Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Saturday, May 21, 1864

We were awakened at 3 o'clock this morning to get ready to go, but remained until 4 p. m. During the day a train arrived with officers who were captured with us and elsewhere. Among the officers of my regiment were Major John W. Young, Captains Swan and Clyde, Lieutenants Buchanan, Homer Call and Cahill, also Lieutenant Cheeseman of General Rice's staff. Among the other officers were Brigadier Generals Shaler and Seymour who belonged to the 6th corp and were taken in the battle of May 6th with portions of their command in the Wilderness, when Longstreet's corp overlapped the Union lines in the crisis of that engagement that threatened decisive disaster to the Rebel army. General Shaler, speaking of the battle of the 6th, says the practical result of Longstreet's arrival simply prevented our victory and saved the Rebel army from decisive defeat, and will simply prolong the fighting before Lee can be forcd back on Richmond. Longstreet's arrival on the field was unanticipated and unprepared for so early in the day. Had it not been for this desperate attack the Rebel army would have found what Pickett got at Gettysburg and Lee's retreat to Richmond would have been hastened. "The battles of May 5th and 6th," said Gen. Shaler, "have put Lee on the defensive, but he is in shape to put up a hard fight. All the fields fought over are ours; success is simply postponed. Both armies are moving on Richmond, Lee because he has to, Grant because he wants to." This made us happy.

Groups of ladies come to look at us but are kept at a distance. At 4:30 p. m. the train moves off and fourteen miles bring us into South Carolina.

IN SLAVEDOM.

 

If "Jove fixed it certain that whatever day

Makes man a slave takes half his worth away,"

'Tis no less certain that the galling cord

That binds the slave perverts his haughty lord.

Corroding links his better nature rive

From spiritual touch of his enslaving gyve.

'Tis plain as stars that in the heavens lie,

As plain as sun that burns through lofty sky,

That in a land where men their slaves do count,

That interest rises always paramount.

All else is smothered like flowers overrun

By poisonous weeds that thrive in rain and sun

While freest men are shackled to their grave;

And cannot rise where masters stern enslave.

Freest souls are but subaltern tools;

The truth is silenced wherever slavery rules.

Men's thoughts grow dormant, their passions turn to hate,

As waters in a silent pool stagnate;

Its merits, or demerits, none debate;

The mass may vote, but must not rule a State.

Public squares, feigned to adorn a town,

Where struts the driver like a Pagan clown,

Are where grave masters sell their slaves for cash;

The press and pulpit help them wield the lash.

The ruling spirit is a demon fraught

With hellish wrath, where men are sold and bought,

And raised like mules for service, and for gain,

For market like steers upon a Texas plain,

Or swine for bacon, that root in Southern wood;

So Sambo's bred sole for his master's good.

He must know but little, never much;

To teach him more no saint may touch;

His innate sense that he, too, is a man,

The breath of Freedom shall ne'er to action fan.

So it has grown a cancer on the heart

Of this Republic the master's sword would part—

Who knows no freedom but to enslave at will—

The North must yield or human blood shall spill!

They claimed for slavery, indeed, the foremost chance

In all the realm where Freedom's hosts advance;

But this denied, a raving spirit rash,

Now lifts the sword to supplant the lash,

And good men rush, enamored for a cause

Where wrong is foremost in their social laws!

And so I muse as on this way we wend

To be enslaved-in some damned prison penned!

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 51-3

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Tuesday, May 31, 1864

A good work designed to remedy somewhat the unwholesomeness of the place, began today. A squad of men are furnished spades, hand barrows, which they themselves constructed, and carpenter tools, and voluntarily go to work burying the filth and sinks that have overflowed, and cover several yards and is in terrible ferment and alive with vermin. The plan is to cover a portion of the swamp near the east part each side of the stream, about five rods wide by 10 long, with dirt from the banks and erect a framework over the stream for a privy. This will partially supply the wants for the south side, but the north is separated by an impassable marsh. This project is set on foot by persistent pleading of our men with physicians and officers of the military post, as chances have been offered, to get the means for doing it. Through them Wirz has been induced to acquiesce, but like all internal improvements, humane influence has to be brought to bear upon Wirz. He was persuaded by the argument that prison insobordination was more likely to occur under unsanitary conditions, that there was great libality of epidemic that would sweep both the prison and military post. A colonel of the post was inside this morning and talked with some of us. His opinion is that we will soon be exchanged; but I do not indulge in hopes likely to be deferred, which "maketh the heart sick." A day ration was shown him. He said more was allowed; that there was no reason why rations are so small; that more is provided under the regulations; expressed a belief that someone is speculating to our injury and, though he had no authority, he would inquire into the matter.

Weather intensely hot, the sick badly affected and are multiplying. Every day men die, every morning are carried out. The average number of deaths now is said to be 40, although 70 have died some days, the principal disorder being diarrhoea, induced by the nature of the food; it has become chronic. Scurvy which affects mouths and limbs, sometimes back and bowels, is increasing. One doctor speaks of an affection of the spleen. In many homesickness may hasten disease and loss of strength. It seems as inevitable as bodily ailments under these conditions. When men fall hopeless and helpless, griping with pain, it is not unnatural that nostalgia be added to the scale of misery. When these compiaints unite, the days of victims are being numbered.

Prisoners come in from Florida captured on the 18th. They were engaged in collecting horses and cattle for the army. I spoke with a man, prisoner since Gettysburg, who attracts attention, though thin and yellow, he is remarkably smart. His clothing is all worn out. On the way from Richmond a woman gave him a petticoat which reaches just below his knees that whops about his legs as he strolls characteristically through the camp, a sailor's cap on his head, and not another rag on his person.

Two wells near us are finished which we assisted to dig; the water is excellent. Pinchen has finished his bucket whittled from rations of wood, and hooped with knapsack straps, and it is used to draw water. Griffith and I have sold four tin plates for $1 each. This money helps us live.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 69-70

Major-General Henry W. Slocum to Major-General Winfield Scott Hancock or Major-General Oliver O. Howard, July 1, 1863—3:35 p.m.

JULY 1, 1863—3.35 p.m.

General HANCOCK, or General HOWARD:

I am moving the Twelfth Corps so as to come in about 1 mile to the right of Gettysburg.

H. W. SLOCUM,        

Major-general.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 465

Major-General Henry W. Slocum to L. H. Morgan, January 2, 1864

HEADQUARTERS TWELFTH CORPS,                

ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND,        

TULLAHOMA, TENN., January 2d, 1864.

MY DEAR SIR:

I presume you have read Meade's Report of the battle of Gettysburg. I can imagine the feeling that its perusal has caused you. I have not met a sensible man who has read it, either soldier or civilian, who has not felt disappointed on reading it. It purports to be the official history of the most important contest of modern times a contest in which our troops fought with a valor and determination never before exhibited and the only evidence in the entire report which tends to prove this heroism is contained in the closing sentence, "our losses were very severe, amounting to 23,186." Your disappointment must have been greater from the fact that the true history of the operations on the right had already been made known to you by me, and Meade's report is a plain contradiction of almost every statement I have ever written to you. It is in direct conflict with my official report, and the reports of all my subordinate commanders. My first impulse on reading his report was to ask for a court of inquiry. I was prompted to this course not so much from personal consideration, as from a desire to have justice done to General Williams and his division.

Although Meade professed the warmest friendship for me, and the utmost confidence in me, not only during the entire battle, but at all times subsequent to it while I remained in his army, yet in his report he utterly ignores me. That he did repose this confidence in me, and that he placed the right wing entirely under my control, I have abundant written evidence now in my possession. In proof of this I enclose a copy of an order sent me during the battle, showing that he had sent part of Sedgwick's corps to me, and that without visiting me or my portion of the line, he wished me to place it in a central position where he could use it as soon as I could I also enclose a copy it. spare of an order received at ten-twenty A. M., on July second, directing me to move from the strong position we then held, and with the Fifth and Twelfth Corps, then under my command, and the Sixth, which was hourly expected, to attack the enemy. The latter order was not obeyed because every general officer consulted on the subject deemed it unwise to leave the almost impregnable position we then held.

I send you copies of these orders to convince you that although my name is not mentioned in the report, yet I really occupied the position and had the commands mentioned in my former letters. At no time was I in command of less than two corps during the entire campaign, and during all the battle the right wing was entrusted entirely to me—a position to which my rank entitled me. Williams commanded the Twelfth Corps, and was at all times during the battle treated as a corps commander by Meade. He was invited by him to the council with other corps commanders, and yet no mention is made of this fact in the report. Nor is Williams's name or that of his division to be found in it. I finally gave up the idea of asking for a court of inquiry, knowing that the interests of the service could not be promoted by such a course. I wrote a letter to Meade, however, asking him to correct his report, a copy of which I enclose. There is much secret history connected with the Gettysburg campaign which will some day be made public. The proceedings of a secret council of the corps commanders held the night before the enemy crossed the river was at once divulged, and the remarks of Meade, Warren and Pleasanton published to the world in full. It was for the interest of Meade that this publication should be made; and there is no doubt that publicity was given to it with his consent, if not through his direct instrumentality. There were other councils, however, the proceedings of which were not made public and which never will be published with the consent of Meade.

On the evening of July second a council was called, and each corps commander was asked his opinion as to the propriety of falling back towards Washington that night. The majority opposed it, and after the vote was taken Meade declared that "Gettysburg was no place to risk a battle;" and there is no doubt but for the decision of his corps commanders, the army on the third of July would have been in full retreat. The 4th of July, 1863, instead of being a day of rejoicing throughout the North, would have been the darkest day ever known to our country. This piece of history can be verified by the records of that council kept by Butterfield, and cannot have been forgotten by any officer present.

On the fourth of July nearly every corps commander urged an immediate movement, but my corps was kept three days in idleness. In the meantime the enemy reached Hagerstown, took up his new line, and had abundant time to fortify. At the council held on the thirteenth of July, by which "Meade was overruled," the following question was proposed to each officer, viz.: "Shall we, without further knowledge of the position of the enemy, make an attack?"

Previous to putting the question, Meade answered that he could get no knowledge of the position of the enemy. This announcement, together with the peculiar phraseology of the question, indicated the decision the commanding general anticipated. He offered no remarks until a vote was taken, and the question answered in the negative. He then made some general remarks about "the necessity of doing something," which was approved by all. Having "placed himself right on record," as the politicians would say, he retired. This record he at once used to sustain himself at the expense of his brother officers, although the action of these officers was precisely what he desired and anticipated it would be when he framed the question.

You may think this a hard charge to bring against a soldier, but I believe I am fully justified in making it. There are circumstances which I will make known to you when we meet which will convince you that I have not done him injustice.

As long as this war continues I shall pursue the course I have thus far followed. I shall ask for no court, enter into no controversy, write no letters. But when the danger has passed from us many facts will come to light, giving to the public a better knowledge of the real history of this war than can be obtained through the medium of such reports as that written by General Meade. Very respectfully,

Your Obt. Servant,

H. W. SLOCUM.

Hon. L. H. MORGAN,
Syracuse, N. Y.

SOURCE: New York (State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and Chattanooga, In Memoriam: Henry Warner Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 83-5

Major-General Henry W. Slocum to Major-General George G. Meade, December 30, 1863

HDQRS. TWELFTH CORPS, ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND,        

Tullahoma, Tenn., December 30, 1863.

Maj. Gen. GEORGE G. MEADE,
        Commanding Army of the Potomac:

GENERAL: I inclose herewith the report of General T. H. Ruger of operations of the First Division, Twelfth Corps, at the battle of Gettysburg, together with the reports of his brigade and regimental commanders. General Ruger, width a large portion of his division, was ordered to New York City soon after the battle, and immediately after his return from New York the corps was ordered to this department. The reports of General Williams and myself were delayed with the hope of receiving General Ruger's report in time to forward it with them.

I deeply regret the necessity which compelled me to send my report and that of General Williams unaccompanied by any report of the operations of the First Division, for although an account of the operations of this division was given in the report of General Williams, who commanded the corps during the battle, I think the absence of Ruger's report may account for some of the errors contained in your report as to the operations of the Twelfth Corps.

I inclose a letter from General Williams, calling my attention to these errors, to which I respectfully invite your attention, and if anything can be done at this late day to correct these errors, I trust you will do it. Your report is the official history of that important battle, and to this report reference will always be made by our Government, our people, and the historian, as the most reliable and accurate account of the services performed by each corps, division, and brigade of your army. If you have inadvertently given to one division the credit of having performed some meritorious service which was in reality performed by another division, you do an injustice to brave men and defraud them of well-earned laurels. It is an injustice which even time cannot correct. That errors of this nature exist in your official report is an indisputable fact.

You give great credit to Lockwood's brigade for services on the evening of July 2, but state that this brigade was a portion of the First Corps, while it never at any time belonged to that corps, but was a portion of the Twelfth Corps, and was accompanied in its operations on the evening of July 2 by General Williams in person. A portion of this brigade (the One hundred and fiftieth New York) is still in General Williams' division.

I copy the following statement from your report:

During the heavy assault on our left, portions of the Twelfth Corps were sent as re-enforcements. During their absence, the line on the extreme right was held by a very much reduced force. This was taken advantage of by the enemy, who, during the absence of General Geary's division, of the Twelfth Corps, advanced and occupied part of the line. On the morning of the 3d, General Geary, having returned during the night, attacked at early dawn the enemy, and succeeded in driving him back and reoccupying his former position. A spirited contest was maintained all the morning along this part of the line. General Geary, re-enforced by Wheaton's brigade, of the Sixth Corps, maintained his position, and inflicted severe losses on the enemy.

From this statement it would appear that Geary's division marched to the support of your left; that Williams' division did not; that his (Williams') division, or a portion of it, was guarding the intrenchments when the enemy gained possession; that General Geary returned, and with his division drove the enemy back; that the engagement on the following morning was fought by Geary's division, assisted by Wheaton's brigade. This I know is the inference drawn from your history of those operations by every person unacquainted with the truth. Yet the facts in the case are very nearly the reverse of the above in every particular, and directly in contradiction to the facts as set forth in the report of General Geary, as well as that of General Williams. Geary's division did not march even in the direction of your left. Two of his brigades, under his immediate command, left the intrenchments under orders to move to the support of your left, but through some unfortunate mistake he took the road leading to Two Taverns. Williams' entire division did move to the support of your left, and it was one of his brigades (Lockwood's), under his immediate command, which you commend, but very singularly accredit to the First Corps.

Greene's brigade, of the Second Division, remained in the intrenchments, and the failure of the enemy to gain entire possession of our works was due entirely to the skill of General Greene and the heroic valor of his troops. His brigade suffered severely, but maintained its position, and held the enemy in check until the return of Williams' division. The “spirited contest maintained by General Geary, re-enforced by Wheaton's brigade,” was a contest for regaining the portion of our intrenchments held by the enemy, and was conducted under the immediate command of General Williams, and was participated in by the entire Twelfth Corps, re-enforced not by Wheaton's but by Shaler's brigade.

Although the command of the Twelfth Corps was given temporarily to General Williams by, your order, and although you directed him to meet at the council with other corps commanders, you fail to mention his name in your entire report, and in no place allude to his having any such command, or to the fact that more than one corps was at any time placed under my command, although at no time after you assumed command of the army until the close of this battle was I in command of less than two corps. I have now in my possession your written orders, dated July 2, directing me to assume command of the Sixth Corps, and, with that corps and the two then under my command (the Fifth and Twelfth), to move forward and at once attack the enemy.

I allude to this fact for the purpose of refreshing your memory on a subject which you had apparently entirely forgotten when you penned your report, for you have not failed to notice the fact of General Schurz and others having held, even for a few hours, commands above that previously held by them. I sincerely trust that you will endeavor to correct as far as possible the errors above mentioned, and that the correction may be recorded at the War Department.

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

H. W. SLOCUM,        

Major-General of Volunteers, Commanding.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 1 (Serial No. 43), p. 763-5

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, July 8, 1863

Yesterday we made short marches, halting at every good shade to rest. The heat was very oppressive. At Clinton a brigade was sent to meet the enemy, reported to be advancing on the Raymond road. The force in pursuit is said to be close up. Cheering news from General Lee's army to-day. At nine o'clock arrived at Jackson in a heavy storm, which raised the dust in great quantities as we marched through the streets, and the rain followed about the time we reached our camping place, a mile east of the city. It is probable that the place will be evacuated as soon as the stores can be sent off—probably to-morrow; but no one knows where this army is going. Old Joe is too old to tell anybody that.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 217

Richard Brooke Garnett

Nephew of James Mercer Garnett (q. v.), and Robert Selden Garnett (q. v.); born in Virginia, in 1819; graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1841. He entered the army as second lieutenant, and served in the Florida war, and subsequently in the west. He was made first lieutenant in 1847, and later captain. He aided in quelling the Kansas disturbances in 1856-57; was engaged in the Utah expedition. He entered the Confederate service as major of artillery in 1861, and was promoted to brigadier-general the same year. He served in the Shenandoah Valley under Jackson, and at the battle of Kernstown commanded the Stonewall brigade. During and after the Maryland. campaign he commanded Pickett's brigade, which he finally led at Gettysburg, where he fell dead, shot from his horse in the midst of action. He died July 3, 1863.

SOURCE: Encyclopedia of Virginia Biography, Vol. 3, p. 53

Fifty-Third North Carolina Infantry

FIFTY-THIRD REGIMENT

BY COLONEL JAMES T. MOREHEAD.

The duty assigned to me to write a sketch-not a history—of the Fifty-third North Carolina Infantry, I undertook to discharge, with pleasure, but I did not realize until I began how great the difficulty would be, with no records and the conflicting recollections of surviving comrades as to events and persons. It may be and no doubt it is true, that I have not been accurate as to the personnel of the officers of the regiment, as to the dates of commissions, death and wounds, and if any injustice by omission or commission is done, I assure my living comrades and friends of such as have crossed over the river, that no one regrets more than I the lack of reliable data to rectify any mistakes.

The limited length of this sketch of course, forbids my entering into the details of casualties among over one thousand men who at different dates composed the rank and file.

The characteristics of this regiment were common to North Carolina troops. Obedience to and reverence for law and authority, for which the State has been so long known, in my opinion, constitute the basis of soldierly qualities for which her soldiers will be famous in history.

This regiment was like other North Carolina regiments; it was never known to shirk a duty; never refused to advance when ordered; never known to retire without command. In June, after its organization, it was ordered to Richmond and during the seven days contest it was on duty on the south side of the James. The greater part of its first year of service was spent in Eastern North Carolina and it received its first baptism of fire as a regiment at Washington, N. C., in Gen. D. H. Hill's winter campaign of 1862 and 1863. A few days after the battle of Chancellorsville it became a part of the Army of Northern Virginia, and as a part of Daniel's Brigade, was attached to the Second Corps, with which it marched and fought from Fredericksburg to Appomattox, and participated in more than twenty general engagements, including Gettysburg, the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Washington City, Kernstown, Snicker's Ford, Winchester, Fisher's Hill, Cedar Creek, Hare's Hill, Petersburg, and in numerous combats and smaller affairs, in some of which the conflict was more hotly contested than in the greater battles. Daniel's Brigade was composed of the Thirty-second, Forty-third, Forty-fifth and Fifty-third North Carolina Regiments, and Second North Carolina Battalion. After General Daniel's death, General Bryan Grimes became Brigadier-General. The histories of the other regiments in the brigade necessarily outline the chief incidents in the career of the Fifty-third and make it unnecessary to give its battles and marches in detail.

I select two special instances of its coolness and discipline: One was on the first day of the battle of Gettysburg. This regiment had hastened from Carlisle, Pa., its steps quickened by the report of big guns on the morning of 1 July. Immediately upon its arrival at Gettysburg it was thrown into line and advanced to the assault with the brigade. Soon it, was ascertained that there was not room between the brigade on the left and the one on the right, and this regiment was dropped out of the line, which closed up in its front and for some time it had to stand under shot and shell in an open field without being able to return the fire until the brigade on the left, having given away, it moved to the left, took its place and drove the enemy into the town.

In this trying situation, and there could have been none more trying, except a retreat under fire, the regiment manoeuvered as upon parade and drill, and its behavior on this occasion was greatly commended by the brigade and division commanders.

Another instance: At the battle of Winchester, 19 September, 1864, after hours of desperate fighting, when all the troops on the right and left had abandoned the contest and retired from the field, this regiment, alone, continued to fight the foe until ordered to retreat, which it did, across an open field for several hundred yards (the enemy advancing ten to one in numbers) in perfect order, and at intervals, when ordered, halting, facing about and delivering its fire almost in the faces of the pursuers. Not a man broke ranks or quickened his steps. As is well known to every soldier, a retreat under fire is the severest test of discipline and courage.

At the battle of Winchester, to prevent the enemy from discovering the gap on the left, I had deployed the greater part of my regiment as skirmishers, and this thin line successfully held five times its numbers at bay, until the failure of promised support to arrive, and all of Early's army on our left had been driven from the field. It was known to every man in the regiment that the enemy was getting rapidly in our rear, and that there was imminent danger that we would be cut off and surrounded, but until ordered so to do, not a man left his position, and the regiment then retreated across the field in the manner above told.

Experience and observation have taught that one of the results of organization and discipline is, that when soldiers retire or retreat in face of the enemy by order, they will halt, but if they "break" without order, it is difficult to rally and reform them. An incident of this battle illustrates this. The temporary works of the enemy above referred to were constructed just beneath the brow of the hill or slope up which the regiment was charging at a run and was not observed until we were within a few feet of them. When the men had reached nearly the top of the slope, to their astonishment they saw behind the work a third line of the enemy and such of the other two lines as could be prevailed on to stop, outnumbering us four or five to one. Our men immediately faced about and started for the shelter of a wooded hill from and through which they had just driven the enemy. Seeing the condition and thinking of the fact above stated, I at once ordered a retreat, had the officers to repeat the order, seemingly so superfluous, and directed the regiment to halt as soon as the woods were reached. When I reached the woods, I had the satisfaction of seeing the regiment reformed and "ready for business" as if nothing had happened to dampen their ardor.

I select these out of many instances, which particularly distinguished this regiment, because of the trying situations.

After the regiment was assigned to Daniel's Brigade, it participated in the battles of Gettysburg, three days, and at Mine Run and fought more or less from 5 May, 1864, to 30 May at the Wilderness under fire every day. It was in the famous Horse Shoe at Spottsylvania Court House, during the terrible days of 9, 10, 11 and 12 May, losing its Major, James Johnston Iredell, killed, Col. Owens wounded, several of its Captains and Lieutenants and scores of its men killed and wounded. It was brought out of the Horse Shoe to straighten the lines after the assault of the 12th under command of a Captain, its only remaining field officer, its Lieutenant-Colonel being in command of the brigade, the Brigadier-General (Daniel) and every other officer in the brigade senior in commission, having been killed or wounded. On 30 May it was engaged in the battle at Bethesda church, and on the next day was withdrawn from the front preparatory to its march to the Valley of Virginia.

On 5 or 6 May, 1864, the sharpshooters of this regiment were much annoyed by one of the Federal sharpshooters who had a long range rifle and who had climbed up a tall tree from which he could pick off our men, though sheltered by stump and stones, himself out of range of our guns. Private Leon, of Company B (Mecklenburg), concluded that "this thing had to be stopped," and taking advantage of every knoll, hollow and stump, he crawled near enough for his rifle to reach, took a "pop" at this disturber of the peace and he came tumbling down. Upon running up to his victim, Leon discovered him to be a Canadian Indian, and clutching his scalp-lock, dragged him to our line of sharpshooters.

The regiment was at Lynchburg when the pursuit of Hunter began, marched with General Early to Washington, D. C., was one of the regiments left to support the picket line under the walls of Washington, while the rest of the corps made good its retreat to the valley-the Nineteenth and Sixth Corps of the Federal army having been poured into the city for its defense. While supporting the pickets, this regiment became involved in one of the hottest conflicts in its experience, but succeeded in holding its position, repulsing and driving the enemy back to the earthworks, which defended the city. At midnight it received orders to retire in perfect silence, and to the surprise of all when we reached the position on the hills near the city, where we had left the corps, it was ascertained that the corps had left the night before, twenty-four hours and we marched the whole night and a greater part of the next day before we caught up with the rear guards. Early's ruse, as usual, had succeeded in deceiving the enemy.

This regiment participated in all of the battles in the Valley in 1864, and in numerous combats and skirmishes. In this Valley Campaign the regiment lost its gallant Colonel Owens, who was killed at Snicker's Ford, near Snicker's Gap, in August, 1864. He had been absent since 10 May, disabled by wounds at Spottsylvania Court House; had returned just as the regiment was eating dinner, and almost while we were congratulating him on his safe return, we received notice that the enemy had crossed the river at Snicker's Ford. The order to "fall in" was given, we marched to the river, and drove the enemy across, after a short, but severe conflict. The firing had ceased, excepting now and then a dropping shot, when Colonel Owens was killed by one of these stray shots. He was a good officer, brave, humane, social, popular with both men and officers. He was succeeded by the writer as Colonel. At Winchester, on 19 September, 1864, Adjutant Osborne was killed. Two years ago Color Sergeant Taylor, of Company E, Surry county, who has resided in Utah since 1866, visited me. He received a ball in his hip from which wound he still limps and in talking about his own wound, he told me as we were charging the third Federal line at Winchester, having broken the first two, and when near the temporary breastwork of the enemy, he received the shot which disabled him for life, and that as he fell, young Osborne picked up the flag waving it, ran forward, cheering on the men and was killed within 20 feet of the Color Sergeant. He was an efficient officer and daring soldier, I suppose not older than 20 years. Lieutenant W. R. Murray, of Company A, than whom there was not a better officer or braver soldier in the "Old Guard" of Napoleon, acted as Adjutant after the death of Osborne till the surrender at Appomattox.

As stated before, Major Iredell, a true gentleman and brave soldier, was killed at Spottsylvania Court House. Captain John W. Rierson succeeded him. At Winchester, finding that there was a gap of two or three hundred yards between my left and the troops on the left, and that the enemy had discovered and were preparing to take advantage of it, I directed Major Rierson to find General Grimes on the right of the division, (General Rodes had been killed in the beginning of the action), and apprise him of the situation. After some time he returned, saluted and reported, the fighting being very heavy all the time, when I discovered that Major Rierson was shot through the neck, which wound was received before he found General Grimes, but he nevertheless performed the duty, returned and reported, and did not then go to the rear until I directed him to do so. This gallant officer was killed when the enemy broke over our lines at Petersburg, a few days before Appomattox. He was entitled to his commission as Lieutenant-Colonel from the date of the battle of Snicker's Ford, but I do not know that he received it.

This was a volunteer regiment, enlisted in the latter part of the winter and first part of the spring of 1862, and was organized at Camp Mangum, near Raleigh, the first week in May, 1862, and assigned to Daniel's Brigade, (Rodes' Division). William A. Owens, of Mecklenburg county, was elected Colonel; James T. Morehead, Jr., of Guilford county, Lieutenant-Colonel, and James Johnston Iredell, of Wake county, Major.

Colonel Owens had already been in the service more than one year, having served as Captain in the First (Bethel) Regiment, and at the time of his election was Lieutenant-Colonel of the Eleventh Regiment.

Lieutenant-Colonel Morehead had also been in the service the preceding year, having entered the same in April, 1861, as Lieutenant of the "Guilford Grays," (afterwards Company B, of the Twenty-seventh Regiment), and at the time of his election was a Captain in the Forty-fifth Regiment.

William B. Osborne, of Mecklenburg county, was appointed Adjutant and John M. Springs, of Mecklenburg, was appointed Captain and Assistant Quartermaster. He resigned in the fall of 1862 and was succeded by Captain John B. Burwell. J. F. Long was appointed Surgeon; Lauriston H. Hill, of Stokes county, Assistant Surgeon, and promoted Surgeon in 1863. William Hill, of Mecklenburg, was appointed Captain, A. C. S. In 1863 Charles Gresham, of Virginia, was assigned to duty with this regiment as Assistant Surgeon. James H. Colton, of Randolph county, was appointed Chaplain; J. H. Owens, Sergeant Major (promoted Second Lieutenant of Company I and killed); R. B. Burwell, Quartermaster Sergeant; J. C. Palmer, Commissary Sergeant; R. S. Barnett, Ordnance Sergeant. Upon the promotion of J. H. Owens, Aaron Katz, of Company B, succeeded him as Sergeant-Major, and upon his being captured, Robert A. Fleming, of Company A, was SergeantMajor.

COMPANY A was from Guilford county. A. P. McDaniel was its first Captain, commissioned 25 February, 1862, and upon his retirement in 1863, Lieutenant J. M. Sutton was promoted Captain and wounded at Bethesda Church and on 21 September, 1864, in the Valley, and captured at Petersburg; P. W. Haterick (killed at Gettysburg), First Lieutenant; J. M. Sutton, Second Lieutenant; W. L. Fleming, promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant in August, 1863; William R. Murray, promoted from ranks to Second and First Lieutenant in 1863; J. W. Scott, promoted Second Lieutenant from Sergeant (chief of regimental corps of sharpshooters).

COMPANY B was from Mecklenburg county and its first Captain was J. Harvey White, commissioned 1 March, 1862, killed at Spottsylvania Court House in May, 1864. Samuel E. Belk, First Lieutenant; John M. Springs, Second Lieutenant, promoted Assistant Quartermaster; William M. Matthews, Second Lieutenant, promoted from First Sergeant; M. E. Alexander, promoted Second Lieutenant from Second Sergeant. Lieutenants Belk, Matthews and Alexander were wounded at Gettysburg.

COMPANY C was from Johnston, Chatham and Wake, mostly from Johnston. Its first Captain was John Leach, commissioned 28 February, 1862; was succeeded as Captain by J. C. Richardson (wounded at Petersburg), commissioned 17 April, 1863, both from Johnston county; George T. Leach, of Chatham, commissioned First Lieutenant 7 March, 1862; John H. Tomlinson, of Johnston county, commissioned Second Lieutenant in April, 1862, resigned and succeeded by E. Tomlinson in 1862; S. R. Horn, of Johnston county, was commissioned Second Lieutenant 21 July, 1862.

COMPANY D was from Guilford, Cumberland, Forsyth, Stokes, Bladen and Surry. David Scott, Jr., of Guilford county, was commissioned Captain 1 March, 1862, resigned and was succeeded 15 May, 1863, by Alexander Ray, of Cumberland county, promoted from First Lieutenant and killed at Petersburg, April 1865. Alexander Ray was commissioned First Lieutenant 1 March, 1862; Madison L. Efland, of Guilford county, commissioned Second Lieutenant 1 March, 1862, promoted First Lieutenant 15 May, 1863, and wounded; A. H. Westmoreland, of Stokes county, was promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant; W. N. Westmoreland, Stokes county, was promoted from the ranks to Second Lieutenant in 1863.

COMPANY E was from Surry county. J. C. Norman was commissioned Captain on 8 March, 1862, resigned the following December and was succeeded by First Lieutenant Robert A. Hill, killed in 1864, succeeded in turn as Captain by First Lieutenant B. W. Minter; Samuel Walker was commissioned Second Lieutenant 8 March, 1862, promoted to First Lieutenant December, 1862, and resigned; B. W. Minter, Second Lieutenant, promoted First Lieutenant and Captain; Henry Hines, Second Lieutenant, in 1862; Logan Bemer, promoted from Corporal to Second Lieutenant, wounded and captured in 1864; James A. Hill, Second Lieutenant, captured in 1864.

COMPANY F was from Alamance and Chatham. G. M. G. Albright was commissioned Captain 5 May, 1862, killed July, 1863, at Gettysburg, and was succeeded by A. G. Albright, promoted from First Lieutenant (wounded at Fisher's Hill, 1864); Jesse M. Holt, First Lieutenant, 16 July, 1863, promoted from Second Lieutenant, (killed at Winchester, 1864); Branson Lambe, commissioned in 1864, promoted from Second Lieutenant; John J. Webster, commissioned Second Lieutenant May, 1862, and resigned; S. J. Albright, commissioned Second Lieutenant in 1862 and killed at Spottsylvania Court House in 1864.

COMPANY F was from Stokes. G. W. Clarke was commissioned Captain on 20 March, 1862, and resigned May, 1862; was succeeded by John W. Rierson, promoted from Second Lieutenant and who was in 1863 promoted to Major, wounded at Winchester and killed at Petersburg, April, 1865. He was in time succeeded as Captain by H. H. Campbell, promoted from First Lieutenant and killed at Winchester. G. B. Moore was commissioned First Lieutenant in March, 1862, resigned in June; John W. Rierson, commissioned Second Lieutenant March, 1862; W. H. McKinney was promoted from the ranks in May, 1862, to second Lieutenant, and wounded at Winchester; C. F. Hall, promoted from ranks to Second Lieutenant, mortally wounded at Gettysburg; W. F. Campbell, promoted First Lieutenant and wounded at Washington, D. C.

COMPANY H was from Stokes county. Captain Spottswood B. Taylor was commissioned on 20 March, 1862, resigned on account of health in November, 1863, and was succeeded by John E. Miller, promoted from Second Lieutenant, who was wounded at Snicker's Ford and captured September, 1864; Thomas S. Burnett, commissioned First Lieutenant 20 March, 1862, and killed in 1863; Charles A. McGehee, First Lieutenant, November, 1862, wounded at Gettysburg 3 July, 1863, and captured; Alexander M. King, Second Lieutenant, March, 1862; J. Henry Owens, promoted Second Lieutenant from Sergeant-Major, December, 1862, and killed; Alexander Boyles, promoted First Lieutenant.

COMPANY I was from Union county. E. A. Jerome was commissioned Captain 20 March, 1862, and resigned in June following, and was succeeded by Thomas E. Ashcraft, promoted from First Lieutenant; John D. Cuthbertson, commissioned Second Lieutenant 20 March, 1862, promoted First Lieutenant; Joshua Lee, commissioned Second Lieutenant 20 March, 1862; James E. Green, promoted from the ranks, Second Lieutenant 24 June, 1862; A. T. Marsh, promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant 19 May, 1864.

COMPANY K was from Wilkes county. William J. Miller was commissioned Captain 20 March, 1862, killed at Gettysburg 1 July, 1863, and was succeeded by Jesse F. Eller, promoted from Second Lieutenant; Thomas C. Miller, promoted from Second Lieutenant to First Lieutenant 1 July, 1863; Thomas C. Miller, commissioned Second Lieutenant in August, 1862.

This regiment lost in killed its first Colonel, who was twice wounded; both of its Majors, one of them, Rierson, several times wounded and its Adjutant. Its surviving Colonel was wounded three times, at Gettysburg, Fisher's Hill and in the assault upon the Federal lines at Hare's Hill on 25 March, 1865, in which last engagement he was captured within the enemy's works.

As it is, I have only the approximately correct report of the losses of one of the companies of the regiment, and that only in one battle, but I think the losses of the other companies may be fairly estimated from the losses of this one.

Company B lost at Gettysburg out of about 65 men, 8 killed and 22 wounded, and of the four officers, three were wounded.

I meet many of these scarred and now grizzly veterans of the companies from Alamance, Guilford, Stokes and Surry at my courts in these counties, and hear sometimes from those from the other counties, and with very few exceptions they have shown themselves to be as good citizens as they were gallant soldiers. They illustrate that "peace hath her victories no less renowned than war."

The regiment reduced to a handful of men shared the fortunes of the historic retreat and surrendered at Appomattox, being then commanded by Captain Thomas E. Ashcraft, the brigade being commanded by Colonel David G. Cowand. General Grimes having been made a Major-General, commanded the division.

I cannot close this sketch without acknowledging my indebtedness to Captain Sutton and Private J. Montgomery, of Company A; L. Leon, of Company B, who kindly furnished me with copy of a diary kept by him from organization of the regiment up to 5 May, 1864, when he was captured; Captain Albright, of Company F; Captain S. B. Taylor, of Company H, and Lieutenant W. F. Campbell, of Company G, for valuable information; and I hope that the publication of the sketches of the North Carolina regiments will excite interest enough among the old soldiers to give us further dates and incidents. I wish I could write a history of my regiment which would do the officers and men full credit for their patriotism and services.

The patriotism and heroism of these soldiers were illustrated by the patient and uncomplaining endurance of the forced march, the short rations, the hardships of winter camps and campaigns as much as by their fighting qualities. Posterity will hesitate to decide which is most worthy of admiration.

JAMES T. MOREHEAD,

GREENSBORO, N. C.,
        9 APRIL, 1901.

SOURCES: Walter Clark, Editor, Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-’65, Vol. 3, p. 255-65; Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 72-82

Diary of Private Louis Leon: May 17, 1864

Saw Mack Sample, Will Stone and several of our company to-day that have been prisoners since the battle of Gettysburg. We get two meals a day.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 63

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, [July 1, 1866]

WASHINGTON, D. C., [July 1, 1866].

MY DEAR ONE:— We missed you so much at Gettysburg [June 28-30]. It was cool, fine weather. The company good. "All things lovely." The battle-field must be one of the finest in the world. We had for guide and chaperon a gentleman who has made it a study for a long while, and I now feel that I know the battle as if I had seen it. There was nothing more in the generalship than I had supposed, but the stubbornness and good conduct of the army, of men and officers generally, was worthy of the cause. The Rebel attack was a very brilliant but rash thing.

Pick a cool day to go to Fremont. Every week or two, even in this weather, there is a little cool spell.

I shall not come home until the end of the session, now supposed to be on the 16th. - Love to all.

Affectionately, your

R.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 28

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, August 2, 1863

Camp near Orange Court House, Va.,

August 2, 1863.

In a recent letter I promised to write you more about our campaign in Pennsylvania.

On the night of the 29th of June we camped on the west side of the Blue Ridge Mountains, where they extend into Pennsylvania. On the morning of the next day (30th) we renewed our march. Shortly after starting it began raining, but the road was hard and well macadamized and the rain made the march rather agreeable than otherwise. On this same morning we passed where a splendid iron factory had been burned by General Early, of Ewell's Corps. It belonged to a very celebrated lawyer and politician of Pennsylvania by the name of Thaddeus Stevens, who is noted for his extreme abolition views and his intense hatred for slave-holders. The works are said to have been worth more than one hundred thousand dollars. The burning had thrown a great many operatives out of employment, and they seemed to be much distressed.

During the day we wended our way up the mountains. The scene around us was very different from what we had just passed through. Instead of the enticing field and lovely landscape, we had now around us that which was rugged, grand and towering. In the afternoon about one or two o'clock we halted and bivouacked among the mountains. Our stopping-place was in a basin of the mountains, which was very fertile and contained a few very excellent and highly cultivated farms. Awhile after we stopped I started off to one of these farmhouses for the purpose of getting my dinner, as I was quite hungry, and wanted something different from what I had been accustomed to most of the time on the march. On going to the house a very nice, smiling young girl met me at the door, and, upon my making known my wishes, she very pleasantly said she "guessed” so; but said they already had agreed to accommodate a good many, and that they would do the best they could by us all if I would return at four o'clock.

This I did, and found Adjutant Reedy of the Fourteenth Regiment and several others of my acquaintance. Reedy, being quite a young man, talked a good deal to the girl. I was hungry as a wolf, but when I came to the table and viewed what was upon it my hunger was aggravated more than ever. It seemed that there was no end to everything that was good. We had nice fried ham, stewed chicken, excellent biscuit, lightbread, butter, buckwheat cakes that were most delicious, molasses, four or five different kinds of preserves and several other dishes. We also had plenty of good coffee and cold, rich milk to drink. None but a soldier who has experienced a hard campaign can conceive of how a gang of hungry men could appreciate such a meal. I must say that this late dinner was a perfect Godsend.

After we had finished eating I felt ashamed to offer them Confederate money, but could do no better, and offered it with an apology. They very readily accepted it, and when I insisted that they should take a dollar they refused and would have only fifty cents. This house was guarded to prevent our men committing depredations such as they had been doing, and which was having a demoralizing effect upon the army. Soldiers must be made to behave or they will not fight.

Upon returning to camp I found that an order had been received during my absence to cook one day's rations and have it in haversacks and be ready to march at five o'clock next morning. This at once aroused our suspicions, for we concluded that we were about to meet the enemy. Next morning about five o'clock we began moving. We had not gone more than a mile and a half before our suspicions of the evening previous were fully verified and our expectations realized by the booming of cannon ahead of us in the direction of Gettysburg. Upon looking around I at once noticed in the countenance of all an expression of intense seriousness and solemnity, which I have always perceived in the faces of men who are about to face death and the awful shock of battle. As we advanced the cannonading increased in fury. It was Heth's Division, ahead of ours, fighting. At last we arrived upon a hill where, upon another hill in front of us and about a half mile distant, we could see Heth's cannon arranged and booming away at the Yankees, who were replying with considerable briskness, and we could also see the infantry of Heth's Division advancing in line of battle. It was really a magnificent sight. The country was almost destitute of forest and was so open that it was easy to see all that was going on. Our division (Pender's) continued to keep within about half a mile of Heth's. McGowan's Brigade was at the right of the division and the Thirteenth Regiment at the right of the brigade. This being the case, I could see from one end of the division to the other as it moved forward in line of battle. It was nearly a mile in length. The scene was certainly grand, taking all the surroundings into consideration. After Heth had driven the enemy some distance, it became necessary for our division to go to his support. McGowan's South Carolina and Scales's North Carolina brigades were the first to relieve Heth. The hardest fighting did not begin until McGowan's and Scales's divisions went into it. Then such a rattle of musketry I never heard surpassed. It lasted for about two hours and a half without cessation; and how many brave fellows went down in death in this short period of time! Officers who have been in all the fights tell me that they never saw our brigade act so gallantly before. When the order was given to charge upon the enemy, who were lying behind stone fences and other places of concealment, our men rushed forward with a perfect fury, yelling and driving them, though with great slaughter to themselves as well as to the Yankees. Most of the casualties of our brigade occurred this day (July 1). As the enemy were concealed, they killed a great many of our men before we could get at them. There were a good many dwellings in our path, to which the Yankees would also resort for protection, and they would shoot from the doors and windows. As soon as our troops would drive them out, they would rush in, turn out the families and set the houses on fire. I think this was wrong, because the families could not prevent the Yankees seeking shelter in their houses. I saw some of the poor women who had been thus treated. They were greatly distressed, and it excited my sympathy very much. These people would have left their houses, but the battle came on so unexpectedly to them, as is often the case, that they had not time. I passed through a house from which everyone had fled except an extremely old man. A churn of excellent buttermilk had been left, and I with some other doctors helped ourselves. Someone near by shot at us as we came out and barely missed us.

The fighting on the first day ceased about night, and when our brigade was relieved by Lane's North Carolina Brigade it was nearly dark. I returned to the hospital, and on my way back came to Anderson's Division of our corps (Hill's) lying in line of battle at least two miles in rear of where the advance column was. Pender's Division and Heth's had been fighting all day, and they were exhausted, besides being terribly "cut up”; and when they drove the Yankees to the long high range of hills, which the Yankees held throughout the fight, they should have been immediately reinforced by Anderson with his fresh troops. Then the strong position last occupied by the enemy could have been taken, and the next day when Ewell and Longstreet came up the victory completely won. If "Old Stonewall” had been alive and there, it no doubt would have been done. Hill was a good division commander, but he is not a superior corps commander. He lacks the mind and sagacity of Jackson.

When I arrived at the hospital my ears were greeted as usual at such time with the moans and cries of the wounded. I went to work and did not pretend to rest until next morning after daylight. I found that Longstreet had come and that McLaw's Division of his (Longstreet's) corps was encamped near the hospital. Kershaw's Brigade was almost in the hospital grounds. On looking around I discovered many old friends from Laurens whom I had not seen since the war began. They all seemed surprised and glad to see me; but I had work to do and they had fighting, so we could not remain long together. They were all lively and jocose. Milton Bossardt was in a gay humor and left me as one going on some pleasant excursion, but before two o'clock of the same day he was a corpse. He was shocked to death by the bursting of a shell. Captain Langston and a number of others in the Third Regiment who were my acquaintances were killed.

On the second day of the battle the fighting did not begin until about twelve or one o'clock, from which time until night it raged with great fury. The reason it began so late in the day was because it required some time for Ewell and Longstreet to get their forces in position. Longstreet was on the right, Ewell on the left, and Hill in the center.

On the third day the fighting began early in the morning and continued with the greatest imaginable fury all day; at one time, about three o'clock in the afternoon, with such a cannonading I never heard before. About 150 pieces of cannon on our side and as many or more on the side of the enemy kept up one incessant fire for several hours. It was truly terrifying and was like heavy skirmishing in the rapidity with which the volleys succeeded one another. The roar of the artillery, the rattle of the musketry and the wild terrific scream of the shells as they whizzed through the air was really the most appalling situation that could possibly be produced. Our troops (Pickett's Division) charged the enemy's strong position, which they had now entrenched, but with no avail, although we slaughtered thousands of them.

On the night of the 3d General Lee withdrew the army nearly to its original position, hoping, I suppose, that the enemy would attack him; but they didn't dare come out of their strongholds, for well they knew what their fate would be if they met the Confederate Army of Virginia upon equal grounds. On the 4th our army remained in line of battle, earnestly desiring the advance of the Yankees, but they did not come. During this day the rain fell in torrents, completely drenching the troops. Awhile after dark we began to leave, but took a different and nearer route to the Potomac than the one we had just passed over. Though nearer, it was very rough and not macadamized, and the passing of wagons and artillery over it cut it up horribly and made it almost impassable. Yet over this road our large army had to pass. I was lucky enough to get into a medical wagon and rode until next morning. It rained nearly all night, and such a sight as our troops were next day! They were all wet and many of them muddy all over from having fallen down during the night. Billie looked as if he had been wallowing in a mud hole, but was in a perfectly good humor.

On this day (July 5) we recrossed the Blue Ridge Mountains. Climbing the mountains was very tedious after so much toil, excitement and loss of sleep, but we met with no obstacle until we came to Hagerstown, Md., where we stopped on account of the Potomac's being too high to ford. While here the Yankees came up and our army was placed in line to meet them, but they did not dare to attack. In this situation we remained for several days with them in sight of us.

After a pontoon bridge was finished at Falling Waters and the river was sufficiently down to ford at Williamsport, we left the vicinity of Hagerstown. It was just after dark when we began leaving. It was a desperately dark night and such a rain I thought I never before knew to fall. I did not meet with such luck as the night we left Gettysburg, Pa., but had to walk all night, and such a road I think troops never before traveled over. It appeared to me that at least half of the road was a quagmire, coming in places nearly to the knees.

Hill's Corps went by Falling Waters and Longstreet's and Ewell's by Williamsport, where they had to wade the river, which was still very deep, coming up nearly to the shoulders. The pontoon bridge was at Falling Waters, where we crossed. Our division was in the rear at this place, and when we got within about a mile and a half of the river we halted to enable the wagons ahead to get out of the way. Being very tired, we all lay down and nearly everyone fell asleep, when suddenly the Yankee cavalry rushed upon us, firing and yelling at a furious rate. None of our guns were loaded and they were also in a bad fix from the wet of the previous night. They attacked General Pettigrew's North Carolina Brigade first. Our brigade was lying down about fifty yards behind his. I was lying down between the two brigades near a spring. General Pettigrew was killed here. I was close to him when he was killed. It was a serious loss to the service. We fought them for some time, when General Hill sent an order to fall back across the river, and it was done in good order. The attack was a complete surprise and is disgraceful either to General Hill or General Heth. One is certainly to blame. The Yankees threw shells at the bridge and came very near hitting it just as I was about to cross; but, after we were close enough to the river not to be hurt by our own shells, our cannon on this side opened upon them, which soon made them "skedaddle" away.

We feel the loss of General Pender in our division. He died in Staunton, Va., from wounds received at Gettysburg. He was a very superior little man, though a very strict disciplinarian.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 60-72

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, July 17, 1863

Near Bunker Hill, Jefferson County, Va.,        

July 17, 1863.

You will see by this letter that we have gotten back into “Old Virginia" again. It seems that our invasion of the North did not prove successful. We fought a dreadful battle at Gettysburg, Pa. It was the greatest battle of the war. We drove the Yankees three miles from the battlefield to a long range of high hills, from which it was impossible to dislodge them. General Lee had to fall back to keep them from getting the advantage. My brother was not hurt in the battle. Milton Bossard, Captain Cromer, Buford Wallace, Mr. Daniel's two sons and many others from Newberry were killed; but it is better for us all to be killed than conquered.

We have had some very disagreeable marching, as it has rained so much, but I have gotten hold of an old horse, which helps me along very much.

We have plenty of beef and bread to eat. We gathered up thousands of beeves in Pennsylvania-enough to feed our army until cold weather. This is a great consideration.

My servant got lost in Maryland. I do not think it was his intention to leave, but he was negligent about keeping up and got in rear of the army and found it too late to cross the river.

One of your letters came to me in Pennsylvania, and three since we left there.

We hear that Vicksburg has fallen. That is unfortunate, but I do not feel at all discouraged. Countries have been overrun, and then not conquered.

When we get settled down in camp again I will try to write you a longer and better arranged letter. We don't know what minute we may move, and under such circumstances I never can write with any satisfaction. I have George's picture yet. It is a wonder I did not lose it.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 59-60

Diary of Private Louis Leon: July 1, 1863

We left camp at 6 A.M., passed through Heidelsburg and Middleton. At the latter place we heard firing in the direction of Gettysburg. We were pushed forward after letting the wagon trains get in our rear. We got to Gettysburg at 1 P.M., 15 miles. We were drawn up in line of battle about one mile south of town, and a little to the left of the Lutheran Seminary. We then advanced to the enemy's line of battle in double quick time. We had not gotten more than 50 paces when Norman of our company fell dead by my side. Katz was going to pick him up. I stopped him, as it is strictly forbidden for anyone to help take the dead or wounded off the field except the ambulance corps. We then crossed over a rail fence, where our Lieutenant McMatthews and Lieutenant Alexander were both wounded. That left us with a captain and one lieutenant. After this we got into battle in earnest, and lost in our company very heavily, both killed and wounded. This fight lasted four hours and a half, when at last we drove them clear out of town, and took at least 3,000 prisoners. They also lost very heavily in killed and wounded, which all fell into our hands. After the fight our company was ordered to pick up all straggling Yankees in town, and bring them together to be brought to the rear as prisoners. One fellow I took up could not speak one word of English, and the first thing he asked me in German was "Will I get my pay in prison?" After we had them all put up in a pen we went to our regiment and rested. Major Iredell, of our regiment, came to me and shook my hand, and also complimented me for action in the fight. At dusk I was about going to hunt up my brother Morris, when he came to me. Thank God, we are both safe as yet. We laid all night among the dead Yankees, but they did not disturb our peaceful slumbers.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 34-5

Diary of Private Louis Leon: July 2, 1863

Our division was in reserve until dark, but our regiment was supporting a battery all day. We lost several killed and wounded, although we had no chance to fire-only lay by a battery of artillery and be shot at. The caisson of the battery we were supporting was blown up and we got a big good sprinkling of the wood from it. Just at dark we were sent to the front under terrible cannonading. Still, it was certainly a beautiful sight. It being dark, we could see the cannon vomit forth fire. Our company had to cross a rail fence. It gave way and several of our boys were hurt by others walking over them. We laid down here a short time, in fact no longer than 10 minutes, when I positively fell asleep. The cannonading did not disturb me. One of the boys shook me and told me Katz was wounded by a piece of a shell striking him on the side, and he was sent to the rear. We went on to the Baltimore Turnpike until 3 in the morning of the 3d.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 35

Diary of Private Louis Leon: July 3, 1863

When under a very heavy fire, we were ordered on Culps Hill, to the support of Gen. A. Johnson. Here we stayed all day—no, here, I may say, we melted away. We were on the brow of one hill, the enemy on the brow of another. We charged on them several times, but of course, running down our hill, and then to get to them was impossible, and every time we attempted it we came back leaving some of our comrades behind. Here our Lieutenant Belt lost his arm. We have now in our company a captain. All of our lieutenants are wounded. We fought here until 7 P.M., when what was left of us was withdrawn and taken to the first day's battlefield. At the commencement of this fight our Brigade was the strongest in our division, but she is not now. We lost the most men, for we were in the fight all the time, and I have it from Colonel Owens that our regiment lost the most in the Brigade. I know that our company went in the fight with 60 men. When we left Culps Hill there were 16 of us that answered to the roll call. The balance were all killed and wounded. There were 12 sharpshooters in our company and now John Cochran and myself are the only ones that are left. This day none will forget, that participated in the fight. It was truly awful how fast, how very fast, did our poor boys fall by our sides—almost as fast as the leaves that fell as cannon and musket balls hit them, as they flew on their deadly errand. You could see one with his head shot off, others cut in two, then one with his brain oozing out, one with his leg off, others shot through the heart. Then you would hear some poor friend or foe crying for water, or for "God's sake" to kill him. You would see some of your comrades, shot through the leg, lying between the lines, asking his friends to take him out, but no one could get to his relief, and you would have to leave him there, perhaps to die, or, at best, to become a prisoner. Our brigade was the only one that was sent to Culps Hill to support General Johnson. In our rapid firing today my gun became so hot that the ramrod would not come out, so I shot it at the Yankees, and picked up a gun from the ground, a gun that some poor comrade dropped after being shot. I wonder if it hit a Yankee; if so, I pity him. Our regiment was in a very exposed position at one time to-day, and our General Daniels ordered a courier of his to bring us from the hill. He was killed before he got to us. The General sent another. He was also killed before he reached us. Then General Daniels would not order any one, but called for volunteers. Capt. Ed. Stitt, of Charlotte, one of his aides, responded, and he took us out of the exposed position.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 35-7

Major-General Ulysses S. Grant to Major-General William T. Sherman, July 11, 1863

VICKSBURG, MISS., July 11, 1863.        

Maj. Gen. WILLIAM T. SHERMAN, Comdg. Expedition:

DEAR GENERAL: Dispatches just received from General Banks announces the good news of the surrender of Port Hudson, with 5,000 prisoners and all the armament of the place. News came from the East of the defeat of Lee and his precipitate retreat, with Meade in full pursuit. I have nothing definite from you since the morning of the 9th, but, not hearing, suppose all is right. Is there any probability that Johnston may be receiving re-enforcements and intends standing? I have just learned from Yazoo City that all the steamers from above have just come down there, and that Johnston sent orders to press all the negroes that can be got, to prosecute the work of fortifying with all vigor. More than 1,000 negroes are said to be at work now. I immediately ordered a division from here to break them up. The well prisoners have been paroled and about out of town. The number reached near 25,000. There are still those in hospital, near 6,000, yet to parole, besides many escaped without paroling.

Hoping to hear of your giving Johnston a good thrashing and driving him beyond Pearl River, with the loss of artillery, transportation, and munitions of war, I remain, yours truly,

U.S. GRANT.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 501

In The Review Queue: Hold at All Hazards (A Novel)

Hold at All Hazards:

Bigelow's Battery at Gettysburg, July 2, 1863

By David H. Jones

Captain John Bigelow's efforts to sharpen up a slovenly light artillery battery make him unpopular with the men, but his efforts will bear fruit when the men are told to hold their position at Gettysburg no matter what.

_______________

By late January of 1863, the 9th Massachusetts Battery of Light Artillery has been stationed within the Washington, D.C. defenses the entirety of its five-month existence. The soldiers are badly demoralized, inadequately trained and poorly disciplined. When the inept captain of the battery believes that he’s about to be fired, he hastily resigns, and the governor of Massachusetts promptly selects a twenty-three-year-old artillery officer with battlefield experience to take command.

Captain John Bigelow institutes strict discipline and rigorous training which causes the men, including Chief Bugler Charles Wellington Reed, to consider him to be a heartless tyrant. However, Captain Bigelow’s methods rapidly improve their capabilities and Reed reluctantly gains respect for the new captain. Nevertheless, subtle conflict between captain and bugler remains in a manner only constrained by military protocol.

In late June of 1863 the battery is collected by the Army of the Potomac as it passes the Washington defenses to thwart an invasion by Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia. After days of hard marching, Bigelow’s Battery arrives on the Gettysburg battlefield in the forenoon of July 2, 1863. Within hours they are immersed in violent combat during which the officers and men of the battery fight like veterans against the Confederates. Unbeknownst to Charlie, he will twice disobey a direct order from Captain Bigelow before the day is out.

When furious fighting reaches a crescendo, the inexperienced light artillery battery is ordered to hold its position at all hazards, meaning until it’s overrun. Without hesitation the batterymen stand to their guns and sacrifice their life’s blood to gain the time necessary for a second line of artillery to be formed behind them, thus helping to prevent a disastrous defeat for the Federal Army on Northern soil. Charlie saves his captain’s life and is later awarded the Medal of Honor.

About the Author

David H. Jones is author of the award-winning novel Two Brothers: One North, One South. He is a former U.S. Navy officer and business executive, born in West Virginia and always engrossed in the study of American history.

ISBN 978-1636240602, Casemate, © 2021, Paperback, 272 pages. $22.95. To purchase this book click HERE.

In The Review Queue: The Horse at Gettysburg

The Horse at Gettysburg:

Prepared for the Day of Battle

By Chris Bagley

Horses are one of the many unsung heroes of the American Civil War. These majestic animals were impressed into service, trained, prepared for battle, and turned into expendable implements of war.

There is more to this story, however. When an army’s means and survival is predicated upon an animal whose instincts are to flee rather than fight, a bond of mutual trust and respect between handler and horse must be forged. Ultimately, the Battle of Gettysburg resulted in thousands of horses killed and wounded. Their story deserves telling, from a time not so far removed.

About the Author

Chris Bagley hails from Canton, Ohio, where he resides with his wife Becky. Chris has been a Registered Nurse for 31 years and currently works as a surgical nurse. He became a Licensed Battlefield Guide at Gettysburg National Military Park in 2016. He always had a love and fascination of horses from childhood which continues to this day.

ISBN 978-0999304969, Gettysburg Publishing, © 2021, Paperback, 224 pages, Photographs, Illustrations, Maps, Appendix: Order of Battle, End Notes, Bibliography & Index. $26.95. To purchase this book click HERE.

Diary of Caroline Cowles Richards: July 4, 1863

The terrible battle of Gettysburg brings to Canandaigua sad news of our soldier boys of the 126th Regiment. Colonel Sherrill was instantly killed, also Captains Wheeler and Herendeen, Henry Willson and Henry P. Cook. Captain Richardson was wounded.

SOURCE: Caroline Cowles Richards, Village Life in America, 1852-1872, p. 152-3

Diary of Caroline Cowles Richards: July 26, 1863

Charlie Wheeler was buried with military honors from the Congregational church to-day. Two companies of the 54th New York State National Guard attended the funeral, and the church was packed, galleries and all. It was the saddest funeral and the only one of a soldier that I ever attended. I hope it will be the last. He was killed at Gettysburg, July 3, by a sharpshooter's bullet. He was a very bright young man, graduate of Yale college and was practising law. He was captain of Company K, 126th N. Y. Volunteers. I have copied an extract from Mr. Morse's lecture, “You and I”: “And who has forgotten that gifted youth, who fell on the memorable field of Gettysburg? To win a noble name, to save a beloved country, he took his place beneath the dear old flag, and while cannon thundered and sabers clashed and the stars of the old Union shone above his head he went down in the shock of battle and left us desolate, a name to love and a glory to endure. And as we solemnly know, as by the old charter of liberty we most sacredly swear, he was truly and faithfully and religiously

Of all our friends the noblest,

The choicest and the purest, 

The nearest and the dearest, 

    In the field at Gettysburg. 

Of all the heroes bravest, 

Of soul the brightest, whitest, 

Of all the warriors greatest, 

    Shot dead at Gettysburg. 

And where the fight was thickest, 

And where the smoke was blackest, 

And where the fire was hottest, 

    On the fields of Gettysburg, 

There flashed his steel the brightest, 

There blazed his eyes the fiercest, 

There flowed his blood the reddest 

    On the field of Gettysburg. 

O wailing winds of heaven! 

O weeping dew of evening! 

O music of the waters 

    That flow at Gettysburg, 

Mourn tenderly the hero, 

The rare and glorious hero, 

The loved and peerless hero, 

    Who died at Gettysburg. 

His turf shall be the greenest, 

His roses bloom the sweetest, 

His willow droop the saddest 

    Of all at Gettysburg. 

His memory live the freshest, 

His fame be cherished longest, 

Of all the holy warriors, 

    Who fell at Gettysburg.

These were patriots, these were our jewels. When shall we see their like again? And of every soldier who has fallen in this war his friends may write just as lovingly as you and I may do of those to whom I pay my feeble tribute.”

SOURCE: Caroline Cowles Richards, Village Life in America, 1852-1872, p. 153-5