we are to leave directly. God has mercifully preserved me through the terrible battle of Gettysburg, though my escape was as narrow as possible. I cannot attempt an account of the battle as a private only knows what occurred in his immediate presence. Our regiment went into the fight with 350 and lost 150 in killed, wounded and missing. Lieutenant Joe Smith, son of Captain Jack Smith, on Hog Creek, was killed. We had just climbed a stone fence and crossed a branch and little marsh. Lieutenant Smith had wet his handkerchief in the branch and tied it around his head. It was extremely hot. It was about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, and we had double-quicked across an open field for nearly 500 yards. He was killed in twenty feet of me, just after we crossed the branch—shot through the head, the bullet passing through the folds of his handkerchief on both sides. He was a splendid officer and we miss him very much.

From the 1st to the 6th of July I never took off my accouterments night or day. I marked in my Bible the Psalm which I read while in the line of battle among the rocks on the third of July. We were somewhat in advance of our main line and held our place, but could drive the enemy no further neither could they dislodge us. We remained there until the close of the battle. I have requested my friends to save my Bible and the little tin cup, which baby gave me for you in case of my fall. I threw away my blankets and all of my extra clothing when we went into the battle, but I picked up a blanket on coming out. You need not trouble yourself about my wants, as it is impossible to make a soldier comfortable. I was soaking wet from the 2nd to the 6th of July, without meat and with little bread, and have been for some time; so you see if I had all the comforts you might fix for me, I would have to throw them away on a long, wet march. It is impossible to carry them. I started from Texas to find a fight, and I have made a success of it. I am much delighted and gratified at the way in which you seem to be spending your time. With kisses for the little ones, I am,

Your husband, faithfully ever,

JOHN C. WEST.

SOURCE: John Camden West, A Texan in Search of a Fight: Being the Diary and Letters of a Private Soldier in Hood’s Texas Brigade, pp. 87-8

Diary of Corporal John W. Dennett, July 1, 1863

Mustered for three months' pay. Started from Myersville at ten A.M. Marched to Hanover, and went into camp at half-past four, where we saw a lot of dead horses. There had been a cavalry fight. Marched ten miles. Started again at half-past seven, and marched to within three miles of Gettysburg, Penn., and went into camp at twelve o'clock at night. Heard cannonading all day.

SOURCE: John Lord Parker, Henry Wilson's Regiment: History of the Twenty-second Massachusetts Infantry, the Second Company Sharpshooters and the Third Light Battery, in the War of the Rebellion, p. 277

Diary of Corporal John W. Dennett, July 2-3, 1863

Started at half-past five A.M., marched to Gettysburg, and reached there about noon. The battle commenced at four in the afternoon, and lasted till eight at night. We went into position four or five times, and had six men slightly wounded and four horses shot. "Boots and saddles" at twelve o'clock at night; started out, and went into position on the extreme left of the line of battle. Stopped there all day and night. Fighting going on all day. It rained during the night.

SOURCE: John Lord Parker, Henry Wilson's Regiment: History of the Twenty-second Massachusetts Infantry, the Second Company Sharpshooters and the Third Light Battery, in the War of the Rebellion, p. 277

Diary of Corporal John W. Dennett, July 4, 1863

In position all day and night. Rained all afternoon and night. Went over on the battle-field in the afternoon, and saw a great number of the dead of both armies.

SOURCE: John Lord Parker, Henry Wilson's Regiment: History of the Twenty-second Massachusetts Infantry, the Second Company Sharpshooters and the Third Light Battery, in the War of the Rebellion, p. 277

Diary of Musician David Lane, July 20, 1863

Vicksburg is ours; Johnson defeated and his forces scattered; our work in Mississippi is performed, and we have taken up the line of march for some other distant field.

We left Jackson at 3 a. m. today for Haines Bluff, where we take transports for some point north or east. I think I will be glad to put in the balance of my work a little farther north, although I would not hesitate to go anywhere, so I might contribute my mite toward putting down this rebellion. But, other things being equal, I would choose to be where we could get pure water, and, what I prize more than all else, hear from my loved family with some degree of regularity. It has been a sore trial, and hard to bear, to be compelled to wait for days and weeks for tidings from a sick and suffering wife.

We marched twelve miles this forenoon, and have halted for dinner. Fifteen miles must be made this afternoon to obtain water. It is a tough march, but necessity compels. It would seem that, in an emergency like this, when our lives depend upon our "staying power," some unseen hand sustains us. As for myself, I have never borne hard marches so well as in Mississippi.

I see by the papers there is much talk of the Rebels carrying the war into the North. Well, let them go. "Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad." I am not sure but it is the only thing that can unite the North; certainly it will hasten the downfall of the Confederacy.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 69-70

Diary of Musician David Lane, July 23, 1863

Haines Bluff, Miss.  We arrived at our old camp yesterday—twenty days from the time we left it—the toughest twenty days of our experience. A dirtier, more ragged and drilled-out lot of men I hope never to see. The first thing I did, after eating a little hardtack and drinking a cup of coffee, was to bolt for the spring, build a fire, boil my shirt, pants and socks, scrub myself from head to heels, put on my clothing wet—though not much wetter than before and return to camp a cleaner, therefore a better man. There have been times when we could not get water to wash our hands and face, to say nothing of our clothing, for a week or more.

It was dark when I returned to camp, but fires were burning brightly in every direction, and around them were gathered groups of men silently reading letters. I hastened to the Orderly and asked him "Have you anything for me?" "Yes, I have four letters for you." My heart gave one great bound of gladness, and, grasping them tightly, I hastened to the nearest fire to learn what news from home. Rumors of a great battle, fought and won by Meade, had been in circulation several days, but no one knew whether true or false. These letters from my wife confirmed them. The threatened invasion took place, was crushed, and Lee was suffered to recross the Potomac at his leisure, as he was allowed to do after Antietam.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 70-1

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Saturday, May 21, 1864

We were awakened at 3 o'clock this morning to get ready to go, but remained until 4 p. m. During the day a train arrived with officers who were captured with us and elsewhere. Among the officers of my regiment were Major John W. Young, Captains Swan and Clyde, Lieutenants Buchanan, Homer Call and Cahill, also Lieutenant Cheeseman of General Rice's staff. Among the other officers were Brigadier Generals Shaler and Seymour who belonged to the 6th corp and were taken in the battle of May 6th with portions of their command in the Wilderness, when Longstreet's corp overlapped the Union lines in the crisis of that engagement that threatened decisive disaster to the Rebel army. General Shaler, speaking of the battle of the 6th, says the practical result of Longstreet's arrival simply prevented our victory and saved the Rebel army from decisive defeat, and will simply prolong the fighting before Lee can be forcd back on Richmond. Longstreet's arrival on the field was unanticipated and unprepared for so early in the day. Had it not been for this desperate attack the Rebel army would have found what Pickett got at Gettysburg and Lee's retreat to Richmond would have been hastened. "The battles of May 5th and 6th," said Gen. Shaler, "have put Lee on the defensive, but he is in shape to put up a hard fight. All the fields fought over are ours; success is simply postponed. Both armies are moving on Richmond, Lee because he has to, Grant because he wants to." This made us happy.

Groups of ladies come to look at us but are kept at a distance. At 4:30 p. m. the train moves off and fourteen miles bring us into South Carolina.

IN SLAVEDOM.

 

If "Jove fixed it certain that whatever day

Makes man a slave takes half his worth away,"

'Tis no less certain that the galling cord

That binds the slave perverts his haughty lord.

Corroding links his better nature rive

From spiritual touch of his enslaving gyve.

'Tis plain as stars that in the heavens lie,

As plain as sun that burns through lofty sky,

That in a land where men their slaves do count,

That interest rises always paramount.

All else is smothered like flowers overrun

By poisonous weeds that thrive in rain and sun

While freest men are shackled to their grave;

And cannot rise where masters stern enslave.

Freest souls are but subaltern tools;

The truth is silenced wherever slavery rules.

Men's thoughts grow dormant, their passions turn to hate,

As waters in a silent pool stagnate;

Its merits, or demerits, none debate;

The mass may vote, but must not rule a State.

Public squares, feigned to adorn a town,

Where struts the driver like a Pagan clown,

Are where grave masters sell their slaves for cash;

The press and pulpit help them wield the lash.

The ruling spirit is a demon fraught

With hellish wrath, where men are sold and bought,

And raised like mules for service, and for gain,

For market like steers upon a Texas plain,

Or swine for bacon, that root in Southern wood;

So Sambo's bred sole for his master's good.

He must know but little, never much;

To teach him more no saint may touch;

His innate sense that he, too, is a man,

The breath of Freedom shall ne'er to action fan.

So it has grown a cancer on the heart

Of this Republic the master's sword would part—

Who knows no freedom but to enslave at will—

The North must yield or human blood shall spill!

They claimed for slavery, indeed, the foremost chance

In all the realm where Freedom's hosts advance;

But this denied, a raving spirit rash,

Now lifts the sword to supplant the lash,

And good men rush, enamored for a cause

Where wrong is foremost in their social laws!

And so I muse as on this way we wend

To be enslaved-in some damned prison penned!

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 51-3

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Tuesday, May 31, 1864

A good work designed to remedy somewhat the unwholesomeness of the place, began today. A squad of men are furnished spades, hand barrows, which they themselves constructed, and carpenter tools, and voluntarily go to work burying the filth and sinks that have overflowed, and cover several yards and is in terrible ferment and alive with vermin. The plan is to cover a portion of the swamp near the east part each side of the stream, about five rods wide by 10 long, with dirt from the banks and erect a framework over the stream for a privy. This will partially supply the wants for the south side, but the north is separated by an impassable marsh. This project is set on foot by persistent pleading of our men with physicians and officers of the military post, as chances have been offered, to get the means for doing it. Through them Wirz has been induced to acquiesce, but like all internal improvements, humane influence has to be brought to bear upon Wirz. He was persuaded by the argument that prison insobordination was more likely to occur under unsanitary conditions, that there was great libality of epidemic that would sweep both the prison and military post. A colonel of the post was inside this morning and talked with some of us. His opinion is that we will soon be exchanged; but I do not indulge in hopes likely to be deferred, which "maketh the heart sick." A day ration was shown him. He said more was allowed; that there was no reason why rations are so small; that more is provided under the regulations; expressed a belief that someone is speculating to our injury and, though he had no authority, he would inquire into the matter.

Weather intensely hot, the sick badly affected and are multiplying. Every day men die, every morning are carried out. The average number of deaths now is said to be 40, although 70 have died some days, the principal disorder being diarrhoea, induced by the nature of the food; it has become chronic. Scurvy which affects mouths and limbs, sometimes back and bowels, is increasing. One doctor speaks of an affection of the spleen. In many homesickness may hasten disease and loss of strength. It seems as inevitable as bodily ailments under these conditions. When men fall hopeless and helpless, griping with pain, it is not unnatural that nostalgia be added to the scale of misery. When these compiaints unite, the days of victims are being numbered.

Prisoners come in from Florida captured on the 18th. They were engaged in collecting horses and cattle for the army. I spoke with a man, prisoner since Gettysburg, who attracts attention, though thin and yellow, he is remarkably smart. His clothing is all worn out. On the way from Richmond a woman gave him a petticoat which reaches just below his knees that whops about his legs as he strolls characteristically through the camp, a sailor's cap on his head, and not another rag on his person.

Two wells near us are finished which we assisted to dig; the water is excellent. Pinchen has finished his bucket whittled from rations of wood, and hooped with knapsack straps, and it is used to draw water. Griffith and I have sold four tin plates for $1 each. This money helps us live.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 69-70

Major-General Henry W. Slocum to Major-General Winfield Scott Hancock or Major-General Oliver O. Howard, July 1, 1863—3:35 p.m.

JULY 1, 1863—3.35 p.m.

General HANCOCK, or General HOWARD:

I am moving the Twelfth Corps so as to come in about 1 mile to the right of Gettysburg.

H. W. SLOCUM,        

Major-general.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 465

Major-General Henry W. Slocum to L. H. Morgan, January 2, 1864

HEADQUARTERS TWELFTH CORPS,                

ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND,        

TULLAHOMA, TENN., January 2d, 1864.

MY DEAR SIR:

I presume you have read Meade's Report of the battle of Gettysburg. I can imagine the feeling that its perusal has caused you. I have not met a sensible man who has read it, either soldier or civilian, who has not felt disappointed on reading it. It purports to be the official history of the most important contest of modern times a contest in which our troops fought with a valor and determination never before exhibited and the only evidence in the entire report which tends to prove this heroism is contained in the closing sentence, "our losses were very severe, amounting to 23,186." Your disappointment must have been greater from the fact that the true history of the operations on the right had already been made known to you by me, and Meade's report is a plain contradiction of almost every statement I have ever written to you. It is in direct conflict with my official report, and the reports of all my subordinate commanders. My first impulse on reading his report was to ask for a court of inquiry. I was prompted to this course not so much from personal consideration, as from a desire to have justice done to General Williams and his division.

Although Meade professed the warmest friendship for me, and the utmost confidence in me, not only during the entire battle, but at all times subsequent to it while I remained in his army, yet in his report he utterly ignores me. That he did repose this confidence in me, and that he placed the right wing entirely under my control, I have abundant written evidence now in my possession. In proof of this I enclose a copy of an order sent me during the battle, showing that he had sent part of Sedgwick's corps to me, and that without visiting me or my portion of the line, he wished me to place it in a central position where he could use it as soon as I could I also enclose a copy it. spare of an order received at ten-twenty A. M., on July second, directing me to move from the strong position we then held, and with the Fifth and Twelfth Corps, then under my command, and the Sixth, which was hourly expected, to attack the enemy. The latter order was not obeyed because every general officer consulted on the subject deemed it unwise to leave the almost impregnable position we then held.

I send you copies of these orders to convince you that although my name is not mentioned in the report, yet I really occupied the position and had the commands mentioned in my former letters. At no time was I in command of less than two corps during the entire campaign, and during all the battle the right wing was entrusted entirely to me—a position to which my rank entitled me. Williams commanded the Twelfth Corps, and was at all times during the battle treated as a corps commander by Meade. He was invited by him to the council with other corps commanders, and yet no mention is made of this fact in the report. Nor is Williams's name or that of his division to be found in it. I finally gave up the idea of asking for a court of inquiry, knowing that the interests of the service could not be promoted by such a course. I wrote a letter to Meade, however, asking him to correct his report, a copy of which I enclose. There is much secret history connected with the Gettysburg campaign which will some day be made public. The proceedings of a secret council of the corps commanders held the night before the enemy crossed the river was at once divulged, and the remarks of Meade, Warren and Pleasanton published to the world in full. It was for the interest of Meade that this publication should be made; and there is no doubt that publicity was given to it with his consent, if not through his direct instrumentality. There were other councils, however, the proceedings of which were not made public and which never will be published with the consent of Meade.

On the evening of July second a council was called, and each corps commander was asked his opinion as to the propriety of falling back towards Washington that night. The majority opposed it, and after the vote was taken Meade declared that "Gettysburg was no place to risk a battle;" and there is no doubt but for the decision of his corps commanders, the army on the third of July would have been in full retreat. The 4th of July, 1863, instead of being a day of rejoicing throughout the North, would have been the darkest day ever known to our country. This piece of history can be verified by the records of that council kept by Butterfield, and cannot have been forgotten by any officer present.

On the fourth of July nearly every corps commander urged an immediate movement, but my corps was kept three days in idleness. In the meantime the enemy reached Hagerstown, took up his new line, and had abundant time to fortify. At the council held on the thirteenth of July, by which "Meade was overruled," the following question was proposed to each officer, viz.: "Shall we, without further knowledge of the position of the enemy, make an attack?"

Previous to putting the question, Meade answered that he could get no knowledge of the position of the enemy. This announcement, together with the peculiar phraseology of the question, indicated the decision the commanding general anticipated. He offered no remarks until a vote was taken, and the question answered in the negative. He then made some general remarks about "the necessity of doing something," which was approved by all. Having "placed himself right on record," as the politicians would say, he retired. This record he at once used to sustain himself at the expense of his brother officers, although the action of these officers was precisely what he desired and anticipated it would be when he framed the question.

You may think this a hard charge to bring against a soldier, but I believe I am fully justified in making it. There are circumstances which I will make known to you when we meet which will convince you that I have not done him injustice.

As long as this war continues I shall pursue the course I have thus far followed. I shall ask for no court, enter into no controversy, write no letters. But when the danger has passed from us many facts will come to light, giving to the public a better knowledge of the real history of this war than can be obtained through the medium of such reports as that written by General Meade. Very respectfully,

Your Obt. Servant,

H. W. SLOCUM.

Hon. L. H. MORGAN,
Syracuse, N. Y.

SOURCE: New York (State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and Chattanooga, In Memoriam: Henry Warner Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 83-5

Major-General Henry W. Slocum to Major-General George G. Meade, December 30, 1863

HDQRS. TWELFTH CORPS, ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND,        

Tullahoma, Tenn., December 30, 1863.

Maj. Gen. GEORGE G. MEADE,
        Commanding Army of the Potomac:

GENERAL: I inclose herewith the report of General T. H. Ruger of operations of the First Division, Twelfth Corps, at the battle of Gettysburg, together with the reports of his brigade and regimental commanders. General Ruger, width a large portion of his division, was ordered to New York City soon after the battle, and immediately after his return from New York the corps was ordered to this department. The reports of General Williams and myself were delayed with the hope of receiving General Ruger's report in time to forward it with them.

I deeply regret the necessity which compelled me to send my report and that of General Williams unaccompanied by any report of the operations of the First Division, for although an account of the operations of this division was given in the report of General Williams, who commanded the corps during the battle, I think the absence of Ruger's report may account for some of the errors contained in your report as to the operations of the Twelfth Corps.

I inclose a letter from General Williams, calling my attention to these errors, to which I respectfully invite your attention, and if anything can be done at this late day to correct these errors, I trust you will do it. Your report is the official history of that important battle, and to this report reference will always be made by our Government, our people, and the historian, as the most reliable and accurate account of the services performed by each corps, division, and brigade of your army. If you have inadvertently given to one division the credit of having performed some meritorious service which was in reality performed by another division, you do an injustice to brave men and defraud them of well-earned laurels. It is an injustice which even time cannot correct. That errors of this nature exist in your official report is an indisputable fact.

You give great credit to Lockwood's brigade for services on the evening of July 2, but state that this brigade was a portion of the First Corps, while it never at any time belonged to that corps, but was a portion of the Twelfth Corps, and was accompanied in its operations on the evening of July 2 by General Williams in person. A portion of this brigade (the One hundred and fiftieth New York) is still in General Williams' division.

I copy the following statement from your report:

During the heavy assault on our left, portions of the Twelfth Corps were sent as re-enforcements. During their absence, the line on the extreme right was held by a very much reduced force. This was taken advantage of by the enemy, who, during the absence of General Geary's division, of the Twelfth Corps, advanced and occupied part of the line. On the morning of the 3d, General Geary, having returned during the night, attacked at early dawn the enemy, and succeeded in driving him back and reoccupying his former position. A spirited contest was maintained all the morning along this part of the line. General Geary, re-enforced by Wheaton's brigade, of the Sixth Corps, maintained his position, and inflicted severe losses on the enemy.

From this statement it would appear that Geary's division marched to the support of your left; that Williams' division did not; that his (Williams') division, or a portion of it, was guarding the intrenchments when the enemy gained possession; that General Geary returned, and with his division drove the enemy back; that the engagement on the following morning was fought by Geary's division, assisted by Wheaton's brigade. This I know is the inference drawn from your history of those operations by every person unacquainted with the truth. Yet the facts in the case are very nearly the reverse of the above in every particular, and directly in contradiction to the facts as set forth in the report of General Geary, as well as that of General Williams. Geary's division did not march even in the direction of your left. Two of his brigades, under his immediate command, left the intrenchments under orders to move to the support of your left, but through some unfortunate mistake he took the road leading to Two Taverns. Williams' entire division did move to the support of your left, and it was one of his brigades (Lockwood's), under his immediate command, which you commend, but very singularly accredit to the First Corps.

Greene's brigade, of the Second Division, remained in the intrenchments, and the failure of the enemy to gain entire possession of our works was due entirely to the skill of General Greene and the heroic valor of his troops. His brigade suffered severely, but maintained its position, and held the enemy in check until the return of Williams' division. The “spirited contest maintained by General Geary, re-enforced by Wheaton's brigade,” was a contest for regaining the portion of our intrenchments held by the enemy, and was conducted under the immediate command of General Williams, and was participated in by the entire Twelfth Corps, re-enforced not by Wheaton's but by Shaler's brigade.

Although the command of the Twelfth Corps was given temporarily to General Williams by, your order, and although you directed him to meet at the council with other corps commanders, you fail to mention his name in your entire report, and in no place allude to his having any such command, or to the fact that more than one corps was at any time placed under my command, although at no time after you assumed command of the army until the close of this battle was I in command of less than two corps. I have now in my possession your written orders, dated July 2, directing me to assume command of the Sixth Corps, and, with that corps and the two then under my command (the Fifth and Twelfth), to move forward and at once attack the enemy.

I allude to this fact for the purpose of refreshing your memory on a subject which you had apparently entirely forgotten when you penned your report, for you have not failed to notice the fact of General Schurz and others having held, even for a few hours, commands above that previously held by them. I sincerely trust that you will endeavor to correct as far as possible the errors above mentioned, and that the correction may be recorded at the War Department.

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

H. W. SLOCUM,        

Major-General of Volunteers, Commanding.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 1 (Serial No. 43), p. 763-5

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, July 8, 1863

Yesterday we made short marches, halting at every good shade to rest. The heat was very oppressive. At Clinton a brigade was sent to meet the enemy, reported to be advancing on the Raymond road. The force in pursuit is said to be close up. Cheering news from General Lee's army to-day. At nine o'clock arrived at Jackson in a heavy storm, which raised the dust in great quantities as we marched through the streets, and the rain followed about the time we reached our camping place, a mile east of the city. It is probable that the place will be evacuated as soon as the stores can be sent off—probably to-morrow; but no one knows where this army is going. Old Joe is too old to tell anybody that.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 217

Richard Brooke Garnett

Nephew of James Mercer Garnett (q. v.), and Robert Selden Garnett (q. v.); born in Virginia, in 1819; graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1841. He entered the army as second lieutenant, and served in the Florida war, and subsequently in the west. He was made first lieutenant in 1847, and later captain. He aided in quelling the Kansas disturbances in 1856-57; was engaged in the Utah expedition. He entered the Confederate service as major of artillery in 1861, and was promoted to brigadier-general the same year. He served in the Shenandoah Valley under Jackson, and at the battle of Kernstown commanded the Stonewall brigade. During and after the Maryland. campaign he commanded Pickett's brigade, which he finally led at Gettysburg, where he fell dead, shot from his horse in the midst of action. He died July 3, 1863.

SOURCE: Encyclopedia of Virginia Biography, Vol. 3, p. 53

Fifty-Third North Carolina Infantry

FIFTY-THIRD REGIMENT

BY COLONEL JAMES T. MOREHEAD.

The duty assigned to me to write a sketch-not a history—of the Fifty-third North Carolina Infantry, I undertook to discharge, with pleasure, but I did not realize until I began how great the difficulty would be, with no records and the conflicting recollections of surviving comrades as to events and persons. It may be and no doubt it is true, that I have not been accurate as to the personnel of the officers of the regiment, as to the dates of commissions, death and wounds, and if any injustice by omission or commission is done, I assure my living comrades and friends of such as have crossed over the river, that no one regrets more than I the lack of reliable data to rectify any mistakes.

The limited length of this sketch of course, forbids my entering into the details of casualties among over one thousand men who at different dates composed the rank and file.

The characteristics of this regiment were common to North Carolina troops. Obedience to and reverence for law and authority, for which the State has been so long known, in my opinion, constitute the basis of soldierly qualities for which her soldiers will be famous in history.

This regiment was like other North Carolina regiments; it was never known to shirk a duty; never refused to advance when ordered; never known to retire without command. In June, after its organization, it was ordered to Richmond and during the seven days contest it was on duty on the south side of the James. The greater part of its first year of service was spent in Eastern North Carolina and it received its first baptism of fire as a regiment at Washington, N. C., in Gen. D. H. Hill's winter campaign of 1862 and 1863. A few days after the battle of Chancellorsville it became a part of the Army of Northern Virginia, and as a part of Daniel's Brigade, was attached to the Second Corps, with which it marched and fought from Fredericksburg to Appomattox, and participated in more than twenty general engagements, including Gettysburg, the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Washington City, Kernstown, Snicker's Ford, Winchester, Fisher's Hill, Cedar Creek, Hare's Hill, Petersburg, and in numerous combats and smaller affairs, in some of which the conflict was more hotly contested than in the greater battles. Daniel's Brigade was composed of the Thirty-second, Forty-third, Forty-fifth and Fifty-third North Carolina Regiments, and Second North Carolina Battalion. After General Daniel's death, General Bryan Grimes became Brigadier-General. The histories of the other regiments in the brigade necessarily outline the chief incidents in the career of the Fifty-third and make it unnecessary to give its battles and marches in detail.

I select two special instances of its coolness and discipline: One was on the first day of the battle of Gettysburg. This regiment had hastened from Carlisle, Pa., its steps quickened by the report of big guns on the morning of 1 July. Immediately upon its arrival at Gettysburg it was thrown into line and advanced to the assault with the brigade. Soon it, was ascertained that there was not room between the brigade on the left and the one on the right, and this regiment was dropped out of the line, which closed up in its front and for some time it had to stand under shot and shell in an open field without being able to return the fire until the brigade on the left, having given away, it moved to the left, took its place and drove the enemy into the town.

In this trying situation, and there could have been none more trying, except a retreat under fire, the regiment manoeuvered as upon parade and drill, and its behavior on this occasion was greatly commended by the brigade and division commanders.

Another instance: At the battle of Winchester, 19 September, 1864, after hours of desperate fighting, when all the troops on the right and left had abandoned the contest and retired from the field, this regiment, alone, continued to fight the foe until ordered to retreat, which it did, across an open field for several hundred yards (the enemy advancing ten to one in numbers) in perfect order, and at intervals, when ordered, halting, facing about and delivering its fire almost in the faces of the pursuers. Not a man broke ranks or quickened his steps. As is well known to every soldier, a retreat under fire is the severest test of discipline and courage.

At the battle of Winchester, to prevent the enemy from discovering the gap on the left, I had deployed the greater part of my regiment as skirmishers, and this thin line successfully held five times its numbers at bay, until the failure of promised support to arrive, and all of Early's army on our left had been driven from the field. It was known to every man in the regiment that the enemy was getting rapidly in our rear, and that there was imminent danger that we would be cut off and surrounded, but until ordered so to do, not a man left his position, and the regiment then retreated across the field in the manner above told.

Experience and observation have taught that one of the results of organization and discipline is, that when soldiers retire or retreat in face of the enemy by order, they will halt, but if they "break" without order, it is difficult to rally and reform them. An incident of this battle illustrates this. The temporary works of the enemy above referred to were constructed just beneath the brow of the hill or slope up which the regiment was charging at a run and was not observed until we were within a few feet of them. When the men had reached nearly the top of the slope, to their astonishment they saw behind the work a third line of the enemy and such of the other two lines as could be prevailed on to stop, outnumbering us four or five to one. Our men immediately faced about and started for the shelter of a wooded hill from and through which they had just driven the enemy. Seeing the condition and thinking of the fact above stated, I at once ordered a retreat, had the officers to repeat the order, seemingly so superfluous, and directed the regiment to halt as soon as the woods were reached. When I reached the woods, I had the satisfaction of seeing the regiment reformed and "ready for business" as if nothing had happened to dampen their ardor.

I select these out of many instances, which particularly distinguished this regiment, because of the trying situations.

After the regiment was assigned to Daniel's Brigade, it participated in the battles of Gettysburg, three days, and at Mine Run and fought more or less from 5 May, 1864, to 30 May at the Wilderness under fire every day. It was in the famous Horse Shoe at Spottsylvania Court House, during the terrible days of 9, 10, 11 and 12 May, losing its Major, James Johnston Iredell, killed, Col. Owens wounded, several of its Captains and Lieutenants and scores of its men killed and wounded. It was brought out of the Horse Shoe to straighten the lines after the assault of the 12th under command of a Captain, its only remaining field officer, its Lieutenant-Colonel being in command of the brigade, the Brigadier-General (Daniel) and every other officer in the brigade senior in commission, having been killed or wounded. On 30 May it was engaged in the battle at Bethesda church, and on the next day was withdrawn from the front preparatory to its march to the Valley of Virginia.

On 5 or 6 May, 1864, the sharpshooters of this regiment were much annoyed by one of the Federal sharpshooters who had a long range rifle and who had climbed up a tall tree from which he could pick off our men, though sheltered by stump and stones, himself out of range of our guns. Private Leon, of Company B (Mecklenburg), concluded that "this thing had to be stopped," and taking advantage of every knoll, hollow and stump, he crawled near enough for his rifle to reach, took a "pop" at this disturber of the peace and he came tumbling down. Upon running up to his victim, Leon discovered him to be a Canadian Indian, and clutching his scalp-lock, dragged him to our line of sharpshooters.

The regiment was at Lynchburg when the pursuit of Hunter began, marched with General Early to Washington, D. C., was one of the regiments left to support the picket line under the walls of Washington, while the rest of the corps made good its retreat to the valley-the Nineteenth and Sixth Corps of the Federal army having been poured into the city for its defense. While supporting the pickets, this regiment became involved in one of the hottest conflicts in its experience, but succeeded in holding its position, repulsing and driving the enemy back to the earthworks, which defended the city. At midnight it received orders to retire in perfect silence, and to the surprise of all when we reached the position on the hills near the city, where we had left the corps, it was ascertained that the corps had left the night before, twenty-four hours and we marched the whole night and a greater part of the next day before we caught up with the rear guards. Early's ruse, as usual, had succeeded in deceiving the enemy.

This regiment participated in all of the battles in the Valley in 1864, and in numerous combats and skirmishes. In this Valley Campaign the regiment lost its gallant Colonel Owens, who was killed at Snicker's Ford, near Snicker's Gap, in August, 1864. He had been absent since 10 May, disabled by wounds at Spottsylvania Court House; had returned just as the regiment was eating dinner, and almost while we were congratulating him on his safe return, we received notice that the enemy had crossed the river at Snicker's Ford. The order to "fall in" was given, we marched to the river, and drove the enemy across, after a short, but severe conflict. The firing had ceased, excepting now and then a dropping shot, when Colonel Owens was killed by one of these stray shots. He was a good officer, brave, humane, social, popular with both men and officers. He was succeeded by the writer as Colonel. At Winchester, on 19 September, 1864, Adjutant Osborne was killed. Two years ago Color Sergeant Taylor, of Company E, Surry county, who has resided in Utah since 1866, visited me. He received a ball in his hip from which wound he still limps and in talking about his own wound, he told me as we were charging the third Federal line at Winchester, having broken the first two, and when near the temporary breastwork of the enemy, he received the shot which disabled him for life, and that as he fell, young Osborne picked up the flag waving it, ran forward, cheering on the men and was killed within 20 feet of the Color Sergeant. He was an efficient officer and daring soldier, I suppose not older than 20 years. Lieutenant W. R. Murray, of Company A, than whom there was not a better officer or braver soldier in the "Old Guard" of Napoleon, acted as Adjutant after the death of Osborne till the surrender at Appomattox.

As stated before, Major Iredell, a true gentleman and brave soldier, was killed at Spottsylvania Court House. Captain John W. Rierson succeeded him. At Winchester, finding that there was a gap of two or three hundred yards between my left and the troops on the left, and that the enemy had discovered and were preparing to take advantage of it, I directed Major Rierson to find General Grimes on the right of the division, (General Rodes had been killed in the beginning of the action), and apprise him of the situation. After some time he returned, saluted and reported, the fighting being very heavy all the time, when I discovered that Major Rierson was shot through the neck, which wound was received before he found General Grimes, but he nevertheless performed the duty, returned and reported, and did not then go to the rear until I directed him to do so. This gallant officer was killed when the enemy broke over our lines at Petersburg, a few days before Appomattox. He was entitled to his commission as Lieutenant-Colonel from the date of the battle of Snicker's Ford, but I do not know that he received it.

This was a volunteer regiment, enlisted in the latter part of the winter and first part of the spring of 1862, and was organized at Camp Mangum, near Raleigh, the first week in May, 1862, and assigned to Daniel's Brigade, (Rodes' Division). William A. Owens, of Mecklenburg county, was elected Colonel; James T. Morehead, Jr., of Guilford county, Lieutenant-Colonel, and James Johnston Iredell, of Wake county, Major.

Colonel Owens had already been in the service more than one year, having served as Captain in the First (Bethel) Regiment, and at the time of his election was Lieutenant-Colonel of the Eleventh Regiment.

Lieutenant-Colonel Morehead had also been in the service the preceding year, having entered the same in April, 1861, as Lieutenant of the "Guilford Grays," (afterwards Company B, of the Twenty-seventh Regiment), and at the time of his election was a Captain in the Forty-fifth Regiment.

William B. Osborne, of Mecklenburg county, was appointed Adjutant and John M. Springs, of Mecklenburg, was appointed Captain and Assistant Quartermaster. He resigned in the fall of 1862 and was succeded by Captain John B. Burwell. J. F. Long was appointed Surgeon; Lauriston H. Hill, of Stokes county, Assistant Surgeon, and promoted Surgeon in 1863. William Hill, of Mecklenburg, was appointed Captain, A. C. S. In 1863 Charles Gresham, of Virginia, was assigned to duty with this regiment as Assistant Surgeon. James H. Colton, of Randolph county, was appointed Chaplain; J. H. Owens, Sergeant Major (promoted Second Lieutenant of Company I and killed); R. B. Burwell, Quartermaster Sergeant; J. C. Palmer, Commissary Sergeant; R. S. Barnett, Ordnance Sergeant. Upon the promotion of J. H. Owens, Aaron Katz, of Company B, succeeded him as Sergeant-Major, and upon his being captured, Robert A. Fleming, of Company A, was SergeantMajor.

COMPANY A was from Guilford county. A. P. McDaniel was its first Captain, commissioned 25 February, 1862, and upon his retirement in 1863, Lieutenant J. M. Sutton was promoted Captain and wounded at Bethesda Church and on 21 September, 1864, in the Valley, and captured at Petersburg; P. W. Haterick (killed at Gettysburg), First Lieutenant; J. M. Sutton, Second Lieutenant; W. L. Fleming, promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant in August, 1863; William R. Murray, promoted from ranks to Second and First Lieutenant in 1863; J. W. Scott, promoted Second Lieutenant from Sergeant (chief of regimental corps of sharpshooters).

COMPANY B was from Mecklenburg county and its first Captain was J. Harvey White, commissioned 1 March, 1862, killed at Spottsylvania Court House in May, 1864. Samuel E. Belk, First Lieutenant; John M. Springs, Second Lieutenant, promoted Assistant Quartermaster; William M. Matthews, Second Lieutenant, promoted from First Sergeant; M. E. Alexander, promoted Second Lieutenant from Second Sergeant. Lieutenants Belk, Matthews and Alexander were wounded at Gettysburg.

COMPANY C was from Johnston, Chatham and Wake, mostly from Johnston. Its first Captain was John Leach, commissioned 28 February, 1862; was succeeded as Captain by J. C. Richardson (wounded at Petersburg), commissioned 17 April, 1863, both from Johnston county; George T. Leach, of Chatham, commissioned First Lieutenant 7 March, 1862; John H. Tomlinson, of Johnston county, commissioned Second Lieutenant in April, 1862, resigned and succeeded by E. Tomlinson in 1862; S. R. Horn, of Johnston county, was commissioned Second Lieutenant 21 July, 1862.

COMPANY D was from Guilford, Cumberland, Forsyth, Stokes, Bladen and Surry. David Scott, Jr., of Guilford county, was commissioned Captain 1 March, 1862, resigned and was succeeded 15 May, 1863, by Alexander Ray, of Cumberland county, promoted from First Lieutenant and killed at Petersburg, April 1865. Alexander Ray was commissioned First Lieutenant 1 March, 1862; Madison L. Efland, of Guilford county, commissioned Second Lieutenant 1 March, 1862, promoted First Lieutenant 15 May, 1863, and wounded; A. H. Westmoreland, of Stokes county, was promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant; W. N. Westmoreland, Stokes county, was promoted from the ranks to Second Lieutenant in 1863.

COMPANY E was from Surry county. J. C. Norman was commissioned Captain on 8 March, 1862, resigned the following December and was succeeded by First Lieutenant Robert A. Hill, killed in 1864, succeeded in turn as Captain by First Lieutenant B. W. Minter; Samuel Walker was commissioned Second Lieutenant 8 March, 1862, promoted to First Lieutenant December, 1862, and resigned; B. W. Minter, Second Lieutenant, promoted First Lieutenant and Captain; Henry Hines, Second Lieutenant, in 1862; Logan Bemer, promoted from Corporal to Second Lieutenant, wounded and captured in 1864; James A. Hill, Second Lieutenant, captured in 1864.

COMPANY F was from Alamance and Chatham. G. M. G. Albright was commissioned Captain 5 May, 1862, killed July, 1863, at Gettysburg, and was succeeded by A. G. Albright, promoted from First Lieutenant (wounded at Fisher's Hill, 1864); Jesse M. Holt, First Lieutenant, 16 July, 1863, promoted from Second Lieutenant, (killed at Winchester, 1864); Branson Lambe, commissioned in 1864, promoted from Second Lieutenant; John J. Webster, commissioned Second Lieutenant May, 1862, and resigned; S. J. Albright, commissioned Second Lieutenant in 1862 and killed at Spottsylvania Court House in 1864.

COMPANY F was from Stokes. G. W. Clarke was commissioned Captain on 20 March, 1862, and resigned May, 1862; was succeeded by John W. Rierson, promoted from Second Lieutenant and who was in 1863 promoted to Major, wounded at Winchester and killed at Petersburg, April, 1865. He was in time succeeded as Captain by H. H. Campbell, promoted from First Lieutenant and killed at Winchester. G. B. Moore was commissioned First Lieutenant in March, 1862, resigned in June; John W. Rierson, commissioned Second Lieutenant March, 1862; W. H. McKinney was promoted from the ranks in May, 1862, to second Lieutenant, and wounded at Winchester; C. F. Hall, promoted from ranks to Second Lieutenant, mortally wounded at Gettysburg; W. F. Campbell, promoted First Lieutenant and wounded at Washington, D. C.

COMPANY H was from Stokes county. Captain Spottswood B. Taylor was commissioned on 20 March, 1862, resigned on account of health in November, 1863, and was succeeded by John E. Miller, promoted from Second Lieutenant, who was wounded at Snicker's Ford and captured September, 1864; Thomas S. Burnett, commissioned First Lieutenant 20 March, 1862, and killed in 1863; Charles A. McGehee, First Lieutenant, November, 1862, wounded at Gettysburg 3 July, 1863, and captured; Alexander M. King, Second Lieutenant, March, 1862; J. Henry Owens, promoted Second Lieutenant from Sergeant-Major, December, 1862, and killed; Alexander Boyles, promoted First Lieutenant.

COMPANY I was from Union county. E. A. Jerome was commissioned Captain 20 March, 1862, and resigned in June following, and was succeeded by Thomas E. Ashcraft, promoted from First Lieutenant; John D. Cuthbertson, commissioned Second Lieutenant 20 March, 1862, promoted First Lieutenant; Joshua Lee, commissioned Second Lieutenant 20 March, 1862; James E. Green, promoted from the ranks, Second Lieutenant 24 June, 1862; A. T. Marsh, promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant 19 May, 1864.

COMPANY K was from Wilkes county. William J. Miller was commissioned Captain 20 March, 1862, killed at Gettysburg 1 July, 1863, and was succeeded by Jesse F. Eller, promoted from Second Lieutenant; Thomas C. Miller, promoted from Second Lieutenant to First Lieutenant 1 July, 1863; Thomas C. Miller, commissioned Second Lieutenant in August, 1862.

This regiment lost in killed its first Colonel, who was twice wounded; both of its Majors, one of them, Rierson, several times wounded and its Adjutant. Its surviving Colonel was wounded three times, at Gettysburg, Fisher's Hill and in the assault upon the Federal lines at Hare's Hill on 25 March, 1865, in which last engagement he was captured within the enemy's works.

As it is, I have only the approximately correct report of the losses of one of the companies of the regiment, and that only in one battle, but I think the losses of the other companies may be fairly estimated from the losses of this one.

Company B lost at Gettysburg out of about 65 men, 8 killed and 22 wounded, and of the four officers, three were wounded.

I meet many of these scarred and now grizzly veterans of the companies from Alamance, Guilford, Stokes and Surry at my courts in these counties, and hear sometimes from those from the other counties, and with very few exceptions they have shown themselves to be as good citizens as they were gallant soldiers. They illustrate that "peace hath her victories no less renowned than war."

The regiment reduced to a handful of men shared the fortunes of the historic retreat and surrendered at Appomattox, being then commanded by Captain Thomas E. Ashcraft, the brigade being commanded by Colonel David G. Cowand. General Grimes having been made a Major-General, commanded the division.

I cannot close this sketch without acknowledging my indebtedness to Captain Sutton and Private J. Montgomery, of Company A; L. Leon, of Company B, who kindly furnished me with copy of a diary kept by him from organization of the regiment up to 5 May, 1864, when he was captured; Captain Albright, of Company F; Captain S. B. Taylor, of Company H, and Lieutenant W. F. Campbell, of Company G, for valuable information; and I hope that the publication of the sketches of the North Carolina regiments will excite interest enough among the old soldiers to give us further dates and incidents. I wish I could write a history of my regiment which would do the officers and men full credit for their patriotism and services.

The patriotism and heroism of these soldiers were illustrated by the patient and uncomplaining endurance of the forced march, the short rations, the hardships of winter camps and campaigns as much as by their fighting qualities. Posterity will hesitate to decide which is most worthy of admiration.

JAMES T. MOREHEAD,

GREENSBORO, N. C.,
        9 APRIL, 1901.

SOURCES: Walter Clark, Editor, Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-’65, Vol. 3, p. 255-65; Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 72-82

Diary of Private Louis Leon: May 17, 1864

Saw Mack Sample, Will Stone and several of our company to-day that have been prisoners since the battle of Gettysburg. We get two meals a day.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 63

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, [July 1, 1866]

WASHINGTON, D. C., [July 1, 1866].

MY DEAR ONE:— We missed you so much at Gettysburg [June 28-30]. It was cool, fine weather. The company good. "All things lovely." The battle-field must be one of the finest in the world. We had for guide and chaperon a gentleman who has made it a study for a long while, and I now feel that I know the battle as if I had seen it. There was nothing more in the generalship than I had supposed, but the stubbornness and good conduct of the army, of men and officers generally, was worthy of the cause. The Rebel attack was a very brilliant but rash thing.

Pick a cool day to go to Fremont. Every week or two, even in this weather, there is a little cool spell.

I shall not come home until the end of the session, now supposed to be on the 16th. - Love to all.

Affectionately, your

R.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 28

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, August 2, 1863

Camp near Orange Court House, Va.,

August 2, 1863.

In a recent letter I promised to write you more about our campaign in Pennsylvania.

On the night of the 29th of June we camped on the west side of the Blue Ridge Mountains, where they extend into Pennsylvania. On the morning of the next day (30th) we renewed our march. Shortly after starting it began raining, but the road was hard and well macadamized and the rain made the march rather agreeable than otherwise. On this same morning we passed where a splendid iron factory had been burned by General Early, of Ewell's Corps. It belonged to a very celebrated lawyer and politician of Pennsylvania by the name of Thaddeus Stevens, who is noted for his extreme abolition views and his intense hatred for slave-holders. The works are said to have been worth more than one hundred thousand dollars. The burning had thrown a great many operatives out of employment, and they seemed to be much distressed.

During the day we wended our way up the mountains. The scene around us was very different from what we had just passed through. Instead of the enticing field and lovely landscape, we had now around us that which was rugged, grand and towering. In the afternoon about one or two o'clock we halted and bivouacked among the mountains. Our stopping-place was in a basin of the mountains, which was very fertile and contained a few very excellent and highly cultivated farms. Awhile after we stopped I started off to one of these farmhouses for the purpose of getting my dinner, as I was quite hungry, and wanted something different from what I had been accustomed to most of the time on the march. On going to the house a very nice, smiling young girl met me at the door, and, upon my making known my wishes, she very pleasantly said she "guessed” so; but said they already had agreed to accommodate a good many, and that they would do the best they could by us all if I would return at four o'clock.

This I did, and found Adjutant Reedy of the Fourteenth Regiment and several others of my acquaintance. Reedy, being quite a young man, talked a good deal to the girl. I was hungry as a wolf, but when I came to the table and viewed what was upon it my hunger was aggravated more than ever. It seemed that there was no end to everything that was good. We had nice fried ham, stewed chicken, excellent biscuit, lightbread, butter, buckwheat cakes that were most delicious, molasses, four or five different kinds of preserves and several other dishes. We also had plenty of good coffee and cold, rich milk to drink. None but a soldier who has experienced a hard campaign can conceive of how a gang of hungry men could appreciate such a meal. I must say that this late dinner was a perfect Godsend.

After we had finished eating I felt ashamed to offer them Confederate money, but could do no better, and offered it with an apology. They very readily accepted it, and when I insisted that they should take a dollar they refused and would have only fifty cents. This house was guarded to prevent our men committing depredations such as they had been doing, and which was having a demoralizing effect upon the army. Soldiers must be made to behave or they will not fight.

Upon returning to camp I found that an order had been received during my absence to cook one day's rations and have it in haversacks and be ready to march at five o'clock next morning. This at once aroused our suspicions, for we concluded that we were about to meet the enemy. Next morning about five o'clock we began moving. We had not gone more than a mile and a half before our suspicions of the evening previous were fully verified and our expectations realized by the booming of cannon ahead of us in the direction of Gettysburg. Upon looking around I at once noticed in the countenance of all an expression of intense seriousness and solemnity, which I have always perceived in the faces of men who are about to face death and the awful shock of battle. As we advanced the cannonading increased in fury. It was Heth's Division, ahead of ours, fighting. At last we arrived upon a hill where, upon another hill in front of us and about a half mile distant, we could see Heth's cannon arranged and booming away at the Yankees, who were replying with considerable briskness, and we could also see the infantry of Heth's Division advancing in line of battle. It was really a magnificent sight. The country was almost destitute of forest and was so open that it was easy to see all that was going on. Our division (Pender's) continued to keep within about half a mile of Heth's. McGowan's Brigade was at the right of the division and the Thirteenth Regiment at the right of the brigade. This being the case, I could see from one end of the division to the other as it moved forward in line of battle. It was nearly a mile in length. The scene was certainly grand, taking all the surroundings into consideration. After Heth had driven the enemy some distance, it became necessary for our division to go to his support. McGowan's South Carolina and Scales's North Carolina brigades were the first to relieve Heth. The hardest fighting did not begin until McGowan's and Scales's divisions went into it. Then such a rattle of musketry I never heard surpassed. It lasted for about two hours and a half without cessation; and how many brave fellows went down in death in this short period of time! Officers who have been in all the fights tell me that they never saw our brigade act so gallantly before. When the order was given to charge upon the enemy, who were lying behind stone fences and other places of concealment, our men rushed forward with a perfect fury, yelling and driving them, though with great slaughter to themselves as well as to the Yankees. Most of the casualties of our brigade occurred this day (July 1). As the enemy were concealed, they killed a great many of our men before we could get at them. There were a good many dwellings in our path, to which the Yankees would also resort for protection, and they would shoot from the doors and windows. As soon as our troops would drive them out, they would rush in, turn out the families and set the houses on fire. I think this was wrong, because the families could not prevent the Yankees seeking shelter in their houses. I saw some of the poor women who had been thus treated. They were greatly distressed, and it excited my sympathy very much. These people would have left their houses, but the battle came on so unexpectedly to them, as is often the case, that they had not time. I passed through a house from which everyone had fled except an extremely old man. A churn of excellent buttermilk had been left, and I with some other doctors helped ourselves. Someone near by shot at us as we came out and barely missed us.

The fighting on the first day ceased about night, and when our brigade was relieved by Lane's North Carolina Brigade it was nearly dark. I returned to the hospital, and on my way back came to Anderson's Division of our corps (Hill's) lying in line of battle at least two miles in rear of where the advance column was. Pender's Division and Heth's had been fighting all day, and they were exhausted, besides being terribly "cut up”; and when they drove the Yankees to the long high range of hills, which the Yankees held throughout the fight, they should have been immediately reinforced by Anderson with his fresh troops. Then the strong position last occupied by the enemy could have been taken, and the next day when Ewell and Longstreet came up the victory completely won. If "Old Stonewall” had been alive and there, it no doubt would have been done. Hill was a good division commander, but he is not a superior corps commander. He lacks the mind and sagacity of Jackson.

When I arrived at the hospital my ears were greeted as usual at such time with the moans and cries of the wounded. I went to work and did not pretend to rest until next morning after daylight. I found that Longstreet had come and that McLaw's Division of his (Longstreet's) corps was encamped near the hospital. Kershaw's Brigade was almost in the hospital grounds. On looking around I discovered many old friends from Laurens whom I had not seen since the war began. They all seemed surprised and glad to see me; but I had work to do and they had fighting, so we could not remain long together. They were all lively and jocose. Milton Bossardt was in a gay humor and left me as one going on some pleasant excursion, but before two o'clock of the same day he was a corpse. He was shocked to death by the bursting of a shell. Captain Langston and a number of others in the Third Regiment who were my acquaintances were killed.

On the second day of the battle the fighting did not begin until about twelve or one o'clock, from which time until night it raged with great fury. The reason it began so late in the day was because it required some time for Ewell and Longstreet to get their forces in position. Longstreet was on the right, Ewell on the left, and Hill in the center.

On the third day the fighting began early in the morning and continued with the greatest imaginable fury all day; at one time, about three o'clock in the afternoon, with such a cannonading I never heard before. About 150 pieces of cannon on our side and as many or more on the side of the enemy kept up one incessant fire for several hours. It was truly terrifying and was like heavy skirmishing in the rapidity with which the volleys succeeded one another. The roar of the artillery, the rattle of the musketry and the wild terrific scream of the shells as they whizzed through the air was really the most appalling situation that could possibly be produced. Our troops (Pickett's Division) charged the enemy's strong position, which they had now entrenched, but with no avail, although we slaughtered thousands of them.

On the night of the 3d General Lee withdrew the army nearly to its original position, hoping, I suppose, that the enemy would attack him; but they didn't dare come out of their strongholds, for well they knew what their fate would be if they met the Confederate Army of Virginia upon equal grounds. On the 4th our army remained in line of battle, earnestly desiring the advance of the Yankees, but they did not come. During this day the rain fell in torrents, completely drenching the troops. Awhile after dark we began to leave, but took a different and nearer route to the Potomac than the one we had just passed over. Though nearer, it was very rough and not macadamized, and the passing of wagons and artillery over it cut it up horribly and made it almost impassable. Yet over this road our large army had to pass. I was lucky enough to get into a medical wagon and rode until next morning. It rained nearly all night, and such a sight as our troops were next day! They were all wet and many of them muddy all over from having fallen down during the night. Billie looked as if he had been wallowing in a mud hole, but was in a perfectly good humor.

On this day (July 5) we recrossed the Blue Ridge Mountains. Climbing the mountains was very tedious after so much toil, excitement and loss of sleep, but we met with no obstacle until we came to Hagerstown, Md., where we stopped on account of the Potomac's being too high to ford. While here the Yankees came up and our army was placed in line to meet them, but they did not dare to attack. In this situation we remained for several days with them in sight of us.

After a pontoon bridge was finished at Falling Waters and the river was sufficiently down to ford at Williamsport, we left the vicinity of Hagerstown. It was just after dark when we began leaving. It was a desperately dark night and such a rain I thought I never before knew to fall. I did not meet with such luck as the night we left Gettysburg, Pa., but had to walk all night, and such a road I think troops never before traveled over. It appeared to me that at least half of the road was a quagmire, coming in places nearly to the knees.

Hill's Corps went by Falling Waters and Longstreet's and Ewell's by Williamsport, where they had to wade the river, which was still very deep, coming up nearly to the shoulders. The pontoon bridge was at Falling Waters, where we crossed. Our division was in the rear at this place, and when we got within about a mile and a half of the river we halted to enable the wagons ahead to get out of the way. Being very tired, we all lay down and nearly everyone fell asleep, when suddenly the Yankee cavalry rushed upon us, firing and yelling at a furious rate. None of our guns were loaded and they were also in a bad fix from the wet of the previous night. They attacked General Pettigrew's North Carolina Brigade first. Our brigade was lying down about fifty yards behind his. I was lying down between the two brigades near a spring. General Pettigrew was killed here. I was close to him when he was killed. It was a serious loss to the service. We fought them for some time, when General Hill sent an order to fall back across the river, and it was done in good order. The attack was a complete surprise and is disgraceful either to General Hill or General Heth. One is certainly to blame. The Yankees threw shells at the bridge and came very near hitting it just as I was about to cross; but, after we were close enough to the river not to be hurt by our own shells, our cannon on this side opened upon them, which soon made them "skedaddle" away.

We feel the loss of General Pender in our division. He died in Staunton, Va., from wounds received at Gettysburg. He was a very superior little man, though a very strict disciplinarian.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 60-72