Richard Brooke Garnett

Nephew of James Mercer Garnett (q. v.), and Robert Selden Garnett (q. v.); born in Virginia, in 1819; graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1841. He entered the army as second lieutenant, and served in the Florida war, and subsequently in the west. He was made first lieutenant in 1847, and later captain. He aided in quelling the Kansas disturbances in 1856-57; was engaged in the Utah expedition. He entered the Confederate service as major of artillery in 1861, and was promoted to brigadier-general the same year. He served in the Shenandoah Valley under Jackson, and at the battle of Kernstown commanded the Stonewall brigade. During and after the Maryland. campaign he commanded Pickett's brigade, which he finally led at Gettysburg, where he fell dead, shot from his horse in the midst of action. He died July 3, 1863.

SOURCE: Encyclopedia of Virginia Biography, Vol. 3, p. 53

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: April 5, 1863

PICKET DUTY.

I fear I was not appreciated on the fort, as I was superseded after my first day's effort and have since been assigned to other duty; but I nobly served my country, and I know that history will do me justice. Yesterday I was out in the country among the wild flowers. I went out with a picket guard, about three miles in a southeasterly direction, to what is called Mills cross-roads, relieving the old picket. After spreading our blankets on the grass beside the fence, we entered vigorously on our duty of waiting and watching for the rebel Gen. Garnett, and listening to the sweet warbling of the singing birds. There is nothing in picket duty that stirs up a great amount of enthusiasm, but still it is a good steady business, with occasionally a little ray of excitement, as when a darky comes along and one has to examine his pass.

About the middle of the afternoon, we heard the approach of horses, and looking up the road, saw two ladies coming at a swift gallop towards us. My first impulse was to charge cavalry, but I refrained from doing so, as I saw they were not enemies. As they came up, I recognized Madames Bartholomew and Cliffton. I turned out the guard and extended to them the customary civilities. They said they were out for an afternoon's ride and supposed it was as far as they could go in that direction. I told them they might go further if they wished, and I should be pleased to furnish them an escort, only it would weaken my lines. They laughed and thanked me for my gallantry, but thought they had better not venture farther. I inquired if there were any news stirring in town, and they answered, “All quiet on the Roanoke.” They then bade us good afternoon and started on the retreat. There is no church service today; all hands are busy at work on the fort, and things are beginning to look as though war was liable to break out at almost any time.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 87-8

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: March 22, 1863

The garrison here consists of companies G, Capt. Swift, and H, Capt. Sanford, of the 27th Massachusetts; company D, Capt. Howard, of the 5th Massachusetts; company C, Capt. Cliffton, of the 1st North Carolina Union volunteers, and part of a company of North Carolina cavalry.

Several gunboats lying in the river. The fellows here are telling us bear stories about one rebel General Garnett (whoever he is) and his brigade which is hovering around here. I think he must be quite a harmless character to let so small a garrison as this go undisturbed, but it is possible he has a wholesome fear of Capt. Flusser and his gunboats. This town has undergone quite a change since we were here last fall. During the winter the enemy made a dash in here, setting the town on fire, burning up the central and business portion of it. These people have singular ideas; they seem to think that by destroying their property, they are in some way damaging is, bit if we destroy any property it is a great piece of vandalism. I reckon they will sometime see their mistake and repent of it in dust and ashes.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 86

Official Reports: The Gettysburg Campaign, June3 – August 1,1863: No. 441. Report of Maj. Charles S. Peyton, Nineteenth Virginia Infantry, commanding Garnett's brigade, Pickett's division.

No. 441.

Report of Maj. Charles S. Peyton, Nineteenth Virginia Infantry,

commanding Garnett's brigade, Pickett's division.

CAMP NEAR WILLIAMSPORT, MD., July 9, 1863.

MAJOR: In compliance with instructions from division headquarters, I have the honor to report the part taken by this brigade in the late battle near Gettysburg, Pa., July 3.

Notwithstanding the long and severe marches made by the troops of this brigade, they reached the field about 9 a.m.. in high spirits and in good condition. At about 12 m. we were ordered to take position behind the crest of the hill on which the artillery, under Colonel [E. Porter] Alexander, was planted, where we lay during a most terrific cannonading, which opened at 1.30 p.m., and was kept up without intermission for one hour.

During the shelling, we lost about 20 killed and wounded. Among the killed was Lieutenant-Colonel [John T.] Ellis, of the Nineteenth Virginia, whose bravery as a soldier, and his innocence, purity, and integrity as a Christian, have not only elicited the admiration of his own command, but endeared him to all who knew him.

At 2.30 p.m., the artillery fire having to some extent abated, the order to advance was given, first by Major-General Pickett in person, and repeated by General Garnett with promptness, apparent cheerfulness, and alacrity. The brigade moved forward at quick time. The ground was open, but little broken, and from 800 to 1,000 yards from the crest whence we started to the enemy's line. The brigade moved in good order, keeping up its line almost perfectly, notwithstanding it had to climb three high post and rail fences, behind the last of which the enemy's skirmishers were first met and immediately driven in. Moving on, we soon met the advance line of the enemy, lying concealed in the grass on the slope, about 100 yards in front of his second line, which consisted of a stone wall about breast-high, running nearly parallel to and about 30 paces from the crest of the hill, which was lined with their artillery.

The first line referred to above, after offering some resistance, was completely routed, and driven in confusion back to the stone wall. Here we captured some prisoners, which were ordered to the rear without a guard. Having routed the enemy here, General Garnett ordered the brigade forward, which it promptly obeyed, loading and firing as it advanced.

Up to this time we had suffered but little from the enemy's batteries, which apparently had been much crippled previous to our advance, with the exception of one posted on the mountain, about 1 mile to our right, which enfiladed nearly our entire line with fearful effect, sometimes as many as 10 men being killed and wounded by the bursting of a single shell. From the point it had first routed the enemy, the brigade moved rapidly forward toward the stone wall, under a galling fire both from artillery and infantry, the artillery using grape and canister. We were now within about 75 paces of the wall, unsupported on the right and left, General Kemper being some 50 or 60 yards behind and to the right, and General Armistead coming up in our rear.

General Kemper's line was discovered to be lapping on ours, when, deeming it advisable to have the line extended on the right to prevent being flanked, a staff officer rode back to the general to request him to incline to the right. General Kemper not being present (perhaps wounded at the time), Captain [W. T.] Fry, of his staff, immediately began his exertions to carry out the request, but, in consequence of the eagerness of the men in pressing forward, it was impossible to have the order carried out.

Our line, much shattered, still kept up the advance until within about 20 paces of the wall, when, for a moment, it recoiled under the terrific fire that poured into our ranks both from their batteries and from their sheltered infantry. At this moment, General Kemper came up on the right and General Armistead in rear, when the three lines, joining in concert, rushed forward with unyielding determination and an apparent spirit of laudable rivalry to plant the Southern banner on the walls of the enemy. His strongest and last line was instantly gained; the Confederate battle-flag waved over his defenses, and the fighting over the wall became hand to hand, and of the most desperate character; but more than half having already fallen, our line was found too weak to rout the enemy. We hoped for a support on the left (which had started simultaneously with ourselves), out hoped in vain. Yet a small remnant remained in desperate struggle, receiving a fire in front, on the right, and on the left, many even climbing over the wall, and fighting the enemy in his own trenches until entirely surrounded; and those who were not killed or wounded were captured, with the exception of about 300 who came off slowly, but greatly scattered, the identity of every regiment being entirely lost, and every regimental commander killed or wounded.

The brigade went into action with 1,287 men and about 140 officers, as shown by the report of the previous evening, and sustained a loss, as the list of casualties will show, of 941 killed, wounded, and missing, and it is feared, from all the information received, that the majority (those reported missing) are either killed or wounded.

It is needless, perhaps, to speak of conspicuous gallantry where all behaved so well. Each and every regimental commander displayed a cool bravery and daring that not only encouraged their own commands, but won the highest admiration from all those who saw them. They led their regiments in the fight, and showed, by their conduct, that they only desired their men to follow where they were willing to lead. But of our cool, gallant, noble brigade commander it may not be out of place to speak. Never had the brigade been better handled, and never has it done better service in the field of battle. There was scarcely an officer or man in the command whose attention was not attracted by the cool and handsome bearing of General Garnett, who, totally devoid of excitement or rashness, rode immediately in rear of his advancing line, endeavoring by his personal efforts, and by the aid of his staff, to keep his line well closed and dressed. He was shot from his horse while near the center of the brigade, within about 25 paces of the stone wall. This gallant officer was too well known to need further mention.

Captain [C. F.] Linthicum, assistant adjutant-general, Lieutenant [John S.] Jones, aide-de-camp, and Lieutenant Harrison, acting aide-de-camp, did their whole duty, and won the admiration of the entire command by their gallant bearing on the field while carrying orders from one portion of the line to the other, where it seemed almost impossible for any one to escape.

The conduct of Captain [Michael P.] Spessard, of the Twenty-eighth Virginia, was particularly conspicuous. His son fell, mortally wounded, at his side; he stopped but for a moment to look on his dying son, gave him his canteen of water, and pressed on, with his company, to the wall, which he climbed, and fought the enemy with his sword in their own trenches until his sword was wrested from his hands by two Yankees; he finally made his escape in safety.

In making the above report, I have endeavored to be as accurate as possible, but have had to rely mainly for information on others, whose position gave them better opportunity for witnessing the conduct of the entire brigade than I could have, being with, and paying my attention to, my own regiment.

I am, major, with great respect, your obedient servant,

[CHAS. S. PEYTON,]

Major, Commanding.

 Maj. C. PICKETT,

            Asst. Adjt. Gen., Pickett's Division.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 2 (Serial No. 44), p. 385-7

Diary of Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle: Friday, July 3, 1863

At 6 A.M. I rode to the field with Colonel Manning, and went over that portion of the ground which, after a fierce contest, had been won from the enemy yesterday evening. The dead were being buried, but great numbers were still lying about; also many mortally wounded, for whom nothing could be done. Amongst the latter were a number of Yankees dressed in bad imitations of the Zouave costume. They opened their glazed eyes as I rode past in a painfully imploring manner.

We joined Generals Lee and Longstreet's Staff: they were reconnoitring and making preparations for renewing the attack. As we formed a pretty large party, we often drew upon ourselves the attention of the hostile sharpshooters, and were two or three times favoured with a shell. One of these shells set a brick building on fire which was situated between the lines. This building was filled with wounded, principally Yankees, who, I am afraid, must have perished miserably in the flames. Colonel Sorrell had been slightly wounded yesterday, but still did duty. Major Walton's horse was killed, but there were no other casualties amongst my particular friends.

The plan of yesterday's attack seems to have been very simple — first a heavy cannonade all along the line, followed by an advance of Longstreet's two divisions and part of Hill's corps. In consequence of the enemy's having been driven back some distance, Longstreet's corps (part of it) was in a much more forward situation than yesterday. But the range of heights to be gained was still most formidable, and evidently strongly intrenched.

The distance between the Confederate guns and the Yankee position — i.e., between the woods crowning the opposite ridges — was at least a mile, — quite open, gently undulating, and exposed to artillery the whole distance. This was the ground which had to be crossed in to-day's attack. Pickett's division, which had just come up, was to bear the brunt in Longstreet's attack, together with Heth and Pettigrew in Hill's corps. Pickett's division was a weak one (under 5000), owing to the absence of two brigades.

At noon all Longstreet's dispositions were made; his troops for attack were deployed into line, and lying down in the woods; his batteries were ready to open. The General then dismounted and went to sleep for a short time. The Austrian officer and I now rode off to get, if possible, into some commanding position from whence we could see the whole thing without being exposed to the tremendous fire which was about to commence. After riding about for half an hour without being able to discover so desirable a situation, we determined to make for the cupola, near Gettysburg, Ewell's headquarters. Just before we reached the entrance to the town, the cannonade opened with a fury which surpassed even that of yesterday.

Soon after passing through the toll-gate at the entrance of Gettysburg, we found that we had got into a heavy cross-fire; shells both Federal and Confederate passing over our heads with great frequency. At length two shrapnel shells burst quite close to us, and a ball from one of them hit the officer who was conducting us. We then turned round and changed our views with regard to the cupola — the fire of one side being bad enough, but preferable to that of both sides. A small boy of twelve years was riding with us at the time: this urchin took a diabolical interest in the bursting of the shells, and screamed with delight when he saw them take effect. I never saw this boy again, or found out who he was. The road at Gettysburg was lined with Yankee dead, and as they had been killed on the 1st, the poor fellows had already begun to be very offensive. We then returned to the hill I was on yesterday. But finding that, to see the actual fighting, it was absolutely necessary to go into the thick of the thing, I determined to make my way to General Longstreet. It was then about 2.30. After passing General Lee and his Staff, I rode on through the woods in the direction in which I had left Longstreet. I soon began to meet many wounded men returning from the front; many of them asked in piteous tones the way to a doctor or an ambulance. The further I got, the greater became the number of the wounded. At last I came to a perfect stream of them flocking through the woods in numbers as great as the crowd in Oxford Street in the middle of the day. Some were walking alone on crutches composed of two rifles, others were supported by men less badly wounded than themselves, and others were carried on stretchers by the ambulance corps; but in no case did I see a sound man helping the wounded to the rear, unless he carried the red badge of the ambulance corps. They were still under a heavy fire; the shells were continually bringing down great limbs of trees, and carrying further destruction amongst this melancholy procession. I saw all this in much less time than it takes to write it, and although astonished to meet such vast numbers of wounded, I had not seen enough to give me any idea of the real extent of the mischief.

When I got close up to General Longstreet, I saw one of his regiments advancing through the woods in good order; so, thinking I was just in time to see the attack, I remarked to the General that “I wouldn't have missed this for anything.” Longstreet was seated at the top of a snake fence at the edge of the wood, and looking perfectly calm and imperturbed. He replied, laughing, “The devil you wouldn't! I would like to have missed it very much; we've attacked and been repulsed: look there!”

For the first time I then had a view of the open space between the two positions, and saw it covered with Confederates slowly and sulkily returning towards us in small broken parties, under a heavy fire of artillery. But the fire where we were was not so bad as further to the rear; for although the air seemed alive with shell, yet the greater number burst behind us.

The General told me that Pickett's division had succeeded in carrying the enemy's position and capturing his guns, but after remaining there twenty minutes, it had been forced to retire, on the retreat of Heth and Pettigrew on its left. No person could have been more calm or self-possessed than General Longstreet under these trying circumstances, aggravated as they now were by the movements of the enemy, who began to show a strong disposition to advance. I could now thoroughly appreciate the term bulldog, which I had heard applied to him by the soldiers. Difficulties seem to make no other impression upon him than to make him a little more savage.

Major Walton was the only officer with him when I came up — all the rest had been put into the charge. In a few minutes Major Latrobe arrived on foot, carrying his saddle, having just had his horse killed. Colonel Sorrell was also in the same predicament, and Captain Goree's horse was wounded in the mouth.

The General was making the best arrangements in his power to resist the threatened advance, by advancing some artillery, rallying the stragglers, &c. I remember seeing a General (Pettigrew, I think it was)* come up to him, and report that “he was unable to bring his men up again.” Longstreet turned upon him and replied with some sarcasm, “Very well; never mind, then, General; just let them remain where they are: the enemy's going to advance, and will spare you the trouble.”

He asked for something to drink: I gave him some rum out of my silver flask, which I begged he would keep in remembrance of the occasion; he smiled, and, to my great satisfaction, accepted the memorial. He then went off to give some orders to M'Laws's division. Soon afterwards I joined General Lee, who had in the meanwhile come to that part of the field on becoming aware of the disaster. If Longstreet's conduct was admirable, that of General Lee was perfectly sublime. He was engaged in rallying and in encouraging the broken troops, and was riding about a little in front of the wood, quite alone — the whole of his Staff being engaged in a similar manner further to the rear. His face, which is always placid and cheerful, did not show signs of the slightest disappointment, care, or annoyance; and he was addressing to every soldier he met a few words of encouragement, such as, “All this will come right in the end: we'll talk it over afterwards; but, in the mean time, all good men must rally. We want all good and true men just now,” &c. He spoke to all the wounded men that passed him, and the slightly wounded he exhorted “to bind up their hurts and take up a musket” in this emergency. Very few failed to answer his appeal, and I saw many badly wounded men take off their hats and cheer him. He said to me, “This has been a sad day for us, Colonel — a sad day; but we can't expect always to gain victories.” He was also kind enough to advise me to get into some more sheltered position, as the shells were bursting round us with considerable frequency.

Notwithstanding the misfortune which had so suddenly befallen him, General Lee seemed to observe everything, however trivial. When a mounted officer began licking his horse for shying at the bursting of a shell, he called out, “Don't whip him, Captain; don't whip him. I've got just such another foolish horse myself, and whipping does no good.”

I happened to see a man lying flat on his face in a small ditch, and I remarked that I didn't think he seemed dead; this drew General Lee's attention to the man, who commenced groaning dismally. Finding appeals to his patriotism of no avail, General Lee had him ignominiously set on his legs by some neighbouring gunners.

I saw General Willcox (an officer who wears a short round jacket and a battered straw hat) come up to him, and explain, almost crying, the state of his brigade. General Lee immediately shook hands with him and said, cheerfully, “Never mind, General, all this has been MY fault — it is I that have lost this fight, and you must help me out of it in the best way you can.” In this manner I saw General Lee encourage and reanimate his somewhat dispirited troops, and magnanimously take upon his own shoulders the whole weight of the repulse. It was impossible to look at him or to listen to him without feeling the strongest admiration, and I never saw any man fail him except the man in the ditch.

It is difficult to exaggerate the critical state of affairs as they appeared about this time. If the enemy or their general had shown any enterprise, there is no saying what might have happened. General Lee and his officers were evidently fully impressed with a sense of the situation; yet there was much less noise, fuss, or confusion of orders than at an ordinary field-day: the men, as they were rallied in the wood, were brought up in detachments, and lay down quietly and coolly in the positions assigned to them.

We heard that Generals Garnett and Armistead were killed, and General Kemper mortally wounded; also, that Pickett's division had only one field-officer unhurt. Nearly all this slaughter took place in an open space about one mile square, and within one hour.

At 6 P.M. we heard a long and continuous Yankee cheer, which we at first imagined was an indication of an advance; but it turned out to be their reception of a general officer, whom we saw riding down the line, followed by about thirty horsemen. Soon afterwards I rode to the extreme front, where there were four pieces of rifled cannon almost without any infantry support. To the non-withdrawal of these guns is to be attributed the otherwise surprising inactivity of the enemy. I was immediately surrounded by a sergeant and about half-a-dozen gunners, who seemed in excellent spirits and full of confidence, in spite of their exposed situation. The sergeant expressed his ardent hope that the Yankees might have spirit enough to advance and receive the dose he had in readiness for them. They spoke in admiration of the advance of Pickett's division, and of the manner in which Pickett himself had led it. When they observed General Lee they said, “We've not lost confidence in the old man: this day's work won't do him no harm. ‘Uncle Robert’ will get us into Washington yet; you bet he will?” &c. Whilst we were talking, the enemy's skirmishers began to advance slowly, and several ominous sounds in quick succession told us that we were attracting their attention, and that it was necessary to break up the conclave. I therefore turned round and took leave of these cheery and plucky gunners.

At 7 P.M., General Lee received a report that Johnson's division of Ewell's corps had been successful on the left, and had gained important advantages there. Firing entirely ceased in our front about this time; but we now heard some brisk musketry on our right, which I afterwards learned proceeded from Hood's Texans, who had managed to surround some enterprising Yankee cavalry, and were slaughtering them with great satisfaction. Only eighteen out of four hundred are said to have escaped.

At 7.30, all idea of a Yankee attack being over, I rode back to Moses's tent, and found that worthy commissary in very low spirits, all sorts of exaggerated rumours having reached him. On my way I met a great many wounded men, most anxious to inquire after Longstreet, who was reported killed; when I assured them he was quite well, they seemed to forget their own pain in the evident pleasure they felt in the safety of their chief. No words that I can use will adequately express the extraordinary patience and fortitude with which the wounded Confederates bore their sufferings.

I got something to eat with the doctors at 10 P.M., the first for fifteen hours.

I gave up my horse to-day to his owner, as from death and exhaustion the Staff are almost without horses.

_______________

* This officer was afterwards killed at the passage of the Potomac.

SOURCE: Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle, Three Months in the Southern States: April-June, 1863, p. 268-78

Lieutenant-Colonel John T. L. Preston to Margaret Junkin Preston, December 8, 1861

Winchester, 

Sunday Night, Dec. 8th, 1861.

Dear Wife, — I feel a little sadness to-night . I expected a letter from you and it did not come. I was disturbed in my sleep last night, and am heavy. Frank’s company went out on an expedition two days ago, and I have not heard the result.

After church this morning, the General and I walked to the cemetery of the town, and spent some time among the chambers of the Silent House, where grief that is tranquil now perhaps, has made enduring in marble its first fervor of anguish. “Lovely and Beloved Daughter — Just Eighteen!” That was an arrow through two hearts, but if they truly loved one another, as the wound closed, the two hearts were knit the closer in the healing.

A son cut off in his promise: a mother erects the stone; perhaps she sorrows for him yet. A broken column: I looked, and the husband was forty-nine years old; the broken column shows that the wife thought that he was still young, and that the abrupt end of his career was untimely. . . . Many men seem to have died between fifty and sixty, and many women between forty and fifty. We will apply our hearts to wisdom, dear wife. One pair had lived beyond sixty, and died — the husband in January, the wife in February; that was sweet, was it not? I seldom meet with epitaphs that strike me, but I enclose one that I copied from the stone over the grave of a young wife. I think you will join with me in thinking it a sweet piece of dying joyousness; a little too tripping, perhaps, to be unexceptionable, but with such a holy gladsomeness that it disarms criticism.  . . . Dear Wife, let us kneel down and thank God for his goodness to his unworthy servants, and pray for Jesus’ sake that he would keep us and ours, and save us all at last.

Your Husband.

P. S. General Richard Garnett has been assigned as brigadier of the Stonewall Brigade. He is a son of Colonel Garnett, and I should say a good soldier and a pleasant man. It was my office to take him out and introduce him to the brigade which is encamped five miles from town. Nevertheless the brigade ought to be commanded by one of its own colonels; they have made their own glory, and a stranger should not have been made to share it. Colonel Taliaferro reported to-day with four regiments from the command on the Monterey (?) line.

_______________

Here is the epitaph referred to in the letter: —

Plant ye a rose that may bloom o'er my bed,

When I am gone — when I am gone!

Breathe out a sigh o'er the blest early dead,

When I am gone — when I am gone!

Praise ye the Lord that I'm freed from all care,

Serve ye the Lord, that my bliss ye may share,

Look up on high, and believe I am there,

When I am gone — when I am gone!

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 124-5

Diary of Judith W. McGuire, Saturday, July 11, 1863

Vicksburg was surrendered on the 4th of July. The terms of capitulation seem marvellously generous for such a foe. What can the meaning be?

General Lee has had a most bloody battle near Gettysburg. Our loss was fearful. We have heard of no casualties except in general officers. General Richard Garnett, our friend and connection, has yielded up his brave spirit on a foreign field. He was shot through the head while standing on the fortifications, encouraging his men and waving them on to the fight. How my heart bleeds to think of his hoary-headed father, of whom he was the stay! General Barksdale, of Mississippi, is another martyr. Also General Armstead, of Virginia. Generals Kemper and Pender wounded. I dread to hear of others. Who of our nearest kin may have ceased to live? When I think of probabilities and possibilities, I am almost crazy. Some of our men are reported wounded and in the enemy's hands. They took many prisoners. The cars are rushing up and down with soldiers. Two trains with pontoons have gone up within the last two days. What does it all portend?

SOURCE: McGuire, Judith W., Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 229

Major General Robert E. Lee to Mary Custis Lee, July 12, 1861

Richmond, July 12, 1861.

You know that Rob has been captain of Company A, of the University. He has written for a sword and sash, which I have not yet been able to get for him. I shall send him a sword of mine, but cannot procure him a sash. I am very anxious to get into the field, but am detained by matters beyond my control. I have never heard of the assignment to which you allude — of commander-in-chief of the Southern Army — nor have I any expectation or wish for it. President Davis holds that position. I have been laboring to prepare and get into the field the Virginia troops to strengthen those from other States, and the threatened commands of Johnston, Beauregard, Huger, Garnett, etc. Where I shall go, I do not know, as that will depend upon President Davis.

SOURCE: John William Jones, Life and Letters of Robert Edward Lee: Soldier and Man, p. 143-4

The Fighting Near Winchester

FULL PARTICULARS.

WINCHESTER, Va., March 25. – On Saturday at 2 o’clock p. m., the enemy showed themselves a mile and a half from Winchester.  The enemy consisted of 500 of Ashby’s cavalry and two guns.  They drove in our pickets and then skirmished with the Michigan cavalry and a portion of the Maryland 1st.

Gen. Shields brought up his artillery and fired several rounds of shot and shell, drove them back and took several prisoners.

Gen. Shields was wounded in the arm by the first fire of the enemy.

Jackson had been informed by the inhabitants that the town was destroyed by the union troops and he advanced to retake it.

Gen. Shields’ forces slept on their arms Saturday night.

On Sunday morning at sunrise, Jackson being reinforced, he attacked Gen. Shields near Kingston.

The enemy’s force consisted of 500 of Ashley’s cavalry, 5,000 infantry, nine pieces of artillery with a reserve of 18 pieces of artillery.

The fight was kept up till noon, when a charge made by the Ohio infantry, 1st Michigan and 1st Virginia Cavalry on their right, drove them back half a mile when the enemy got their guns in position again in a dense wood, flanked by infantry, they drove us back.  A short artillery engagement ensued.

At 10½ the enemy made a feint on our left, when Gen. Shields ordered Col. Tyler of the 7th Ohio, to turn their left flank, which was executed by our troops by with considerable loss, the enemy being protected by a stone bridge.

The 84th Pennsylvania and 13th Indiana charged their centre and the fight became general.  Col. Murry, of the 84 Pennsylvania was killed.

The enemy retired slowly, bringing their guns to bear at every opportunity.  Our men rushed forward with yells when a panic ensued among the enemy.  Our troops followed and drove them until dark, capturing three guns, three caissons, muskets, equipments, &c., innumerable.  Our troops bivouacked on the field.  Gen. William’s first brigade, Col. Donelly, of the 28th New York, commanding, reinforced Gen. Fields.

Gen. Banks, who was on his way to Washington on Sunday, returned and assumed command.

Gen. Shields’ Division pursued the enemy beyond Newton, shelling them the whole way.

Jackson’s men were perfectly demoralized beyond control.  They threw overboard the dead and wounded to lighten the wagons.

It is noticeable that nearly all the Confederate wounded were shot in the head and breasts, testifying to the superiority of our marksmen.

The loss on our side were chiefly Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana troops.

Those who conveyed the false intelligence to Gen. Jackson, causing this disaster to the rebels have a heavy weight of guilt to shoulder.  It was evidently known to many in the town that Jackson was approaching from the holiday attire and buoyancy of spirits among men and women here.  Gen. Shields’ command being screened from observation on the east side of the town led the informants to believe that all our troops were evacuating and that Jackson could enter unmolested.  Good Judges say the enemy’s loss is over 200 killed 500 wounded and 300 prisoners including an aid to Jackson.  Our loss is about 65 killed and 125 wounded.

On Sunday morning the rebels received reinforcements under Gen. Garnett, amounting to 500 men.  The Union forces did not exceed 1000 men, and with the exception of about 500 were of Gen. Shields’ division exclusively, commanded by acting Brig. Gen. Sullivan, opening a heavy fire of artillery, while the real attack was directed against our right, with the object of flanking it.  Gen. Kimble commanded on the right, where the heaviest fighting was done. – The enemy were strongly posted in woods and behind a stone wall, and the rebel artillery was posted on eminences on both sides of the left wing.  Our whole artillery force was engaged consisting of 24 parrot guns in all.  The combat raged furiously till 3 o’clock p. m., the fighting being done chiefly by the artillery and musketry at a range of not more than 300 or 400 yards, and often much less.

The rebel infantry opposite our right emerged from the woods and attempted to capture David’s Battery by a charge.  The first effort was nearly successful, but the heavy discharges of grape compelled to retire in confusion.  A second and third attempt likewise failed, and the enemy fell back with heavy loss behind the stone parapet.  Gen. Tyler now ordered his brigade to charge the enemies batteries on the left and a most deadly encounter followed.  Twice our men recoiled under the storm, but in the third effort they routed the rebels with tremendous slaughter.

Our loss in these struggles was heavy.  Out of 300 men in the 84th Pennsylvania 26 were killed and 83 wounded.  Many officers were killed and wounded.

The Fifth and Eighth Ohio shared the glory and the loss with the Eighty-forth Pennsylvania.  The enemy’s killed and wounded strewed the ground in profusion and their left wing was utterly broken and their centre wavering.  On their side the Fourth and Fifth Virginia Regiments suffered most.  The former was totally demolished.  Several attempts to rally the right wing failed, and to add to the confusion the Irish Battalion of 150 men, were brought forward, ordered to fire upon our troops refused and a rebel regiment immediately drove this gallant little band forward, but could not compel them to fire upon us.  Forty corpses of the hundred and fifty afterwards strewed the field.  Meanwhile the rebels gave way on their left and center with a loss of 70 killed and wounded and 236 taken prisoners.  Besides these about 1500 muskets were taken and many other valuable trophies.  Our loss does not exceed 100 killed.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 3

The Battle of Winchester

Gen. Shields says in his official report of this battle:

The killed and wounded in this engagement can not even yet be accurately ascertained. Indeed my command has been so over worked, that it has had but little time to ascertain anything. The killed as reported, are one hundred and three, among them we have to deplore the loss of the brave Col. Murry, of the eighty-fourth Pennsylvania Volunteers, who fell at the head of his [regiment] while gallantly leading it in the face of the enemy. The wounded are four hundred and forty-one, and the missing at twenty-four. The enemy’s loss is more difficult to ascertain than our own. Two hundred and seventy were found dead on the battle-field. Forty were buried by the inhabitants of the adjacent village, and by a calculation of the number of graves found on both sides of the valley road between here and Strasburg, their loss in killed must have been 500, and wounded 1,000. The proportion between the killed and wounded of the enemy shows the closeness and terrible destructiveness of our fire, nearly half the wounds being fatal. The enemy admit a loss of between 1,000 and 1,500 killed and wounded. Our force in infantry, cavalry, and artillery, did not exceed 7,000. That of the enemy must have exceeded 11,000. Jackson, who commanded on the field, had, in addition to his own stone wall brigade, Smith’s, Garnett’s, and Longstreet’s brigades. Generals Smith and Garnett were here in person.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, April 26, 1862, p. 2