Diary of Private Theodore Reichardt, Wednesday, July 17, 1861

Resumed our march soon after break of day, and entered Fairfax Court House, contrary to our expectations, towards one o'clock, at mid-day, the rebels having evacuated the town shortly before our entrance. Their rear guard could be plainly seen some distance off. Our battery formed in park near the court house. Some of the boys were very lucky in finding a good dinner served on a table in one of the houses, besides some articles of value, undoubtedly belonging to some confederate officers. Some picket firing during the night.

SOURCE: Theodore Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light Artillery, p. 10

Diary of William Howard Russell: July 17, 1861

I went up to General Scott's quarters, and saw some of his staff — young men, some of whom knew nothing of soldiers, not even the enforcing of drill — and found them reflecting, doubtless, the shades which cross the mind of the old chief, who was now seeking repose. McDowell is to advance to-morrow from Fairfax Court House, and will march some eight or ten miles to Centreyille, directly in front of which, at a place called Manassas, stands the army of the Southern enemy. I look around me for a staff, and look in vain. There are a few plodding old pedants, with map and rules and compasses, who sit in small rooms and write memoranda; and there are some ignorant and not very active young men, who loiter about the head-quarters' halls, and strut up the street with brass spurs on their heels and kepis raked over their eyes as though they were soldiers, but I see no system, no order, no knowledge, no dash!

The worst-served English General has always a young fellow or two about him who can fly across country, draw a rough sketch map, ride like a fox-hunter, and find something out about the enemy and their position, understand and convey orders, and obey them. I look about for the types of these in vain. McDowell can find out nothing about the enemy; he has not a trustworthy map of the country; no knowledge of their position, force, or numbers. All the people, he says, are against the Government. Fairfax Court House was abandoned as he approached, the enemy in their retreat being followed by the inhabitants. “Where were the Confederate entrenchments?” “Only in the imagination of those New York newspapers; when they want to fill up a column they write a full account of the enemy's fortifications. No one can contradict them at the time, and it's a good joke when it's found out to be a lie.” Colonel Cullum went over the maps with me at General Scott's, and spoke with some greater confidence of McDowell's prospects of success. There is a considerable force of Confederates at a place called Winchester, which is connected with Manassas by rail, and this force could be thrown on the right of the Federals as they advanced, but that another corps, under Patterson, is in observation, with orders to engage them if they attempt to move eastwards.

The batteries for which General McDowell was looking last night have arrived, and were sent on this morning. One is under Barry, of the United States regular artillery, whom I met at Fort Pickens. The other is a volunteer battery. The onward movement of the army has been productive of a great improvement in the streets of Washington, which are no longer crowded with turbulent and disorderly volunteers, or by soldiers disgracing the name, who accost you in the by-ways for money. There are comparatively few to-day; small shoals, which have escaped the meshes of the net, are endeavoring to make the most of their time before they cross the river to face the enemy.

Still horse-hunting, but in vain — Gregson, Wroe — et hoc genus omne. Nothing to sell except at unheard-of rates; tripeds, and the like, much the worse for wear, and yet possessed of some occult virtues, in right of which the owners demanded egregious sums. Everywhere I am offered a gig or a vehicle of some kind or another, as if the example of General Scott had rendered such a mode of campaigning the correct thing. I saw many officers driving over the Long Bridge with large stores of provisions, either unable to procure horses or satisfied that a wagon was the chariot of Mars. It is not fair to ridicule either officers or men of this army, and if they were not so inflated by a pestilent vanity, no one would dream of doing so; but the excessive bragging and boasting in which the volunteers and the press indulge really provoke criticism and tax patience and forbearance overmuch. Even the regular officers, who have some idea of military efficiency, rather derived from education and foreign travels than from actual experience, bristle up and talk proudly of the patriotism of the army, and challenge the world to show such another, although in their hearts, and more, with their lips, they own they do not depend on them. The white heat of patriotism has cooled down to a dull black; and I am told that the gallant volunteers, who are to conquer the world when they “have got through with their present little job,” are counting up the days to the end of their service, and openly declare they will not stay a day longer. This is pleasant, inasmuch as the end of the term of many of McDowell's, and most of Patterson's, three months' men, is near at hand. They have been faring luxuriously at the expense of the Government — they have had nothing to do — they have had enormous pay — they knew nothing, and were worthless as to soldiering when they were enrolled. Now, having gained all these advantages, and being likely to be of use for the first time, they very quietly declare they are going to sit under their fig-trees, crowned with civic laurels and myrtles, and all that sort of thing. But who dare say they are not splendid fellows — full-blooded heroes, patriots, and warriors — men before whose majestic presence all Europe pales and faints away?

In the evening I received a message to say that the advance of the army would take place to-morrow as soon as General McDowell had satisfied himself by a reconnoissance that he could carry out his plan of turning the right of the enemy by passing Occaguna Creek. Along Pennsylvania Avenue, along the various shops, hotels, and drinking-bars, groups of people were collected, listening to the most exaggerated accounts of desperate fighting, and of the utter demoralization of the rebels. I was rather amused by hearing the florid accounts which were given in the hall of Willard's by various inebriated officers, who were drawing upon their imagination for their facts, knowing, as I did, that the entrenchments at Fairfax had been abandoned without a shot on the advance of the Federal troops. The New York papers came in with glowing descriptions of the magnificent march of the grand army of the Potomac, which was stated to consist of upwards of 70,000 men; whereas I knew not half that number were actually on the field. Multitudes of people believe General Winfield Scott, who was now fast asleep in his modest bed in Pennsylvania Avenue, is about to take the field in person. The horse-dealers are still utterly impracticable. A citizen who owned a dark bay, spavined and ring-boned, asked me one thousand dollars for the right of possession; I ventured to suggest that it was not worth the money. “Well,” said he, “take it or leave it. If you want to see this fight, a thousand dollars is cheap. I guess there were chaps paid more than that to see Jenny Lind on her first night; and this battle is not going to be repeated, I can tell you. The price of horses will rise when the chaps out there have had themselves pretty well used up with bowie-knives and six-shooters."

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 425-7

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: May 2, 1864

Reveille at 4. Off at 7. Pike road still. Passed through Fairfax C. H. a place of only half a dozen scattered buildings. No fences along the road and very few houses, and those abandoned, hilly country and considerably woody. Camped near Bristol Station. 22nd and 24th N. Y. and 3rd N. J. near us. Commenced raining before we got our tents pitched. Cold, wet night. Slept very well.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 114

Major Charles Fessenden Morse: June 22, 1863

Near Leesburg, June 22, 1863.

I wrote a short note yesterday to let you know my whereabouts and relieve any anxiety you might feel for me; to-day I'll try to give you a few particulars of our movements.*

Friday, the 12th, I left headquarters, ease and luxury. The regiment was still away with the cavalry. However, the camp was standing and about sixty men and two or three officers were there who had been left behind for various reasons, so I had a small command.

That night, orders came to march at daylight. We moved back about three miles towards Acquia Creek, stayed there through the day, and at night started forward again and marched till eight the following morning, halting this side of Dumfries. Sunday, we rested all day while the train of our corps and the Sixth passed by. Monday, we started at three in the morning and marched twenty-three miles under a burning sun to Fairfax C. H., getting into camp about ten P. M. This was a really terrible march; the day was very hot and a great part of the time we were marching side by side with a column of wagons, which raised a dust that was almost choking. Next morning, Tuesday, about eight, the Second Massachusetts and Third Wisconsin made their appearance from their cavalry excursion; they marched into camp covered with dust and dirt, but looking soldierly as ever. All the regiments of the corps that were near by turned out to have a look at them and give them very hearty greetings, for the two old regiments are now pretty well known in the corps.

I had a very pleasant time hearing the accounts of the fight at Beverly Ford; all seemed to think that if they had to fight cavalry only till the end of the war, they would have a very jolly time. Whenever our infantry skirmishers made their appearance, the cavalry left in a hurry, showing a great respect for our Enfields.

A company of the Second and one of the Third Wisconsin, made an attack on about two hundred of the enemy's cavalry who were dismounted and lying behind a stone wall firing their carbines; our men, not numbering more than forty in all, fired one volley, then made a rush, capturing over twenty and finding, at least, as many killed by their shots. Wednesday morning, we marched again to near Drainsville. Thursday, we marched again, reaching Leesburg towards night. All of the corps, except our regiment and the Third Wisconsin with a battery of artillery, remained east of the town; we kept on a mile farther and occupied a fort and strong position on one of the Katoctin Hills.

We are still in this same position, how long to remain, no one here knows. Our army lies stretched away for a number of miles towards Thoroughfare Gap, the Eleventh Corps occupying an important position on our right, its flank touching the Potomac.

We can only surmise whether Lee will attack us here or not; he is moving somewhere in our front but not very near. We have at last had a severe rain storm and the weather is more comfortable. It hailed for about an hour very severely; the hailstones were, at least, as large as rifle bullets; I was riding at the time and could hardly force my horse against the storm; he would rear and kick, and didn't seem to understand at all what was going on.

The battle that I spoke of yesterday proves to have been quite a success for us; we drove the rebels three miles and captured three guns and some prisoners. Our wagon camp is on the field where Ball’s Bluff was fought. I am in command of the regiment now, Major Mudge being on Court Martial. I don’t see anything of my commission yet.

_______________

* The writer had been promoted to be Major of his regiment but had not yet received his commission.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 139-41

Captain Charles Fessenden Morse, January 2, 1863

Fairfax Station, January 2, 1863.

Last Saturday night we suddenly received orders to march at a moment's notice, but we remained undisturbed that night. Sunday morning, about eight o'clock, we started off; our whole corps was posted in the Dumfries road, our brigade guarding the Wolfrun Shoals on the Oecoquan. This was all done on account of a large rebel cavalry force coming up on our left flank; we were sent out to endeavor to intercept them, but they didn't come our way; they went around north of Fairfax Court House, having a slight skirmish there. Infantry will never catch cavalry in this country, and I hope they will give up attempting it before long.

We bivouacked that night near the Occoquan, and marched back to camp next afternoon. There was some very pretty manoeuvring, on the telegraph wires, between the two parties on Sunday. The rebels cut the wires at Burke's Station, and telegraphed to the commander of the post at Fairfax Station to “burn all stores, wagons, etc., and abandon the post.” The officer in command suspected something wrong, and telegraphed back, “I have plenty of force to hold the place, more infantry and a battery of artillery will be here in an hour.” The truth was, there was only one small regiment of infantry, the Third Wisconsin, and two pieces of artillery, and no chance of any more for a considerable time. This undoubtedly saved the station. A message was intercepted from the Quartermaster-General at Washington about a lot of mules. Stuart telegraphed back: “That last lot you sent me were not good; be more careful in future,” and signed his own name to it. This raid accomplished nothing in our vicinity, and could be repeated any number of times; they know every road in the country, and every house contains a friend and spy to them. We could do the same thing in Massachusetts, though I hope we shall never have the opportunity. There is considerable fear felt in some quarters that this cavalry is to be followed up by a large force. Isn't it shameful that, at this late day, anybody should be trembling for the safety of Washington? But so it is! I don't know but what it would be better for the whole country if Washington was taken and burned. What we need is to feel that we are fighting for our lives and liberties; that is the way the rebels feel: they think that if they don't win, they will lose every liberty. Our people seem to be in an indifferent state, not caring much about it either way; they would like to see the South conquered, if it could be done by any moderate means; but when it comes to every man and woman making some great sacrifice, they don't think it worth while, and would rather have a disgraceful peace than a continuance of the war. They don't seem to see that in case of such a peace, to be a native of the North would be sufficient to disgrace a man, and that we should always be considered a whipped nation. Abroad, a Northern man would be despised, and rightly. I feel much stronger about the war than I ever have before, and certainly hope that I shall never live to acknowledge such a nation as the Southern Confederacy.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 115-7

Lieutenant William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, July 19, 1861

Near Centreville, July 19th, 1861.

My dear Mother:

I am happy to write you of my continued health and good spirits. We had an adventurous time since I wrote you so hurriedly a few days ago. Leaving our encampment we marched on, halting often to remove trees and such other impediments as a retreating foe could place in our way. The first night we passed in Vienna. The next day we advanced on toward Fairfax Court House. We were drawn up about two miles off in line of battle upon rolling ground, and the batteries placed where they could play upon the enemy. Five shots from our guns sufficed to start our friends the foe again, so we advanced further, passing a deserted battery on the way. At noon we were in Germantown, which place we found deserted, and soon the soldiers were ransacking the houses for food, destroying and burning what they could not use themselves. I am happy to say the boys in my company had little hand in these doings, as such paltry work finds little countenance from its officers. Germantown is but a poor place though and $200 would probably cover any damage done to it. At night we bivouacked upon fields where the enemy's fires were still burning, not far from Centreville. Here we were but a mile or two from the Secessionists, and the firing of pickets caused frequent alarms, calling us to our posts once in the middle of the night. We were all awakened by the long roll of the drum, which is the signal of an advance. We heard then what seemed to us all in our half sleepy state, the tramp of cavalry upon us. Our toilettes were hastily made you can imagine, and soon we stood in silence not knowing whence the attack would come, but after an hour's anticipation all became still, so the “chivalry” must have changed their minds and returned back to their posts. I cannot enumerate all the alarms we have had, for there is only paper enough to tell of our part in yesterday's fight. About noon, I should think, for I have no means of calculating the time, we heard cannon firing not far off. There was no alarm sounded, so we lay around, sleeping, talking, and laughing with the utmost indifference. About 3 o'clock we were called to arms and, in the highest spirits, were marched off at a “Double Quick,” hoping that the 79th might have some share in the conflict now at hand. We found a Massachusetts Captain, an acquaintance of one of our sergeants. “We are going to give them fits” says the Captain. It was not half an hour afterwards we saw his body borne back in one of our ambulances. When near the field of action we were divided off in line, concealed in the edge of the wood. The cannon balls whipped about us on all sides. The enemy, either by accident, or knowing of our presence, had us directly in their range. One man in my platoon was struck in the leg. Thank God our loss was not greater. We were totally unaware of our destination. It was found afterwards we had been stationed out to cover the retreat of the Brigade already in action. After a while the cannon ceased firing and we were marched off to our present bivouack.

You must know the particulars of yesterday's skirmish by the papers a thousand times better than I can tell you.

Excuse the style of this letter, for it is written with the paper on the side of an axe. An order has just been issued imposing the severest penalties upon all those who shall in any wise trespass on private property. I am now ready to march forward with a lighter heart, for it was not pleasant to be connected with thieves — call thieving confiscation or what you will.

My best love, dearest Mother, for all. Keep up a light heart and trust in the Power of Him who ruleth all.

Very affec'y.,

W. T. Lusk,

Lieut. 10th Co. 79tb Regt.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 51-3

Brigadier-General Rufus King, August 1, 1863

CENTREVILLE, August 1, 1863.

(Received 9.40 a.m.)

SIR: Colonel Lowell goes to Washington to-day, to report, as ordered. He returned from his expedition last night, bringing in about 20 horses captured from Mosby, and all the prisoners taken by Mosby at Fairfax. The gang scattered in all directions, and thus eluded pursuit.

RUFUS KING,

Brigadier-General, Commanding.

Col. J. H. TAYLOR,

Chief of Staff.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 2 (Serial No. 44), p. 989

Major General Andrew A. Humphreys to Colonel Charles R. Lowell, September 3, 1863 – 12:15 p.m.

SEPTEMBER 3, 1863 – 12.15 p.m.

Colonel LOWELL,

Commanding, &c. Centreville:

Colonel Devin, commanding the cavalry brigade sent to Leesburg, has returned. He reached Leesburg Monday [August 31]. White, with about 300 men, had been there a day or two before, but had retired to Upperville. Imboden had not been there, nor any other force than White's. A Richmond paper of the 1st of September states that Mosby received two serious wounds in the fight near Fairfax Court-House, and has been taken to his father's residence at Amherst.

A. A. HUMPHREYS,

Major-General, and Chief of Staff.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 2 (Serial No. 49), p. 152

General Robert E. Lee to Major-General Jeb Stuart, August 18, 1863

HEADQUARTERS,

Orange, August 18, 1863.

General STUART,

Commanding, &c.:

GENERAL: The report of Major Mosby, of 4th instant, relative to his expeditions toward Fairfax Court-House and below, has been forwarded to the War Department. I greatly commend his boldness and good management, which is the cause of his success. I have heard that he has now with him a large number of men, yet his expeditions are undertaken with very few, and his attention seems more directed to the capture of sutlers' wagons, &c., than to the injury of the enemy's communications and outposts. The capture and destruction of wagon trains is advantageous, but the supply of the Federal Army is carried on by the railroad. If that should be injured, it would cause him to detach largely for its security, and thus weaken his main army. His threat of punishing citizens on the line for such attacks must be met by meting similar treatment to his soldiers when captured.

I do not know the cause for undertaking his expeditions with so few men, whether it is from policy or the difficulty of collecting them. I have heard of his men, among them officers, being in rear of this army selling captured goods, sutlers' stores, &c. This had better be attended to by others. It has also been reported to me that many deserters from this army have joined him. Among them have been seen members of the Eighth Virginia Regiment. If this is true, I am sure it must be without the knowledge of Major Mosby, but I desire you to call his attention to this matter, to prevent his being imposed on.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

R. E. LEE,

General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 2 (Serial No. 49), p. 652

Brigadier-General John A. Rawlins to Mary Emeline Hurlburt Rawlins, April 27, 1864

Culpepper C. H., Va., April 27, 1864.

. . . A few more days and all will be ready for the spring campaign. General Burnside's corps has reached Washington, and the head of his column arrived at Fairfax C. H., some distance this side, to-night. General Sherman has gone forward from Nashville to Chattanooga, not to return till he has tried with Joe Johnston for the mastery of Georgia. Sigel is in readiness, and all of Butler's troops but six regiments are up. These forces will move simultaneously at the appointed time, which will be before you receive this letter unless other orders than those out are given. So you see we have not been idle.

Colonel Bowers and myself finished yesterday General Grant's report of the battle of Belmont. It is a very creditable one and places that engagement in its true light for transmittal to posterity, so far as could be known to our side. I have long since learned that an action creditable in itself can be best presented in the garb of real facts. So whenever you see any report with which I have had anything whatever to do, depend upon it, the historian who accepted it as true will most certainly not deceive the searchers after truth.  . . . I entered the service September 12, 1861. We shall move from here in a day or two. . . .

SOURCE: James H. Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins, p. 425-6

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: August 1, 1861

This whole neighbourhood is busy to-day, loading a wagon with comforts for the hospital at Fairfax Court-House. They send it down once a week, under the care of a gentleman, who, being too old for the service, does this for the sick and wounded. The hospitals at Centreville and the Court-House are filled with those who are too severely wounded to be taken to Richmond, Charlottesville, and the larger hospitals. They are supplied, to a very great degree, by private contributions. It is beautiful to see the self-denying efforts of these patriotic people. Everybody sends contributions on the appointed day to Millwood, where the wagon is filled to overflowing with garments, brandy, wine, nice bread, biscuit, sponge cake, butter, fresh vegetables, fruit, etc. Being thoroughly packed, it goes off for a journey of fifty miles.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 48-9

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: June 6, 1861

Still at Chantilly. Every thing quiet, nothing particularly exciting; yet we are so restless. Mrs. C. and myself rode to the camp at Fairfax Court-House a day or two ago to see many friends; but my particular object was to see my nephew, W. B. N., first lieutenant in the Hanover troop. He looks well and cheerful, full of enthusiasm and zeal; but he feels that we have a great work before us, and that we have entered upon a more important revolution than our ancestors did in 1775. How my heart yearned over him, when I thought of his dear wife and children, and his sweet home, and how cheerfully he had left all for the Rake of his country. His bright political prospects, his successful career at the bar, which for one so young was so remarkable, his future in every respect so full of hope and promise — all, all laid aside. But it is all right, and when he returns to enjoy his unfettered country, his hardships will be all forgotten, in joy for his country's triumphs. The number in camp there has greatly increased since we came away. We came home, and made havelocks and haversacks for the men. The camp at Harper's Ferry is said to be strong and strengthening.

Mrs. General Lee has been with us for several days. She is on her way to the lower country, and feels that she has left Arlington for an indefinite period. They removed their valuables, silver, etc., but the furniture is left behind. I never saw her more cheerful, and she seems to have no doubt of our success. We are looking to her husband as our leader with implicit confidence; for besides his great military abilities, he is a God-fearing man, and looks for help where alone it is to be found. Letters from Richmond are very cheering. It is one great barracks. Troops are assembling there from every part of the Confederacy, all determined to do their duty. Ladies assemble daily, by hundreds, at the various churches, for the purpose of sewing for the soldiers. They are fitting out company after company. The large stuccoed house at the corner of Clay and Twelfth streets, so long occupied by Dr. John Brockenbrough, has been purchased as a residence for the President. I am glad that it has been thus appropriated. We expect to leave this place in a day or two for Clarke County for the summer, and we part with this dear family with a sad feeling that they may too soon have to leave it too. Mrs. S. has already sent off her plate and paintings to a place of safety. Mrs. C. is here with her mother. She left home when the army approached our neighborhood; she could not stay alone with her little son. Like ourselves, she brought off in her carriage what valuables she could, but necessarily has left much, which she fears may be ruined. Oh, that I had many things that are locked up at home! so many relics — hair of the dead, little golden memorials, etc. — all valueless to others, but very dear to our hearts. Alas, alas! I could not go back for them, and thieves may break through and steal. I trust that the officers will not allow it to be done, and try to rest contented.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 25-7

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, September 4, 1862

HEADQUARTERS WHIPPLE'S DIVISION, RESERVE ARMY CORPS,

ARLINGTON, VA., September 4, 1862.

I wrote you yesterday, informing you of my arrival at this place. We came here under orders from McDowell (in whose corps we are), who directed us to march from Fairfax Court House to Arlington. Since reaching here we have had no orders of any kind, and we cannot tell where we are going, though I presume we will take post somewhere in the vicinity of the city, for its defense. I hardly think the enemy will make an attack on the city, but believe he will cross a column above into Maryland. Our division, the Reserves, is pretty well used up, and ought, strictly speaking, to be withdrawn, reorganized, filled up with recruits, and put in efficient condition.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 308

General Robert E. Lee to Jefferson Davis, September 3, 1862

HEADQUARTERS ALEXANDRIA AND LEESBURG ROAD,

Near Dranesville, September 3, 1862.

His Excellency President DAVIS,

Richmond, Va.:

Mr. PRESIDENT: The present seems to be the most propitious time since the commencement of the war for the Confederate Army to enter Maryland. The two grand armies of the United States that have been operating in Virginia, though now united, are much weakened and demoralized. Their new levies, of which I understand 60,000 men have already been posted in Washington, are not yet organized, and will take some time to prepare for the field. If it is ever desired to give material aid to Maryland and afford her an opportunity of throwing off the oppression to which she is now subject, this would seem the most favorable.

After the enemy had disappeared from the vicinity of Fairfax Court House, and taken the road to Alexandria and Washington, I did not think it would be advantageous to follow him farther. I had no intention of attacking him in his fortifications, and am not prepared to invest them. If I possessed the necessary munitions, I should be unable to supply provisions for the troops. I therefore determined, while threatening the approaches to Washington, to draw the troops into Loudoun, where forage and some provisions can be obtained, menace their possession of the Shenandoah Valley, and, if found practicable, to cross into Maryland. The purpose, if discovered, will have the effect of carrying the enemy north of the Potomac, and, if prevented, will not result in much evil.

The army is not properly equipped for an invasion of an enemy's territory. It lacks much of the material of war, is feeble in transportation, the animals being much reduced, and the men are poorly provided with clothes, and in thousands of instances are destitute of shoes. Still, we cannot afford to be idle, and though weaker than our opponents in men and military equipments, must endeavor to harass if we cannot destroy them. I am aware that the movement is attended with much risk, yet I do not consider success impossible, and shall endeavor to guard it from loss. As long as the army of the enemy are employed on this frontier I have no fears for the safety of Richmond, yet I earnestly recommend that advantage be taken of this period of comparative safety to place its defense, both by land and water, in the most perfect condition. A respectable force can be collected to defend its approaches by land, and the steamer Richmond, I hope, is now ready to clear the river of hostile vessels.

Should General Bragg find it impracticable to operate to advantage on his present frontier, his army, after leaving sufficient garrisons, could be advantageously employed in opposing the overwhelming numbers which it seems to be the intention of the enemy now to concentrate in Virginia.

I have already been told by prisoners that some of Buell's cavalry have been joined to General Pope's army, and have reason to believe that the whole of McClellan's, the larger portion of Burnside's and Cox's, and a portion of Hunter's, are united to it.

What occasions me most concern is the fear of getting out of ammunition. I beg you will instruct the Ordnance Department to spare no pains in manufacturing a sufficient amount of the best kind, and to be particular, in preparing that for the artillery, to provide three times as much of the long-range ammunition as of that for smooth-bore or short-range guns. The points to which I desire the ammunition to be forwarded will be made known to the Department in time. If the Quartermaster's Department can furnish any shoes, it would be the greatest relief. We have entered upon September, and the nights are becoming cool.

I have the honor to be, with high respect, your obedient servant,

R. E. LEE,

General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 16, Part 1 (Serial No. 22), p. 590-1

The Battle of Winchester

The Cleveland Herald has the following account of the battle of Winchester by an eye witness:

THE BATTLE

For ten days previous to the fight skirmishing had been going on, and on Sunday afternoon when about three miles from Winchester, the rebel General Jackson ordered his men to attack us on the right, and turn our flank, thus to take Winchester.  At this same time Gen. Shields ordered his men to turn the enemy’s left flank, which movements were executed simultaneously, thereby bringing on a general engagement.  The combatants were not more than two hundred yards apart when the fighting commenced, and as usual the rebels were behind a stone wall, from which they opened a murderous fire on our unprotected men.  After the fight commenced there were but few orders given and it soon turned into a free fight, going on the principle, “every man for himself, and the devil will take the hindmost.”

There were about 6,000 on each side, and it was a fair test of Northern vs. Southern valor the result showing that “mudsills” can fight. – Wishing to dislodge the enemy from their strong position behind the stone fence, which they occupied two hours, Col. Tyler ordered the 7th Ohio to charge.  At the enemy they went giving a most unearthly yell, and away scouted the rebels, coat tails flying and muskets trailing.

They rallied on a slight knoll after running a short distance, when our boys gave them “a hair of the dog that bit them,” which routed them again.  The 7th captured in this second charge, two field pieces, which was presented them for their valor.  They fought splendidly, as steadily as veterans as they are, and Col. Tyler behaved in the most gallant manner.  The officers were cool and collected, and the men intrepid and daring.  Being on the extreme right, they received the first and most destructive fire. – The battle commenced at 3 o’clock Sunday afternoon, and lasted precisely 3 hours and 47 minutes.  The Ohio 5th, 7th, 8th, Indiana 7th and Pennsylvania 110th, bore the brunt of it, with the 1st Virginia; and all fought desperately.  Colonel Daum, the Chief of Artillery, fought with the Ohio 7th.  For two hours it seemed about an even thing, the chances being against up, but the charge of the 7th Ohio, to their honor be it said, won the day.

The retreat of the rebels soon became a rout and our balls did fearful execution as they ran.  Their dead and wounded were scattered from Winchester to Strasburg, every farm house being filled with the wounded and dying. – They carried the dead in wagons, but when too closely followed, they killed their mules and piled the dead on the ground, and left them for our men to bury.  The mortality among them was fearful, over 300 being killed and many wounded.  They fought desperately, but could not resist Northern valor.

THE SCENES OF THE BATTLE-FIELD AND THE HOSPITAL.

(Correspondence of the New York World.)

The enemy fought well, and it is useless and untrue to speak lightly of their bravery. – They fought well and held out long against the superior firing and daring of our forces, as their immense loss makes very evident.

No wonder Stone-wall Jackson thinks it was a desperate fight.  I am informed, by one of the staff of Gen. Shields, who has just returned from the track of their retreat, that, as far as he moved, the enemy’s dead were found strewn along the turnpike.  For twenty-four hours from the beginning of the fight the enemy were burying their dead.  In one barn along the road there had been left fifty, all but eight of whom were buried.  The estimate of their loss is carefully made, and is very nearly accurate without doubt.

The scene of the conflict is terrible.  Civilians are generally prevented from visiting for the present.  It is impossible to describe the scene so as to give a realization of its ghastliness and terror, which any one ought to blush not to perceive while walking amid the remnants of humanity which are scattered about.  Bodies in all the frightful attitudes which a violent and frightful death could produce, stained with blood, mangled and lacerated perhaps, often begrimed and black, lay scattered here and there, sometimes almost in heaps.

Some had crawled away when wounded to a comfortable place to die.  Two men lay almost covered with straw, into which they had scrambled and lay until death released them.  In the woods through which our troops had to pass to charge the rebels lie the largest number of our dead, and beyond on the other side of the wall from behind which they poured their volleys of balls at our men, large numbers of the rebels lie, pierced in the forehead or face as they rose above their hiding place to shoot at the Federals.  There is a peculiar ghastliness in the appearance of the enemy’s dead.  Did not their dress distinguish them, their faces would enable one instantly to tell which were Federals and which not.  One would think they were all Indians so very dark had they become by their exposure, sleeping without tents as they did for a long time at the beginning of the war.

One who has not seen it can not tell what it is to see a battle field.

If there is anything more dreadful it is a visit to the hospitals after a battle.

In the Court House are placed a large number of the wounded of our own and the enemy’s without discrimination, and in several places in town, hospitals have been established since the battle.  It is difficult to compel one’s self to dwell long enough upon the scenes witnessed here, of the dying and dead, to give them a faithful description.  Surgeons and attendants have been constantly at labor, without rest, in attending to the unfortunate soldiers in the hospitals.

Yet, after all their efforts, it was long before many of the wounded could be properly cared for and their wounds properly dressed.

The Court room was filled with the sufferers lying upon the floor, so many that it was difficult to pass among them.  Among them was the Confederate Captain Jones, who had both eyes shot out, and whose face, covered thickly with clotted blood, presented the most repulsive and pitiable sight which one could well behold.  Some, from loss of blood were swollen, distorted and discolored.  Some, indeed were cheerful, and rejoicing that while their comrades were many of them so seriously injured their slight wounds [would] soon heal and become honorable scars, testifying their patriotism and loyalty.  But the majority of those which I saw here were dangerous wounds, and some were to suffer amputations, and their fellow soldiers about them, suffering from their own wounds, were obliged to listen to their cries and groans, and to hear the grating of the surgeon’s saw, a premonitory of their own hard fate.  I saw many in the agonies of death. – One, who was seated and raised half upright, haunts me now with his pale sorrowful, countenance.  He was almost dead, and every moment would raise his head, open his eyes, and stare vacantly around as if he would assure himself that he had not yet lost all sense of sight.

Here, also, lay some who had just died, and as I passed through the hall a gray-haired guard, resting upon his musket, with a solemn grave countenance, was standing beside a number of dead, in the attitude of a death struggle, each with a paper pinned to his clothing, stating the name, regiment, etc., of the deceased.

Many ladies of the town were seen visiting all the hospitals.  Must it be said that their anxiety was to find out the Confederate prisoners only, and administer to them the comforts which they did not extend to our own? – Can it be, in such a case, that humanity can so distinguish between friend and foe stricken down by suffering and death?  Yet many have observed the unconcern for Federal sufferers and the anxiety and care for the Confederates which was very generally exhibited at our hospitals.  The people of the place have displayed more sullenness and hatred toward us since this battle, ten times over, than they ever have before, and when the approach of Jackson on Winchester was reported, the people, many of them were exultant and triumphant, thinking that Jackson was immediately about to march in and redeem them

When the rebel prisoners were being sent away to Baltimore, the ladies in town sought to lighten the imprisonment by bringing delicacies to them, and little presents – and their disloyalty was manifested openly, the men assuring the fair ones that they were still for Jeff. Davis.  All who had started for Fairfax Court House have returned to Winchester. – The breaking down of the bridge was the principal event.  One brigade had passed over on the previous (Friday) night, and a few had gone over in the morning, but as the baggage train was crossing the bridge broke under the weight of one of the wagons – fortunately near the commencement of the bridge, however. – This part had not been properly strengthened.  The mules splashed about, and the two leaders were drowned in the rapid current.  The bridge appeared quite frail, but I am informed that except at this end it is quite substantial.  Several boats were fortunately at hand and these were anchored, and beams were thrown across and planks placed upon them, and after about four hour’s delay the whole was placed in good contention.  This was quite fortunate, however, for as they were called back to Winchester it was well that they were saved the advance of four hours and the return over the same route, which they would have made had the bridge been in good order.

People crowded the streets to see the soldiers pass and were wonderfully amazed at a very novel sight, for though they had seen soldiers before, they had never seen such as those.  “Such perfect gentlemen,” said they in [astonishment. Their uniform and appearance was] in such contrast to what they had seen of the Southern army that I found it the general impression that our soldiers were a “very genteel” class of men.  Our cavalry horses, too, impressed them.  At some places the most hearty Union feeling was manifested.  Many a duck, goose, turkey, and chicken disappeared before our troops, yet we were so much more generally well behaved that the people expressed the greatest surprise at the order which was manifested by our soldiers.

But this march was very unexpectedly cut short, and will not probably be resumed at present, as I understand that Strasburg is now the headquarters of Gen. Banks.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 3

Special to New York Papers

(Tribune’s Dispatch.)

WASHINGTON, March 10. – There was a fight at Sangster’s Station yesterday between General Kearney’s brigade and an equal number of rebel regiments.  The latter were driven back.  Several were killed on each side.  Lieut. Worden, of the Lincoln cavalry was killed.  Thirteen rebels were captured.

(Tribune’s Special.)

WASHINGTON, March 10. – The Senate War Committee to-day authorized their Chairman to report back from the House Bill authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase coin with Treasury notes or bonds, striking the latter clause which leaves the purchase optional with the Secretary.  And also the section on making the fifty million of Treasury notes of the old issue a legal tender.  Senator Fessenden will report the bill as amended to-morrow.

The Senate Judiciary Committee will, on Wednesday, come to a final conclusion on the case of Senator Powell.  There will be majority and minority reports.  The minority, as in the Bright case, being for expulsion.

Light cavalry have been sent in pursuit to harass and track the rebel retreat.  It is supposed to be their design to fall back first upon Fredericksburg and then upon Richmond.

Our Troops occupied Centreville and Fairfax Court House to-night.

Two companies under Maj. Hatfield were ordered yesterday morning to go to Fairfax Court House, by Far’s Cross road.  When within a mile of that place they met the enemy who retreated before them.  At 4 o’clock, last evening, they entered the Court House, followed by a full regiment.  The two companies under Major Hatfield were then ordered back to Far’s Cross roads, where they met the body of the regiment and bivouacked for the night.  At twelve o’clock, noon, to-day, Major Hatfield’s company were within sight of the village, and found that it had been evacuated in the night, the enemy leaving their tents and other property behind in great profusion.

Lieut. Alexander, of the Lincoln cavalry soon after arrived with a detachment of men and passed on as far as Cubs’ Run, three miles above Centreville, where he discovered a vast number of tents left standing.

(Post Special.)

WASHINGTON, March 11. – The President will probably sign the bill establishing the article of war to-day, prohibiting officers of the army and navy, returning fugitive slaves to their masters.

Lieut. Worden, the gallant commander of the Monitor, is here and rapidly recovering from his wound.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 15, 1862, p. 4

Washington Items

WASHINGTON, March 11. – Dispatches from Fortress Monroe report all quite at that point.

No further intelligence obtained about the Merrimac’s injuries.  She reached Norfolk Sunday evening.

There is evidence that the enemy left Manassas two weeks ago.

Reports from Winchester state that the forces under Gen. Williams had returned from the reconnoissance, and had reached there that evening without serious opposition.

WASHINGTON, March 11. – Large numbers of contrabands have entered our lines which now extend beyond Manassas Junction and are still coming in by dozens.

The earth-works at Centerveille were greatly misrepresented.  They were not of the formidable character supposed.  The enemy previous to evacuating injured them by blowing up the embrasures and casemates.

On our troops arriving at Fairfax Court House the soldiers rushed in to the court house and brought away some of the records, but these being discovered the officers directed them to be returned.

When our troops learned that Manassas had been evacuated their spirits suddenly became depressed as they had anticipated a spirited conflict with the enemy.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 15, 1862, p. 3

WASHINGTON, March 11 [1862]

Large numbers of contrabands have reached our lines, which now extend beyond Manassas Junction, and are still coming by droves.  The earthworks and Centreville were greatly misrepresented.  They were not of the formidable character supposed.  The enemy, before evacuating, had somewhat injured them breaking the embrasures and casements.  On our troops arriving at Fairfax C. H., they found no more than a dozen families.  The soldiers rushed into the Court House and brought away some of the records; the officers directed their return.

When our troops learned that Manassas had been evacuated, their spirits suddenly became depressed, as they had anticipated a spirited conflict with the enemy.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, March 13, 1862, p. 1

From Washington

WASHINGTON, March 10.

A Dispatch from Ft. Monroe says that the Merrimac did not make her appearance to-day.

Samuel. L. Casey took a seat in the House to-day, from the 1^st Kentucky district.

Tribune’s Dispatch.

WASHINGTON, March 10.

The Senate Finance Committee to-day authorized the chairman to report back the House bill authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase coin with Treasury notes or bonds, striking out the latter clause, which leaves the purchase optional with the Secretary; and also the section making the fifty million of Treasury notes of the old issue, a legal tender.  Senator Fessenden will report the bill as amended to-morrow.

The Senate judiciary committee will on Wednesday come to a final conclusion on the case of Senator Powell.  There will be majority and minority reports – the minority, as in the Bright case, being for expression.

Light cavalry have been sent in pursuit to harass and track the rebel retreat.  It is supposed to be their design to fall back first upon Fredericksburg and then upon Richmond.

Our troops occupied Centerville and Fairfax Court House to-night.  Two companies under Major Hatfield were ordered, yesterday morning, to go to Fairfax Court House by the Braddock road.  When within a mile of the place they met the enemy, who retreated before them.  At 5 o’clock last evening they entered the Court House, followed by a full regiment.  The two companies under Major Hatfield were then ordered back to Fairfax Cross Roads, where they met the body of the regiment and bivouacked for the night.  At 12 m. to-day Hatfield’s company were within sight of the village and found that it had been evacuated in the night, leaving tents and other property behind in large quantity.

Lieut. Alexander, of the Lincoln cavalry, arrived soon after with a detachment of men, and passed on as far as Cub’s Run, three miles above Centreville, where he discovered a vast number of tents left standing.

PORTLAND, March 11.

The North American arrived this morning.  News soon.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, March 12, 1862, p. 2