Richard Brooke Garnett

Nephew of James Mercer Garnett (q. v.), and Robert Selden Garnett (q. v.); born in Virginia, in 1819; graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1841. He entered the army as second lieutenant, and served in the Florida war, and subsequently in the west. He was made first lieutenant in 1847, and later captain. He aided in quelling the Kansas disturbances in 1856-57; was engaged in the Utah expedition. He entered the Confederate service as major of artillery in 1861, and was promoted to brigadier-general the same year. He served in the Shenandoah Valley under Jackson, and at the battle of Kernstown commanded the Stonewall brigade. During and after the Maryland. campaign he commanded Pickett's brigade, which he finally led at Gettysburg, where he fell dead, shot from his horse in the midst of action. He died July 3, 1863.

SOURCE: Encyclopedia of Virginia Biography, Vol. 3, p. 53

Journal of Major Wilder Dwight: May 30, 1862

Winchester, Virginia, Friday, May 30, 1862,

Braddock Street, at Mr. Bernhardt's.

The first news of an attack on Banks's column reached the camp of the Second Massachusetts Regiment at Strasburg, Virginia, on Friday evening after parade (May 23). The Third Wisconsin Regiment was despatched by Colonel Gordon, commanding brigade, toward Front Royal, to protect the bridges. At eleven o'clock that night we were ordered to pack wagons. After despatching our train we lay down and spent the night in bivouac. No marching orders came. It was understood by us that many of the other trains had not yet gone toward Winchester. At or near ten o'clock, A.M., Saturday, the order came for us to march. As we passed head-quarters on the way to Winchester, it was reported that the Rebel forces were pushing forward direct from Front Royal to Winchester, and we were hurried on, as it was said, to meet them or anticipate them. When we drew near the bridge over Cedar Creek, the battery was ordered forward in haste, and it was said that part of our train at Newtown had been attacked by cavalry. We pushed forward, found the trains halted, and some evidences of panic and disorder. We halted half an hour before reaching Middletown. Then pushed on again. The day, which had been rainy and clouded, grew more clear and hot. The march was through the trains, and a rapid push toward Winchester. Donnelly's brigade was before ours. Between Middletown and Newtown it became evident that our rear was being pressed. The rear-guard had been composed of cavalry and artillery. A large drove of loose horses overtook us near Newtown; one of cattle soon came also; the wagons, also, were crowding the way. Still we pushed on. At about two miles beyond Newtown General Banks appeared, and announced to Colonel Gordon that our advance was in Winchester, and all quiet there. The evidences of panic and pursuit in the rear had been rapidly multiplying, and it had been reported that our train was cut at Middletown by a force coming by the Front Royal road. The Twenty-seventh Indiana Regiment had been ordered to return to the rear with a section of Best's battery at Newtown. As soon as General Banks announced the entry of our force into Winchester, he ordered the Second Massachusetts Regiment to the rear to protect the train. The regiment, jaded by their march and fatigue, sprang to the duty. At Bartonsville, a little more than a mile this side of Newtown, we left our knapsacks, and pushed on.

As we came near Newtown, evidences of panic filled the road, — abandoned wagons, flying teamsters, &c. The regiment formed near the edge of the town. Two companies were deployed as skirmishers on each side of the road. Two companies were ordered to support Best's section, and the rest of the regiment moved into the town by the road by the flank. They had just entered the town, when the enemy's artillery from the other end of the town threw a few shells at them with skill. The shell burst directly over the battalion. Colonel Andrews ordered them within the yards on the right of the road. The skirmishers and reserve moved on, and the rest of the regiment followed, keeping within shelter of buildings. Before entering the town we had seen cavalry on our right and left. The line of skirmishers was halted in a hollow just beyond the town, and the reserves and battalion kept within the town. The artillery of both sides kept up a rapid fire. It was, perhaps, five, P. M., when we turned back. We held the position till sunset. At the edge of the town, on a door-step, was a half-eaten pile of corn. The man of the house said Ashby's horse was eating there when we came into town. I fed my horse with what was left. This was the only forage, I believe, taken from the enemy. Before we withdrew from Newtown we set fire to the abandoned wagons. It grew dark rapidly as we withdrew. I had a detail of two companies, A and C, as a rear-guard. One platoon of each company was deployed in the fields, on each side of the road. The reserves were united within the road. The enemy soon followed our retreat. As they came in sight of the burning wagons their yells and shouts were demoniacal. Expecting an attack by their cavalry upon the rear-guard, I prepared for it. When we came near Bartonsville a halt was ordered, to pick up the knapsacks. We could hear the yells of the men coming on. Soon the sound of approaching horses was heard. The growing darkness, confused by the glare of the burning wagons, compelled us to trust our ears. I drew the line of skirmishers into groups near the road, formed the reserve into a square, and directed the three bodies, so formed, to pour their fire upon the approaching cavalry at the command from me. The cavalry came on. The fire was ordered and delivered. The cavalry went back.

Their advance seemed checked. I rode back up the hill over which the cavalry had come, but could hear no sound. It then became necessary to draw in and relieve the rear-guard, to enable it to take its knapsacks. At the foot of the hill on which we had been posted was a little run which the road crossed over a small bridge. The rear-guard was drawn in across that run, together with Company B, which had come out to their support.

Company I had been ordered to report to me as a rearguard; Colonel Andrews stating that he thought the pursuit checked. Company I came down near the run to wait there till the knapsacks should be taken and till the column should move. Hardly had they got there when I could hear voices beyond the run. It had been reported to me that orders were being given to infantry. I heard a voice saying, “There they are! there they are! in the road!” As a few shells had been thrown at us when we were in position beyond the run, I thought the enemy might intend some such compliment, and I directed the company which was in column by platoon to break back against the roadsides. The doubt was soon scattered. A galling and severe infantry fire opened on us. Company I replied at once, and with admirable coolness and effect. In spite of their inferior numbers, and of the wounded falling about, they kept their position and maintained their fire. I sent back to Colonel Andrews for support, and parts of Companies C and B in the clover-field on the right of the road soon opened a fire that relieved us speedily.

Company I, however, had lost eight or ten killed or wounded in this sudden and vigorous attack.

We withdrew slowly, the column having now got in motion again. The enemy pressed us only a little way; then all was quiet. When we came to a brick house our wounded were carried into it, and a halt was ordered till ambulances, which were sent for, could be brought back for them.

I posted a line of sentries across the road and in the fields, and posted the reserve of Company I within that line, and the regiment was taking some rest, while Dr. Leland¹ was busy dressing the wounded in the house. After about half an hour the sentries reported sounds as of an advancing column. Upon going back, I found that I could hear it, and so reported to Colonel Andrews. Colonel Andrews expressed an unwillingness to leave the wounded unless we were compelled to do so, and ordered me to return again. I did so; and leaving word with my sentinels to fire at once upon hearing or seeing anything suspicious, I was on my way to report to Colonel Andrews that the enemy were certainly approaching, when I was stopped by a fire from the direction of the sentinels. Immediately a sharp and extended line of fire opened from the enemy's skirmishers close upon us. The column moved at once, as soon as it could be got in order.

Our sentinels and reserve from Company I stood their ground under a second severe fire. Part of Companies B and C were rapidly deployed, and we moved on in retreat. Part of Company D, under Lieutenant Abbott, was unluckily left behind on our right, where they had been deployed as flankers. For a moment they were between two fires, but the fact was discovered in season to avoid disaster. We were compelled, however, to leave Dr. Leland and the wounded prisoners in the hands of the enemy. The enemy pursued us closely beyond Kernstown. Soon after passing that village, I drew in the skirmishers, and followed the column rapidly. We passed our cavalry picket at the tollgate. Between twelve and one o'clock the whole regiment lay down to a dreary bivouac just outside of Winchester on the left of the road.

I met Colonel Gordon on the road, and went with him into town. He sent out his Adjutant, Lieutenant Horton, to attend to the posting of pickets. We went to see General Banks. I had only a few words with him. I told him the nature of the pursuit, and intimated the opinion which I had formed, that an attack would be made at daylight. I got no orders nor any intimation of any plan or purpose for the next day. I went back and lay down by a small fire for about an hour.

Soon after three o'clock, A. M., Colonel Andrews requested me to go into town, to hurry out some ammunition for our regiment. I saw Colonel Gordon, but could get no ammunition. When I came out of Colonel Gordon's room I met a messenger from Colonel Andrews, saying that an attack seemed imminent, and there was no general officer on the field. As I went back to the regiment I met Generals Williams and Hatch, and gave them the message. I then went back to the regiment. I found Colonel Andrews and Colonel Ruger together. I said to the former: “Ought we not to take possession of that ridge?” pointing to the one on the right of the road. Colonel Andrews said, “I have already selected it, but where is Colonel Gordon?” I replied he was coming. The regiment was formed, and Colonel Gordon, on his arrival, sanctioning the position, the regiment moved by the flank, across the road, and up the hillside.

We had just crossed the road when a Rebel regiment, in line (Fifth Virginia), appeared on the ridge, showing that they had anticipated us.

As we moved up the hill Colonel Andrews told me to ride forward, to examine the position. I did so. A fire from some sharpshooters saluted me, and I could see a battery and some regiments opposite the position that we were advancing to occupy. Meantime, Cothren's battery opened on the Fifth Virginia Regiment, and scattered them out of view. The Second Massachusetts moved on to its position, and took the line of a broken stone-wall, the right of the regiment resting on the crest of the hill. The rest of the regiments of the brigade formed on our left down to the pike. The battery was posted on a rise of ground behind our regiment. The Second Massachusetts was ordered to lie down. Part of Company D was deployed on the right as skirmishers. There was a warm fire of artillery and musketry on our position. The three right companies kept up a brisk fire on the battery and infantry opposite; rising and lying down again. Colonel Andrews and I dismounted. We could see one of the enemy's guns deserted. The enemy's pieces, I have since found out, belonged to the Rockbridge artillery. Our fire drove them from their guns, and I have also heard that their loss at this point was considerable. Soon, however, their fire ceased, for the most part, to annoy us; though their battery and ours kept up a rapid interchange over our heads, with more or less effect on both sides.

I happened to notice one or two mounted officers of the enemy pointing and gesticulating in the direction of our right flank, and suggested to Colonel Andrews whether they did not mean to send round a force to flank us. He seemed to think it probable. There was a stone-wall on our right and in front of our line about thirty yards or forty. Colonel Andrews ordered Companies D and I to deploy forward to that wall as skirmishers to protect that flank, and also to observe and harass any movement of the enemy like the one anticipated. At about this time a sharp fire of grape and spherical case, as I suppose, began upon the wall and the field in rear of us. I have since found out that the guns of the Rockbridge artillery were ordered to divide their fire between this wall and the battery to prevent our pushing a regiment up to the wall.

I went forward to the wall, dropping occasionally, as I saw the flash of the enemy's guns, to avoid their somewhat importunate projectiles. It appeared that the expected movement had commenced. There was one piece of low ground where the enemy's flank was exposed in their movement. They then passed behind a wooded knoll which covered them. Colonel Andrews ordered me to go to Colonel Gordon to report the movement. I did so, finding him in a hollow in rear of the centre of the brigade. He directed me to return, and ascertain in what force the enemy were moving. I went out to the wall, and ascertained that two or more regiments had already passed. Our skirmishers were exposed to a sharp fire at the wall. I reported the fact of the number of the enemy moving on our right to Colonel Gordon. He told me to tell Colonel Andrews to throw back the right of the regiment, and he would send up a force to support him. He also directed me to see that some of the artillery moved forward and to the right to play upon the enemy at this point; I was busy attending to these matters.

One of Cothren's pieces was brought forward, our skirmishers were withdrawn from the wall, the Twenty-seventh Indiana and Twenty-ninth Pennsylvania moved up to our right. I had dismounted to go down toward the wall, and was directing the officer in charge of the piece where his fire could be directed with most effect, when I heard a cry. I turned and saw that the Twenty-seventh Indiana, which had just opened its fire, had broken and was running. I saw that the enemy were pouring up the hillside and round on our right. I saw, also, that the Twenty-ninth Pennsylvania had broken and was following the Twenty-seventh Indiana. The enemy were coming on at a run, with yells, but not in any regular order. The officer commanding the piece said to me, “What shall I do? I have got no support for my gun.” “Blaze away at ’em,” said I. “I shall lose my gun,” said he. “Well,” said I, “you must do as you choose.” I turned and found that our regiment was withdrawing. I could not see my horse anywhere, and so I followed on foot. As we passed off the hill the enemy rose on its crest. Their cracking and whistling fire followed us closely. I recollected an unmailed letter in my pocket, and preferring to have it unread, rather than read by hostile eyes, I tore it up as we went down the hill. A few of our men would turn and fire up the hill, reloading as they went on. I delayed a little to applaud their spunk.

But the flight before me and the flight behind me are not reminiscences on which I like to dwell.

We passed down into the edge of the town. As I came along, a young soldier of Company C was wounded in the leg. I gave him my arm, but, finding that he was too much injured to go on, advised him to get into a house, and went on. The regiment was forming in line when I reached it. Before I had time to go to the left, where Colonel Andrews was, the regiment moved off again, and I followed. It now became a run. A fire began to assail us from the cross streets as well as from the rear. I turned in at the Union Hotel Hospital to get on to the next street, but found the same fire there. Just as I was near the edge of the town one of our soldiers called out to me, “Major, I'm shot.” I turned to him, and took him along a few steps, and then took him into a house. I told the people they must take care of him, and laid him down on a bed, and opened his shirt. I then turned to go out, but the butternut soldiery were all around the house, and I quietly sat down. “Under which king,” &c. A soldier soon came in and took me prisoner. I made friendly acquaintance with him. He went with me for a surgeon for my wounded soldier, and also to pick up the overcoat which I had thrown off in the heat. I soon went down with my captor to the Taylor House, where I found Colonel Bradley Johnson, First Maryland Regiment, who took charge of me.

As I came back through the streets secession flags were flying from many of the houses; the town was full of soldiers and rejoicing. I found many of our soldiers prisoners in the court-house yard. I was busy about the wounded, and was allowed to go out to get a dinner.

In the afternoon I went upon the field with some of the prisoners of our regiment and buried our dead: two of our own regiment and two from some other. They were buried under the cedar at the right of our line on the hill, and I read a portion of Scripture over their open grave.²

In the evening I went up to the Academy Hospital, where I found Major Wheat of Wheat's battalion, who took care of me, and with whom I passed the night, and who treated me with the utmost kindness and courtesy.

The next morning (Monday, May 26) Major Wheat took me, together with Colonel Murphy, to breakfast at the Taylor House. There I saw Pendleton, of General Jackson's staff, and through him sent in a request to General Jackson. First, to see him; this was refused. Second, to send information, by a flag, to our friends of our number of prisoners, wounded, and dead; this was refused, on the ground that General Banks, after the battle of Kernstown, took no such step; and, as the aid said, “If it had not been for our private sources of information we could have known nothing of our wounded and prisoners.” Third, for a parole for our soldiers who were suffering from want of food; this was also refused on similar ground to the former. Fourth, then for a parole for myself, to enable me to board at some private house in Winchester; this was granted.

I went to the house of Mr. George Barnhardt, on Braddock Street, where I had stopped when we were in Winchester before.

I was at the Union Hotel Hospital on Tuesday morning, May 27, where our wounded were being collected, when I was delighted to see Colonel Kenly, of the First Maryland, from Front Royal, wounded with a sabre-cut on the head, but not dead, as reported. The Colonel came with me to Mr. Barnhardt's house, and has been with me ever since.

On Wednesday, May 28, I attended the funeral of Sergeant Williams, Company F, who died on Tuesday morning soon after I left him. General Jackson gave permission to eight of the Second Massachusetts prisoners to go out with me as an escort for the burial of their companion.

The number of killed, wounded, and prisoners of the Second Massachusetts may be approximately stated thus: killed, eight; wounded, thirty; prisoners, ninety.

Our men have suffered from want of food, but only because the Confederates had it not to give them.

The wounded are doing well, and are in fine spirits. Company I, especially, is in fine spirits.

It should not be omitted in the record of the scenes of Sunday, that, in the retreat through the town, citizens fired from the houses upon our flying and straggling soldiers.

Within an hour after the Rebel occupation of the town, Confederate flags were flying from windows, the women appeared gayly dressed on the streets, with Confederate colors, and wearing also little flags. The houses were vocal with “Maryland! my Maryland!” and “The Bonnie Blue Flag!”

There is little doubt, however, that the Rebel loss far exceeded ours. The hospitals are crowded with their wounded. They lost, also, many officers. Their wounded are much more severely wounded than ours. I have heard that the official reports show the loss on Sunday to be ninety-six killed and one hundred and ninety-two wounded.

I got, from conversations with various officers and soldiers, certain interesting facts connected with the pursuit and retreat. I inquired about the charge of cavalry near Bartonsville. “Who was it ambuscaded us there?” was their inquiry. And it seemed, from further conversation, that it was a serious interruption of their advance, and a cause of loss to them. It led them to bring forward their infantry, which gave us a fortunate delay to get our knapsacks. At General Jackson's head-quarters I saw the Lieutenant-Colonel of the Fifth or Second Virginia Regiment. He asked, with interest, who it was that was at the run near Bartonsville. I told him I had that honor. He said that he had three companies deployed there of his regiment, and he added that he did not care to fight us again in the dark. Privates of the Fifth and Second Virginia reported that Jackson told them they should be in Winchester on Saturday night. The Fifth and Second are from the neighborhood of Winchester, and were coming home. Some unexplained cause led Jackson to hold them back at Newtown, otherwise they would have attacked us there.

In the battle on Sunday morning, it was Taylor's Louisiana brigade that went round to our right. Wheat's battalion was a part of that command, and he told me about the movement. Jackson had a very large force, eight or ten thousand men, moving on the pike. On our left was a part of Ewell's force, which engaged the First Brigade. One of their regiments (a North Carolina regiment) suffered severely from the fire of the Fifth Connecticut; but their force swept into the town even before the Louisiana brigade turned our right.

Jackson's forces were so jaded and worn down that they could not keep up the pursuit. The infantry was halted about four miles from town. The cavalry continued the pursuit. The colonels of the infantry regiments kept sending word to Jackson that their men could not keep on. Jackson had been marching his men without baggage, almost without food, from Franklin, where he had engaged Milroy. He crossed the Massanattan Gap at New Market, kept up the Valley at Front Royal. The number of his forces must have been between twenty and thirty thousand. It consisted of Ewell's and Johnson's (Edward) and his own command. They pushed rapidly on, and were promised that they should go into Maryland!

The young soldier who took possession of me was on foot, but he told me he belonged to the Second Virginia Cavalry. “Where is your horse?” said I. “He was shot last night when we were ambuscaded,” was the reply. Then I informed him that we shot him.

To-night (Friday evening, May 30) there is every evidence of alarm and retreat on the part of our captors. We are expecting every kind of good news, and hoping that they will be too late to carry us off on their retreat.

_______________

¹ Dr. Francis Leland, Surgeon of the Second Massachusetts Infantry.

² Four years later, almost on the very anniversary of this burial, friends of Major Dwight sought and found the consecrated spot. They were guided thither by a man from the immediate vicinity, who, when asked if he remembered, on Sunday afternoon, after General Banks's retreat in May, 1862, seeing a Union officer with some of his men, under a Rebel guard, come out upon the hill yonder to bury four Union soldiers, replied, “I should think I ought to remember it; I helped to dig the graves.” The cedar had been recently cut down, but the stump remained, and beside it were the four graves. The bodies had only the week before been removed to a soldiers' cemetery in Winchester, and those who visited the spot stood, as Major Dwight had stood, over the open graves. The form of the bodies was distinctly visible, and outside the graves were portions of the blankets in which they were wrapped, the visor of one of their caps, and other relics of them. Nearby was the “broken stone-wall,” behind which the two of the buried men belonging to the Second Massachusetts had perished, and within sight were all the most interesting points connected with the battle and the retreat.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 252-63

Major Wilder Dwight: Monday, March 25, 1862

winchester, Virginia, March 25, 1862.

A blue March morning, and I have just returned from the battle-field. A sight to forget. I question much if description of it is well. You may fancy the scattered dead through woods and over hillsides.

The oddest coincidence of blunders brought about a battle.

Banks's division had left Winchester on Saturday noon. Shields drew back from Strasburg, and had gone on the back of the town (Winchester). No forces or pickets were on the Strasburg road on that side of the town.

On Saturday evening there was some skirmishing by Ashby's cavalry, in which Shields was wounded. It seems that Jackson had been informed that every one had left the town. His skirmish on Saturday failed to develop any large force.

On Sunday, therefore, the fight commenced by our and their artillery. It continued through the day till half past three without any development of infantry on their side. At three o'clock General Banks, supposing it to be only Ashby's cavalry, with a few pieces of artillery, continuing his system of annoyance, went to Harper's Ferry. But, at about four o'clock, Jackson, with his infantry, attempted to turn our right by sending round over a ridge through the woods. No one was in command of our forces. Colonel Kimball, the ranking colonel of Shields's forces, was, so to speak, in charge of the battle. Shields was abed in town. The staff were galloping about, and the soldiers fought like heroes. General Banks had gone to Harper's Ferry. Jackson had put his artillery on the commanding ridge on his left. He had two regiments of infantry behind a stone-wall in rear of the batteries. Here was the sharp fighting. We sent round our force to turn their position and take their artillery. It was done. Then they tried to retake it. Their force came over a hill, and fired over our men. Our men shot up at them and took them in the head and breast. The woods are torn and shivered by musketry and cannon. Thirty men in Confederate homespun, shot in the head, lie in this wood. Their upturned faces seemed to me looking reproach at Jeff Davis. The fight lasted till dark, when Jackson withdrew, leaving us the field and two pieces of artillery and five caissons; leaving also his dead and wounded and two hundred and fifty prisoners in our hands.

Both parties had blundered, — they, by acting on our retreat; we, by acting on his retreat. The upshot is a glorious victory for us. I have just come back from a sad visit to the hospitals; seeing wounded, dying, and dead, Rebels and Loyalists lying side by side, and receiving equal care. The loss on our side is one hundred or more killed, and two to three hundred wounded. Theirs is nearly three hundred killed and probably five hundred wounded. Everything shows how easy it is to kill a great many men by shooting very often! Jackson's men, as some of their wounded state, came down expecting to find Winchester empty. They consider our actual movement a feint. Some of their troops marched two days, and came into action late in the afternoon. I give you my impressions.

We go to Strasburg to-morrow. We shall meet no opposition. We left a door open, and in came Jackson. We must not leave another door open. That's the moral of this story. The sheer fighting of our men saved us. Good by. Love to all at home.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 216-8

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Thursday, March 27, 1862

A wintry morning — snow two or three inches deep, ground frozen; the ninth day since this equinoctial set in. P. M. The sun came out bright and warm about 9 A. M.; the snow melted away, and before night the ground became [began] to dry off so that by night we had a very fair battalion drill.

News of a battle near Winchester in which General Shields was wounded. Union victories. I am gradually drifting to the opinion that this Rebellion can only be crushed finally by either the execution of all the traitors or the abolition of slavery. Crushed, I mean, so as to remove all danger of its breaking out again in the future. Let the border States, in which there is Union sentiment enough to sustain loyal State Governments, dispose of slavery in their own way; abolish it in the premanently disloyal States, in the cotton States — that is, set free the slaves of Rebels. This will come, I hope, if it is found that a stubborn and prolonged resistance is likely to be made in the cotton States. President Lincoln's message recommending the passage of a resolution pledging the aid of the general Government to States which shall adopt schemes of gradual emancipation, seems to me to indicate that the result I look for is anticipated by the Administration. I hope it is so.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 218-9

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: August 11, 1864

Sheridan's and Early's troops are fighting in the Valley. We suffered a disaster near Martinsburg, and our troops fell back to Strasburg; had a fight on the old battle-ground at Kernstown, and we drove the enemy through Winchester to Martinsburg, which our troops took possession of. Poor Winchester, how checkered its history throughout the war! Abounding with patriotism as it is, what a blessing it must be to have a breath of free air, even though it be for a short time! Their welcome of our soldiers is always so joyous, so bounding, so generous! How they must enjoy the blessed privilege of speaking their own sentiments without having their servants listening and acting as spies in their houses, and of being able to hear from or write to their friends! Oh! I would that there was a prospect of their being disenthralled forever.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 284-5

1st Lieutenant Charles Fessenden Morse, June 3, 1862

June 3, 1862.

Last night, as we officers were sitting around our tents after supper, we suddenly heard a shout from the further side of the camp of “Major! the Major!” which was instantly taken up all over the field, followed by a rush of the men towards the guard tent: we all followed, and, passing across the lines, discovered the Major coming up the hill to camp, in a little old wagon. I wish you could have heard the shout the men set up when he fairly came in reach of them. They finally made a rush at him; it seemed as if they would tear him to pieces in their eagerness to touch his hand or some part of him; every cap was off and every face was on the broad grin. When he did get through the men, Colonel Gordon got hold of him and shook his hands and hugged him in the heartiest and most affectionate way; so he was passed along until all had given him a greeting.

After a short time spent in congratulations, Major Dwight returned to the men, who had not yet dispersed and were watching his every movement. He made a short speech, and then proceeded to give an account of every man of the regiment who was killed, wounded, or a prisoner. He had attended the burial, himself, of all of our dead, and had visited the wounded, who were all doing well. He was able to contradict entirely all stories of the rebel soldiers' cruelties; they had not killed a single wounded man, but had treated them kindly; the citizens were much worse than the soldiers. When he spoke of Company I and their large number of killed and wounded, he said he could not help asking for three cheers for their gallant conduct at the Kernstown bridge on Saturday night; they were given with a will. The Major mentioned each of the wounded by name, and had something pleasant to say about almost every one relating to some little peculiarities, which the men understood.

After Major Dwight had finished, Colonel Gordon made a few remarks, ending by calling for three cheers for the Major. Three times three and a “tiger” were given, and the men dispersed, happy as they could be. One of the pleasantest things that has developed by our late action is the kindly feeling shown by the men to the officers; they have learned their dependence on them, and have confidence now in their pluck and willingness to share every danger with them.

We received a great deal of interesting information from the Major, — none more so than this: Major Wheat, of a Louisiana battalion, told Major Dwight that on Saturday night their loss must have been ten to our one, and he wanted to know what regiment it was that was ambuscaded all along the road; he said that after their cavalry had been driven back, the Second and Fifth Virginia regiments had been ordered to the front, and it was with them that we did most of our fighting that night. Their loss was very heavy, including a number of officers.

Major Dwight was taken prisoner in Winchester; he had just helped a wounded man into a house and was surrounded by rebel cavalry before he could get away. He surrendered in the cool manner he does everything. He made friends with everybody and succeeded in getting paroled; he left this morning for Washington with his brother, to try and effect his exchange. Drs. Stone and Leland have both been unconditionally released. L. is still at Winchester, taking care of our wounded. The correct statement about our company is, one killed, four wounded, and twelve prisoners. Jackson and his army are disheartened; they did not entertain a doubt but that they would capture Banks and his division, bag and baggage, and then make a foray into Maryland, but by good luck, we got out of this scrape with pretty whole skins. Captain Mudge is at Frederick; his wound is very painful. Crowinshield will be able to be moved in a few days and will go home. Major Dwight saw over a hundred of their dead buried Sunday.

I have just come in from a brigade review, almost melted; two mortal hours have we stood under a scorching sun, ready to drop.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 64-6

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: Tuesday. September 16, 1862

The papers to-day give no account of our army in Maryland. General Loring has been successful in the Kanawha Valley, in driving the enemy, taking prisoners, and 5,000 stand of arms, etc. Our success in the West still continues. Kentucky is represented to be in a flame of excitement. General Kirby Smith asks for 20,000 stand of arms to be sent him to arm Kentuckians, who are rushing to his standard. Cincinnati preparing for defence, etc.

Yesterday I was surprised and delighted to see my nephew, W. B. C. After passing through the bloody fight at Manassas, he found he could not march into Maryland, in consequence of the soreness of his wound received last spring at Kernstown. He gives a graphic account of our army's trials, tribulations, and successes at Manassas. Our dear ones all passed safely through the fights.

Winchester once more disenthralled. My dear S. B. S. about to return to her home there — but in what state will she find it? When Jackson drove Banks down the Valley, Dr. S., in passing through Winchester, stepped into the open door of his house; found it had been Banks's headquarters; the floors covered with papers torn up in haste; the remnant of the General's breakfast on the dining-room table, and other unmistakable signs of a recent and very hurried departure.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 154-5

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: March 29, 1862

After much anxiety, more authentic information from the “Valley” received this morning. We gave them a good fight, but the field was left in the enemy's hand. Poor, noble Winchester, to what degradation is she brought! Our dear W. B. C.^[1] was shot through the hip; the wound painful, but not mortal; he was carried to Staunton, and his mother has gone to him. The rest of our own peculiar “boys” are safe, but many lives were lost. It is thought that a great crisis is at hand. The Peninsula is the place appointed by rumour for a great battle. The croakers dread much from their numbers; my trust is in One who can save by many or by few.

______________

^[1] William Brockenbrough Colston, son of Judith W. (Brockenbrough) McGuire’s sister, Sarah Jane Brockenbrough and her husband, Edward Colston.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 103-4

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: March 27, 1862

This has been a day of uneasiness to us all. General Jackson has had a fight at Kernstown, near Winchester. No particulars, except that the enemy were repulsed, and our loss heavy. Many that are so dear to us are in that “Stonewall Brigade;” and another day of suspense must pass before we can hear from them. Our Western army under Beauregard are fighting at Island No. 10, with what success we know not. The enemy presses us on every side.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 103

Major General Thomas J. Jackson to Mary Anna Morrison Jackson, April 11, 1862

April 11th.

I am very much concerned at having no letter this week, but my trust is in the Almighty. How precious is the consolation flowing from the Christian's assurance that “all things work together for good to them that love God!”  . . . God gave us a glorious victory in the Southwest¹, but the loss of the great Albert Sidney Johnston is to be mourned. I do not remember having ever felt so sad at the death of a man whom I had never seen.  . . . Although I was repulsed in the attempt to recover Winchester, yet the enemy's loss appears to have been three times that of ours. In addition to this, the great object which required me to follow up the enemy, as he fell back from Strasburg, seems to have been accomplished very thoroughly. I am well satisfied with the result. Congress has passed a vote of thanks, and General Johnston has issued a very gratifying order upon the subject, one which will have a fine effect upon my command. The great object to be acquired by the battle demanded time to make known its accomplishments. Time has shown that while the field is in possession of the enemy, the most essential fruits of the battle are ours. For this and all of our Heavenly Father's blessings, I wish I could be ten thousand times more thankful. Should any report be published, my views and object in fighting and its fruits will then become known. You appear much concerned at my attacking on Sunday. I was greatly concerned, too; but I felt it my duty to do it, in consideration of the ruinous effects that might result from postponing the battle until the morning. So far as I can see, my course was a wise one; the best that I could do under the circumstances, though very distasteful to my feelings; and I hope and pray to our Heavenly Father that I may never again be circumstanced as on that day. I believed that so far as our troops were concerned, necessity and mercy both called for the battle. I do hope the war will soon be over, and that I shall never again have to take the field. Arms is a profession that, if its principles are adhered to for success, requires an officer to do what he fears may be wrong, and yet, according to military experience, must be done, if success is to be attained. And this fact of its being necessary to success, and being accompanied with success, and that a departure from it is accompanied with disaster, suggests that it must be right. Had I fought the battle on Monday instead of Sunday, I fear our cause would have suffered; whereas, as things turned out, I consider our cause gained much from the engagement.

_______________

¹ At Shiloh.

SOURCE: Mary Anna Jackson, Life and Letters of General Thomas J. Jackson (Stonewall Jackson), p. 248-9

From Winchester

WINCHESTER, March 30. – The following wounded died yesterday and to-day, and were buried:

Michael Martin, 67th Ohio; unknown 29; Wm. Whitney, 13th Indiana; Isaac Jackson, 27th Ohio, died of fever; A. L. Brown, 8th Ohio and one unknown; another unknown – on his clothes were the initials “T. O. W.”  Wallace Calhoun, 7th Ohio; E. K. Bruce, 7th Ohio – his body has been delivered to his friends.

Previous to the forgoing, our losses stood as follows: killed and died of wounds, 103; wounded, 441; missing, 24.

Only a few reports of the detailed regiments, have been yet received, owing to the distant and scattered position of the regiments. – Three or four days will elapse before the full list of names can be received.  The wounded are now contained in two hospitals, and are under the immediate charge of Dr. Bryant, Medical Director of the Division of Gen. Shields.

About 230 sick and wounded prisoners have been sent to Frederick.  Sixty wounded rebel soldiers have been taken from the hospital and placed in the houses of their friends on their parole to report on their recovery to the nearest commanding officer.  Our wounded are reported as generally doing well.  They number about three hundred.

The statement in the newspapers that Major Perkins on the staff of Maj. Gen. Banks was instrumental in planning the battle, is contradicted, although his presence and advice were of great service to Col. Kimball who commands in the field under directions from Gen. Shields. – Medical Director King of the Medical Corps, and surgeon Jackson of the 29th Penn, who were present as volunteers rendered effective and in clearing the field of wounded.  Gustave Arnherm of the Zouaves acted as aid to col. Baum, chief of Shields’ artillery and was seriously wounded in the leg.

The following is a complete list of the casualties in the 5th Ohio: Killed – Privates Pleasant Brown, J. W. Richaus, Chas. Gill, Wm. H. Hagart, Henry Hall, Martin Holley, Henry Schpfer, Peter Hoper, Wm. B. Majors.  Corporals Chas. Talbot, J. B. Shannon, Samuel B. Isdell.  Captain Joel Whitcom.  Sergeant David Johnson.

WINCHESTER, March 31. – The report that the wounded in the late battle near Winchester were neglected, is unfounded.  Surgeon Keney medical inspector, U. S. A., reports that they are well quartered and well treated by the surgeons of the Division, and generally doing well.  Gen. Shields has so far recovered as to be able to start for Strasburgh to-morrow.  Some firing was heard by the officers in Strasburgh yesterday, apparently in the direction of Jackson’s rendezvous.  The cause is not yet known.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 4

The Battle of Winchester

The Cleveland Herald has the following account of the battle of Winchester by an eye witness:

THE BATTLE

For ten days previous to the fight skirmishing had been going on, and on Sunday afternoon when about three miles from Winchester, the rebel General Jackson ordered his men to attack us on the right, and turn our flank, thus to take Winchester.  At this same time Gen. Shields ordered his men to turn the enemy’s left flank, which movements were executed simultaneously, thereby bringing on a general engagement.  The combatants were not more than two hundred yards apart when the fighting commenced, and as usual the rebels were behind a stone wall, from which they opened a murderous fire on our unprotected men.  After the fight commenced there were but few orders given and it soon turned into a free fight, going on the principle, “every man for himself, and the devil will take the hindmost.”

There were about 6,000 on each side, and it was a fair test of Northern vs. Southern valor the result showing that “mudsills” can fight. – Wishing to dislodge the enemy from their strong position behind the stone fence, which they occupied two hours, Col. Tyler ordered the 7th Ohio to charge.  At the enemy they went giving a most unearthly yell, and away scouted the rebels, coat tails flying and muskets trailing.

They rallied on a slight knoll after running a short distance, when our boys gave them “a hair of the dog that bit them,” which routed them again.  The 7th captured in this second charge, two field pieces, which was presented them for their valor.  They fought splendidly, as steadily as veterans as they are, and Col. Tyler behaved in the most gallant manner.  The officers were cool and collected, and the men intrepid and daring.  Being on the extreme right, they received the first and most destructive fire. – The battle commenced at 3 o’clock Sunday afternoon, and lasted precisely 3 hours and 47 minutes.  The Ohio 5th, 7th, 8th, Indiana 7th and Pennsylvania 110th, bore the brunt of it, with the 1st Virginia; and all fought desperately.  Colonel Daum, the Chief of Artillery, fought with the Ohio 7th.  For two hours it seemed about an even thing, the chances being against up, but the charge of the 7th Ohio, to their honor be it said, won the day.

The retreat of the rebels soon became a rout and our balls did fearful execution as they ran.  Their dead and wounded were scattered from Winchester to Strasburg, every farm house being filled with the wounded and dying. – They carried the dead in wagons, but when too closely followed, they killed their mules and piled the dead on the ground, and left them for our men to bury.  The mortality among them was fearful, over 300 being killed and many wounded.  They fought desperately, but could not resist Northern valor.

THE SCENES OF THE BATTLE-FIELD AND THE HOSPITAL.

(Correspondence of the New York World.)

The enemy fought well, and it is useless and untrue to speak lightly of their bravery. – They fought well and held out long against the superior firing and daring of our forces, as their immense loss makes very evident.

No wonder Stone-wall Jackson thinks it was a desperate fight.  I am informed, by one of the staff of Gen. Shields, who has just returned from the track of their retreat, that, as far as he moved, the enemy’s dead were found strewn along the turnpike.  For twenty-four hours from the beginning of the fight the enemy were burying their dead.  In one barn along the road there had been left fifty, all but eight of whom were buried.  The estimate of their loss is carefully made, and is very nearly accurate without doubt.

The scene of the conflict is terrible.  Civilians are generally prevented from visiting for the present.  It is impossible to describe the scene so as to give a realization of its ghastliness and terror, which any one ought to blush not to perceive while walking amid the remnants of humanity which are scattered about.  Bodies in all the frightful attitudes which a violent and frightful death could produce, stained with blood, mangled and lacerated perhaps, often begrimed and black, lay scattered here and there, sometimes almost in heaps.

Some had crawled away when wounded to a comfortable place to die.  Two men lay almost covered with straw, into which they had scrambled and lay until death released them.  In the woods through which our troops had to pass to charge the rebels lie the largest number of our dead, and beyond on the other side of the wall from behind which they poured their volleys of balls at our men, large numbers of the rebels lie, pierced in the forehead or face as they rose above their hiding place to shoot at the Federals.  There is a peculiar ghastliness in the appearance of the enemy’s dead.  Did not their dress distinguish them, their faces would enable one instantly to tell which were Federals and which not.  One would think they were all Indians so very dark had they become by their exposure, sleeping without tents as they did for a long time at the beginning of the war.

One who has not seen it can not tell what it is to see a battle field.

If there is anything more dreadful it is a visit to the hospitals after a battle.

In the Court House are placed a large number of the wounded of our own and the enemy’s without discrimination, and in several places in town, hospitals have been established since the battle.  It is difficult to compel one’s self to dwell long enough upon the scenes witnessed here, of the dying and dead, to give them a faithful description.  Surgeons and attendants have been constantly at labor, without rest, in attending to the unfortunate soldiers in the hospitals.

Yet, after all their efforts, it was long before many of the wounded could be properly cared for and their wounds properly dressed.

The Court room was filled with the sufferers lying upon the floor, so many that it was difficult to pass among them.  Among them was the Confederate Captain Jones, who had both eyes shot out, and whose face, covered thickly with clotted blood, presented the most repulsive and pitiable sight which one could well behold.  Some, from loss of blood were swollen, distorted and discolored.  Some, indeed were cheerful, and rejoicing that while their comrades were many of them so seriously injured their slight wounds [would] soon heal and become honorable scars, testifying their patriotism and loyalty.  But the majority of those which I saw here were dangerous wounds, and some were to suffer amputations, and their fellow soldiers about them, suffering from their own wounds, were obliged to listen to their cries and groans, and to hear the grating of the surgeon’s saw, a premonitory of their own hard fate.  I saw many in the agonies of death. – One, who was seated and raised half upright, haunts me now with his pale sorrowful, countenance.  He was almost dead, and every moment would raise his head, open his eyes, and stare vacantly around as if he would assure himself that he had not yet lost all sense of sight.

Here, also, lay some who had just died, and as I passed through the hall a gray-haired guard, resting upon his musket, with a solemn grave countenance, was standing beside a number of dead, in the attitude of a death struggle, each with a paper pinned to his clothing, stating the name, regiment, etc., of the deceased.

Many ladies of the town were seen visiting all the hospitals.  Must it be said that their anxiety was to find out the Confederate prisoners only, and administer to them the comforts which they did not extend to our own? – Can it be, in such a case, that humanity can so distinguish between friend and foe stricken down by suffering and death?  Yet many have observed the unconcern for Federal sufferers and the anxiety and care for the Confederates which was very generally exhibited at our hospitals.  The people of the place have displayed more sullenness and hatred toward us since this battle, ten times over, than they ever have before, and when the approach of Jackson on Winchester was reported, the people, many of them were exultant and triumphant, thinking that Jackson was immediately about to march in and redeem them

When the rebel prisoners were being sent away to Baltimore, the ladies in town sought to lighten the imprisonment by bringing delicacies to them, and little presents – and their disloyalty was manifested openly, the men assuring the fair ones that they were still for Jeff. Davis.  All who had started for Fairfax Court House have returned to Winchester. – The breaking down of the bridge was the principal event.  One brigade had passed over on the previous (Friday) night, and a few had gone over in the morning, but as the baggage train was crossing the bridge broke under the weight of one of the wagons – fortunately near the commencement of the bridge, however. – This part had not been properly strengthened.  The mules splashed about, and the two leaders were drowned in the rapid current.  The bridge appeared quite frail, but I am informed that except at this end it is quite substantial.  Several boats were fortunately at hand and these were anchored, and beams were thrown across and planks placed upon them, and after about four hour’s delay the whole was placed in good contention.  This was quite fortunate, however, for as they were called back to Winchester it was well that they were saved the advance of four hours and the return over the same route, which they would have made had the bridge been in good order.

People crowded the streets to see the soldiers pass and were wonderfully amazed at a very novel sight, for though they had seen soldiers before, they had never seen such as those.  “Such perfect gentlemen,” said they in [astonishment. Their uniform and appearance was] in such contrast to what they had seen of the Southern army that I found it the general impression that our soldiers were a “very genteel” class of men.  Our cavalry horses, too, impressed them.  At some places the most hearty Union feeling was manifested.  Many a duck, goose, turkey, and chicken disappeared before our troops, yet we were so much more generally well behaved that the people expressed the greatest surprise at the order which was manifested by our soldiers.

But this march was very unexpectedly cut short, and will not probably be resumed at present, as I understand that Strasburg is now the headquarters of Gen. Banks.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 3

The Expected Blow

Very much of the new we reprint from the rebel journals we interpret by the rule of contraries, so that their averment that Beauregard has gone to New Orleans, of instance, persuades us that he will soon turn up a good way from that city.  Still, we are inclined to believe their late story that Jeff. Davis has set out for the South West, because, many reasons concur in designating that as his most desirable locality.  We believe the Rebels will not meet our great Potomac Army in open battle, but will [wait] for opportunities to attack portions of it in superior force, as lately as Winchester; but should no such be afforded them, they will gradually retire as our main body advances, hoping only to detain it in Virginia until the season is too far advanced and the heat too fervid for offensive operations in the Cotton States.  Such seems to be the general purpose of the present Rebel strategy in Virginia.

On the other hand, we see much that indicates a determination on the part of Secession chiefs to strike a sudden and heavy blow in the South-West.  They are evidently concentrating their forces at Corinth or some other point near the south line of Tennessee, with intent to hurl the great mass of them suddenly on an exposed detachment of ours, thus repeating the lesson of Bull Run, Wilson’s Creek, and Lexington.  We Trust they are to be baffled in this game by the cautious energy of Gen. Halleck; and, if they should not be able to fight at the advantage they meditate, we believe they will make a virtue of necessity, and fight a desperate battle any how, hoping by success to recover Tennessee, or at any rate protect “the South proper” form invasion and restoration to the Union.  The vigor and skill of our generals are quite likely to interfere with these calculations; but we are satisfied that, if left to their own devices, the Rebel chiefs will not soon fight a great battle in Virginia, but will fight one in the South-West.

The “Anaconda” plan of surrounding and crushing a rebellion exposes those who adopt it to great and obvious hazards.  Since Napoleon’s early campaign, every tyro in the art of war understands that the first canon is, “Be strongest at the point of actual and decisive conflict, no matter how weak everywhere else.”  The rebels profited by their fidelity to this rule at Bull Run, and in most of their triumphs, as we have since done at Fort Donelson, Roanoke Island, &c.  To comprehend the value and importance of this rule is easy enough; to obey and profit by it requires a mastery of the military art.  But the rebels, holding the inferior position and operating upon much the shorter lines of communication, can conform to it more easily than the Unionists who confront them.  And only a most resolute offensive on all points can prevent an army engaged in active operations, as has been recently witnessed.  And their advantage of position is so fairly counterbalanced by our command of the seas and our superiority in both gunboats and transports on the Western rivers, that it should not, and probably will not, be allowed to prove of much avail.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 3

The correspondence of the New York Herald . . .

. . . from Winchester, Va., contains the following:

There were many deeds of heroism performed on the battle field.  While the Fifth Ohio was charging against the enemy, the color bearer was five times shot down; yet another instantly replaced him at the risk of his life.  The last color bearer was a private Named T. B. Isdell.  The flag staff was broken, yet the glorious banner never ceased to float in triumph over the gallant regiment.

It is highly appropriate that Vallandigham, the man who joined Breckinridge in attempting to rouse the secessionists of Baltimore, who was booted out of the camps of regiments from his own state as a traitor, who has rebel camps named after him, who is eulogized by rebel journals as the most steadfast of their Northern friends, should be selected to report resolutions calling for a resuscitation of the Democratic party, under present circumstances.

The Southern Methodist Book Concern, at Nashville, Tenn., has been closed, and the editors removed from the city.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 3

Battle At Winchester!

Combined Armies of Jackson, Smith and Longstreet Totally Routed!

A REBELL BULL RUN.

WASHINGTON, March 23. – Propositions for building gunboats for western waters thus far received by the War Department are all found to draw too much water.

Telegraph dispatches received here from Winchester, dated last night nine and a half, says a slight skirmish occurred this P. M. a mile and a half from Winchester, on the Strasburg road between a portion of Gen. Shields’ troops and Rebel cavalry, and four pieces of artillery. – The enemy retreated with some loss as soon as our guns opened fire.

One of our men was killed.  Gen. Shields is slightly injured in the left arm, also in the elbow from a fragment of shell.

SECOND DISPATCH.

WINCHESTER, March 23, P. M. – We have achieved a complete victory over Jackson.  Taken two guns and caissons, killed about one hundred rebels and wounded twice as many more.  Our loss probably is not over one hundred and fifty killed and wounded.

The enemy is in full retreat.

THIRD DISPATCH.

We have achieved a glorious victory over the combined forces of Jackson, Smith and Longstreet.  The battle was fought within four miles of Winchester and lasted from 10½ this A. M. until dark.

The enemy numbered about fifteen thousand.  Our force was not over eight thousand.

The enemy’s loss is double that of ours.  We captured large numbers of prisoners.  The ground is strewn with their muskets thrown away in flight.  Our cavalry is still in pursuit of the flying rebels.  Particulars cannot be ascertained till to-morrow morning.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 4

From Winchester and Strasburg

WASHINGTON, March 25. – A dispatch received here late last night from Winchester says that Gen. Banks was then two miles from Strasburg, which place he intended to take to-day.

WASHINGTON, March 25. – Information received her shows that our army was at Strasburgh [sic] this morning and that the retreat of the enemy is a fight.  No details of the battle at Winchester have yet been received.

Officers of the army and correspondents were too busy yesterday pursuing the rebels to find time to give information to the public regarding the battle.  Our army encamped last night several miles distant from any telegraph station.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 4

The Battle of Winchester

WINCHESTER, March 26. – The following as near as can be ascertained, are the number of wounded at the battle of Sunday last:

In the 7th Ohio, 45; 29th, 8; 5th, 19; 69th, 24; 8th, 19.   In the 7th Indiana, 11; 13th, 13; 14th, 12.  In the 84th Penn’a, 40; 101st, 16. – In the 1st Virginia, 6.  In the 28th Ney York, 1.  In the 1st Ohio battery, 29; 29th Penn’a, 15; 3d Wisconsin 2.  The loss of the balance has not yet been received, but the number is believed to be 105 all told.

All is quiet at Strasburg to-night.

The following is Gen. Banks’ general order relative to the battle on Sunday:

HEADQUARTERS 5th Army Corps,

Strasburg, March 26, 1862.

The Commanding General of the 5th Army Corps, congratulates the officers and soldiers of Gen. Shields’ division and its gallant commander for the auspicious and decisive victory gained over the rebels on the 23d inst.  The Division has achieved renown against superior forces and a subtle enemy.

(Signed)

N. P. BANKS, Maj. General

HEADQUARTERS Gen. Shields’ Division,

WINCHESTER.

General Order No. 11.

Brig. Gen. Shields congratulates toe officers and soldiers of the Division upon the glorious victory achieved by them on the 23d inst., Near Winchester, Virginia.  They defeated an enemy whose forces outnumbered theirs, and who are considered the bravest and best disciplined of the Confederate army.  He also congratulates them that it has fallen to their lot to open the campaign on the Potomac.  The opening has been a splendid success.  Let them inscribe “Winchester” on their banners and prepare for other victories.

(Signed)

Brig. General SHIELDS.

Capt. Norman, of the 23d Virginia, died this morning after having his leg amputated.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 3

Gen. Shields’ Report

WASHINGTON, March 26. The following dispatch from Gen. Shields to Senator Rice, dated to-day at Winchester, was read in the Senate this p. m.

On the morning of the 23d, my command, 7,000 or 8,000 strong was attacked near this place by Jackson with 11 regiments of infantry and a battalion of about 1,500 cavalry, and 28 pieces of artillery.

After a severe fight, the enemy was put in complete route, leaving behind two pieces of cannon, and a large number of small arms, and about 200 prisoners.  Our loss is 150 killed and 300 wounded.  The enemy’s loss is 500 killed and 1,000 wounded.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 3

Specials to the New York Papers

(Special to Tribune.)

WASHINGTON, March 25. – The senate Committee on Foreign Relations reported a bill to-day requiring the allegiance of Americans in Europe who may select passports from our Consuls and Ministers.

The debate on Slavery both in the Senate and House was very bitter to-day. Republicans generally voted against taxing slaves.

Mr. Blenker was to-day restored to his position.  This is a victory over Schurz, who desired his place.

The Tax bill was only amended to-day by placing license on dentists of ten dollars per year.

The circulation of the National Republican and Tribune has been forbidden among the regular troops of the army of the Potomac on the ground that articles against McClellan are calculated to incite an insurrectionary spirit.

The commanding officers of various companies have issued official orders to-day that no boats will be allowed to visit Mount Vernon.

The Committee on Naval Affairs determined to-day to report a bill for the construction of iron-clad steamers.

The City Council made an earnest remonstrance against the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia.

The victory at Winchester turns out to be one of the most brilliant of the war.

(Times’ Despatch.)

WASHINGTON, March 25. – It appears that Secretary Stanton, late on Monday night, concluded to forego his purpose to order the arrest of the editors of certain New York and Boston papers.

Advices received from Fortress Monroe are quite conclusive that the Merrimac is out of the dry dock and prepared to run out when she chooses.  The Monitor is on hand.

(World’s dispatch.)

The main body of the rebel army cannot be very far distant as it is known that scouting parties have been discovered within the past 24 hours but a short distance from Manassas Junction.

Appearances indicate that the enemy are strongly fortified behind the line of the Rappahannock.

(Herald’s dispatch.)

Gen. Sumner has issued an important order, prohibiting acts of marauding.  He assures the people of Virginia that their only safety is the General Government, and that it will be his constant endeavor to protect them in their lives and property to the extent of his power.

The General has also determined to accept no resignations in his corps during the campaign.

(Tribune Special.)

WASHINGTON, March 26. – Gen. Halleck’s commissioners appointed to visit the Ft. Donelson prisoners at Chicago had reported the names of one thousand rebels as adverse to taking the oath of allegiance, but Schuyler Colfax protested against their release on these or any other terms, and the President revoked the commission and prohibited the discharge of any more rebels.

(World Specials.)

A gentleman named Pollock reach here to-day having come from Culpepper, Va., near where the rebel army now lies.  He is known in Washington as a reliable and intelligent gentleman.  Mr. Pollock states that in the vicinity from which he came there is a loyal insurrection among the white people who are bitter in their opposition to the rule of Jeff Davis.  The people he says feel that the rebel cause is hopelessly lost since the retreat from their stronghold at Manassas.  The rebel defeat at Winchester has also depressed them.  Though every effort was made to conceal the news from the public and that portion of the army which were not engaged in the fight, he doubts whether the rebels will have pluck to make a stand if they are attacked at Gordonsville.

(Post Specials.)

A few days since the pickets along the lower Potomac and the Chesapeake Bay were driven by Gen. Hooker.  The rebel sympathizers in tory Maryland took this as an indication that the U. S. forces were about to leave and immediately commenced to send their slaves to Virginia for the rebel service.  This perfidy did not escape the vigilance of the General who immediately ordered the arrest of some six our eight of the ringleaders, who were among the most prominent citizens of that section of Maryland.  They will be handed over to the authorities at Washington with the evidence against them, which is said to be of the most conclusive character.

The following nominations by the President were referred to the Military Committee: Ward B. Burnett, of N. Y., Carl Schurz of Wis., M. S. Haskell of Ind. John W. Geary of Pa., Horace Warden of Ill., J. T. Bradford of Ky., James D. Hutchins of Ky., Alonzo J. Phelps of Ohio, and S. M. Hamilton of Ill.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 3

Official Reports of the Battle of Shiloh: No. 10. Col. Marcellus M. Crocker, 13th Iowa Infantry

No. 10.

Report of Col. Marcellus M. Crocker, Thirteenth Iowa Infantry.

HDQRS. THIRTEENTH REGIMENT IOWA INFANTRY VOLS.,

Camp near Pittsburg, Tenn., April 8, 1862.

SIR: I have the honor to report the part taken by the Thirteenth Regiment Iowa Volunteer Infantry in the engagement with the enemy on the 6th and 7th instant.

Early in the morning of the 6th the alarm was given, and heavy firing in the distance indicated that our camp was attacked. The regiment was formed in front of its color line, its full force consisting of 717 men, rank and file. It was at once ordered to form on the left of the Second Brigade, and proceeded to that position at a double-quick, and was then formed in line of battle in a skirt of woods bordering on an open field to the left of a battery. Here it remained for some time inactive, while the enemy's guns were playing on our battery. In the mean time a large force of the enemy's infantry were filing around the open field in front of our line, protected by the woods and in the direction of our battery, opening a heavy fire of musketry on the infantry stationed on our right and charging upon the battery. The infantry and battery to the right having given way, and the enemy advancing at double-quick, we gave them one round of musketry and also gave way. At this time we – as, indeed, all our troops in the immediate vicinity of the battery – were thrown into great confusion, and retired in disorder. Having retired to the distance of 100 or 200 yards we succeeded in rallying and forming a good line, the Eighth and Eighteenth Illinois Volunteers on our left, and having fronted to the enemy, held our position there under a continual fire of cannon and musketry until after 12 o’clock, when we were ordered to retire and take up a new position. This we did in good order and without confusion. Here, having formed a new line, we maintained it under incessant fire until 4.30 o’clock p.m., the men conducting themselves with great gallantry and coolness, and doing great execution on the enemy, repulsing charge after charge, and driving them back with great loss.

At 4.30 o’clock p.m. we were again ordered to fall back. In obeying this order we became mixed up with a great number of regiments falling back in confusion, so that our line was broken and the regiment separated, rendering it very difficult to collect it; but finally, having succeeded in forming, and being separated from the brigade, we attached ourselves to the division commanded by Colonel Tuttle, of the Second Iowa Volunteers, and formed with his division in front of the encampment of the Fourteenth, Second, and Seventh Iowa Volunteers, where we sustained a heavy fire from the enemy's battery until dark, and there remained during the night on our arms. During the day we were under fire of the enemy for ten hours, and sustained a loss of 23 killed and 130 wounded.

On the morning of the 7th we were ordered to continue with Colonel Tuttle’s division and to follow up and support our forces that were attacking and driving back the enemy. We followed them up closely, moving to support the batteries until the enemy was routed, after which we were ordered to return to the encampment that we had left on Sunday morning, where we arrived at 8 o’clock p.m.

Our total loss in the action of the 6th and 7th is: Killed, 24; wounded, 139; missing, 9; total, 172.*  The men for the most part behaved with great gallantry, and the officers exhibited the greatest bravery and coolness; and I call especial attention to the gallant conduct of my field officers, Lieutenant-Colonel Price and Major Shane, who were both wounded in the action of the 6th, and acknowledge my great obligations to my adjutant, Lieutenant Wilson, who during the entire action exhibited the highest qualities of a soldier.

Respectfully, &c.,

M. M. CROCKER,

Colonel Thirteenth Iowa Infantry.

 C. CADLE, Jr., A. A. A. G., First Brigade, First Division.

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* But see revised statement, p. 100, and division return, p. 123.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume X (Serial No. 10), Part I, pages 131-2