Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Saturday, May 21, 1864

We were awakened at 3 o'clock this morning to get ready to go, but remained until 4 p. m. During the day a train arrived with officers who were captured with us and elsewhere. Among the officers of my regiment were Major John W. Young, Captains Swan and Clyde, Lieutenants Buchanan, Homer Call and Cahill, also Lieutenant Cheeseman of General Rice's staff. Among the other officers were Brigadier Generals Shaler and Seymour who belonged to the 6th corp and were taken in the battle of May 6th with portions of their command in the Wilderness, when Longstreet's corp overlapped the Union lines in the crisis of that engagement that threatened decisive disaster to the Rebel army. General Shaler, speaking of the battle of the 6th, says the practical result of Longstreet's arrival simply prevented our victory and saved the Rebel army from decisive defeat, and will simply prolong the fighting before Lee can be forcd back on Richmond. Longstreet's arrival on the field was unanticipated and unprepared for so early in the day. Had it not been for this desperate attack the Rebel army would have found what Pickett got at Gettysburg and Lee's retreat to Richmond would have been hastened. "The battles of May 5th and 6th," said Gen. Shaler, "have put Lee on the defensive, but he is in shape to put up a hard fight. All the fields fought over are ours; success is simply postponed. Both armies are moving on Richmond, Lee because he has to, Grant because he wants to." This made us happy.

Groups of ladies come to look at us but are kept at a distance. At 4:30 p. m. the train moves off and fourteen miles bring us into South Carolina.

IN SLAVEDOM.

 

If "Jove fixed it certain that whatever day

Makes man a slave takes half his worth away,"

'Tis no less certain that the galling cord

That binds the slave perverts his haughty lord.

Corroding links his better nature rive

From spiritual touch of his enslaving gyve.

'Tis plain as stars that in the heavens lie,

As plain as sun that burns through lofty sky,

That in a land where men their slaves do count,

That interest rises always paramount.

All else is smothered like flowers overrun

By poisonous weeds that thrive in rain and sun

While freest men are shackled to their grave;

And cannot rise where masters stern enslave.

Freest souls are but subaltern tools;

The truth is silenced wherever slavery rules.

Men's thoughts grow dormant, their passions turn to hate,

As waters in a silent pool stagnate;

Its merits, or demerits, none debate;

The mass may vote, but must not rule a State.

Public squares, feigned to adorn a town,

Where struts the driver like a Pagan clown,

Are where grave masters sell their slaves for cash;

The press and pulpit help them wield the lash.

The ruling spirit is a demon fraught

With hellish wrath, where men are sold and bought,

And raised like mules for service, and for gain,

For market like steers upon a Texas plain,

Or swine for bacon, that root in Southern wood;

So Sambo's bred sole for his master's good.

He must know but little, never much;

To teach him more no saint may touch;

His innate sense that he, too, is a man,

The breath of Freedom shall ne'er to action fan.

So it has grown a cancer on the heart

Of this Republic the master's sword would part—

Who knows no freedom but to enslave at will—

The North must yield or human blood shall spill!

They claimed for slavery, indeed, the foremost chance

In all the realm where Freedom's hosts advance;

But this denied, a raving spirit rash,

Now lifts the sword to supplant the lash,

And good men rush, enamored for a cause

Where wrong is foremost in their social laws!

And so I muse as on this way we wend

To be enslaved-in some damned prison penned!

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 51-3

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Monday, May 30, 1864

What a night! In addition to scent from the fearful swamp, we had that of dead men in our rear. At our feet lay one begging for water groaning with pain. It was conjectured, because of his hoarse cough, that he had mumps, or measles or small pox, by some persons. Some dare venture but little here to aid suffering strangers when it is all one can do to keep alive. All the assistance we could offer was to give a cup of water. This I gave at arms length. He lay close at our feet but when we woke in the morning he was gone.

Prisoners from Butler report having helped tear up the Petersburg railroad. The stockade is to be enlarged. There has been a call for men to go outside to work on the timber. The old pen is so densely crowded that we are willing to help enlarge the prison. The Rebels are much hurried, being fearful of the reported raid from Kilpatrick. It is said some who went out in the squad to work are put on fortifications, refuse and are sent in. Some may be willing to do this for more grub, but we understand they were parolled on honor and then ordered to work by the commandant as he pleased. It is shameful if men assent to work on Rebel works, that they should be ordered to do so, is more shameful, and outside the laws of war.

Rations are cut down one-half; barely enough for two meals a day. We could eat all at one. Steward Brown has been out to the hospital a day or two. He tells me that 31 died yesterday, 39 today in the so-called hospital, saying nothing of the prison. He says they are miserable mockeries of hospitals, a discredit to the medical profession; but that the doctors are seemingly power-less in the matter, being under orders and practically destitute of medicines. All medical supplies, he says, furnished by the Rebel commissaries at Richmond, are sent to the military posts and are very scant and held by the physicians having charge of that department for use among their own soldiers. Brown is lately from England, pretty well versed in medicine, having had 30 years' study and practice in British hospitals and in military service. He professes neutrality, but was taken while helping care for our wounded in the Battle of the Wilderness, May 5th.

He is allowed more liberty than a Yankee. He says a bunch, that is still quite sore on my forehead, was caused by a spent bullet.

Hiram Morse of Co. F, 76th regiment, admitted to the hospital today. He sickened on corn bread, lost appetite, became helpless from diarrhoea and attendant fever; has wasted rapidly to a skeleton, helpless in body, crazed in mind. He has been kept alive by crust coffee and a little black tea we happened to have, since he got here. Many are becoming so homesick and downhearted, that they believe any report, good or bad. It is no place to get sick; courage must be kept up though rations go down.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 68-9

Fifty-Third North Carolina Infantry

FIFTY-THIRD REGIMENT

BY COLONEL JAMES T. MOREHEAD.

The duty assigned to me to write a sketch-not a history—of the Fifty-third North Carolina Infantry, I undertook to discharge, with pleasure, but I did not realize until I began how great the difficulty would be, with no records and the conflicting recollections of surviving comrades as to events and persons. It may be and no doubt it is true, that I have not been accurate as to the personnel of the officers of the regiment, as to the dates of commissions, death and wounds, and if any injustice by omission or commission is done, I assure my living comrades and friends of such as have crossed over the river, that no one regrets more than I the lack of reliable data to rectify any mistakes.

The limited length of this sketch of course, forbids my entering into the details of casualties among over one thousand men who at different dates composed the rank and file.

The characteristics of this regiment were common to North Carolina troops. Obedience to and reverence for law and authority, for which the State has been so long known, in my opinion, constitute the basis of soldierly qualities for which her soldiers will be famous in history.

This regiment was like other North Carolina regiments; it was never known to shirk a duty; never refused to advance when ordered; never known to retire without command. In June, after its organization, it was ordered to Richmond and during the seven days contest it was on duty on the south side of the James. The greater part of its first year of service was spent in Eastern North Carolina and it received its first baptism of fire as a regiment at Washington, N. C., in Gen. D. H. Hill's winter campaign of 1862 and 1863. A few days after the battle of Chancellorsville it became a part of the Army of Northern Virginia, and as a part of Daniel's Brigade, was attached to the Second Corps, with which it marched and fought from Fredericksburg to Appomattox, and participated in more than twenty general engagements, including Gettysburg, the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Washington City, Kernstown, Snicker's Ford, Winchester, Fisher's Hill, Cedar Creek, Hare's Hill, Petersburg, and in numerous combats and smaller affairs, in some of which the conflict was more hotly contested than in the greater battles. Daniel's Brigade was composed of the Thirty-second, Forty-third, Forty-fifth and Fifty-third North Carolina Regiments, and Second North Carolina Battalion. After General Daniel's death, General Bryan Grimes became Brigadier-General. The histories of the other regiments in the brigade necessarily outline the chief incidents in the career of the Fifty-third and make it unnecessary to give its battles and marches in detail.

I select two special instances of its coolness and discipline: One was on the first day of the battle of Gettysburg. This regiment had hastened from Carlisle, Pa., its steps quickened by the report of big guns on the morning of 1 July. Immediately upon its arrival at Gettysburg it was thrown into line and advanced to the assault with the brigade. Soon it, was ascertained that there was not room between the brigade on the left and the one on the right, and this regiment was dropped out of the line, which closed up in its front and for some time it had to stand under shot and shell in an open field without being able to return the fire until the brigade on the left, having given away, it moved to the left, took its place and drove the enemy into the town.

In this trying situation, and there could have been none more trying, except a retreat under fire, the regiment manoeuvered as upon parade and drill, and its behavior on this occasion was greatly commended by the brigade and division commanders.

Another instance: At the battle of Winchester, 19 September, 1864, after hours of desperate fighting, when all the troops on the right and left had abandoned the contest and retired from the field, this regiment, alone, continued to fight the foe until ordered to retreat, which it did, across an open field for several hundred yards (the enemy advancing ten to one in numbers) in perfect order, and at intervals, when ordered, halting, facing about and delivering its fire almost in the faces of the pursuers. Not a man broke ranks or quickened his steps. As is well known to every soldier, a retreat under fire is the severest test of discipline and courage.

At the battle of Winchester, to prevent the enemy from discovering the gap on the left, I had deployed the greater part of my regiment as skirmishers, and this thin line successfully held five times its numbers at bay, until the failure of promised support to arrive, and all of Early's army on our left had been driven from the field. It was known to every man in the regiment that the enemy was getting rapidly in our rear, and that there was imminent danger that we would be cut off and surrounded, but until ordered so to do, not a man left his position, and the regiment then retreated across the field in the manner above told.

Experience and observation have taught that one of the results of organization and discipline is, that when soldiers retire or retreat in face of the enemy by order, they will halt, but if they "break" without order, it is difficult to rally and reform them. An incident of this battle illustrates this. The temporary works of the enemy above referred to were constructed just beneath the brow of the hill or slope up which the regiment was charging at a run and was not observed until we were within a few feet of them. When the men had reached nearly the top of the slope, to their astonishment they saw behind the work a third line of the enemy and such of the other two lines as could be prevailed on to stop, outnumbering us four or five to one. Our men immediately faced about and started for the shelter of a wooded hill from and through which they had just driven the enemy. Seeing the condition and thinking of the fact above stated, I at once ordered a retreat, had the officers to repeat the order, seemingly so superfluous, and directed the regiment to halt as soon as the woods were reached. When I reached the woods, I had the satisfaction of seeing the regiment reformed and "ready for business" as if nothing had happened to dampen their ardor.

I select these out of many instances, which particularly distinguished this regiment, because of the trying situations.

After the regiment was assigned to Daniel's Brigade, it participated in the battles of Gettysburg, three days, and at Mine Run and fought more or less from 5 May, 1864, to 30 May at the Wilderness under fire every day. It was in the famous Horse Shoe at Spottsylvania Court House, during the terrible days of 9, 10, 11 and 12 May, losing its Major, James Johnston Iredell, killed, Col. Owens wounded, several of its Captains and Lieutenants and scores of its men killed and wounded. It was brought out of the Horse Shoe to straighten the lines after the assault of the 12th under command of a Captain, its only remaining field officer, its Lieutenant-Colonel being in command of the brigade, the Brigadier-General (Daniel) and every other officer in the brigade senior in commission, having been killed or wounded. On 30 May it was engaged in the battle at Bethesda church, and on the next day was withdrawn from the front preparatory to its march to the Valley of Virginia.

On 5 or 6 May, 1864, the sharpshooters of this regiment were much annoyed by one of the Federal sharpshooters who had a long range rifle and who had climbed up a tall tree from which he could pick off our men, though sheltered by stump and stones, himself out of range of our guns. Private Leon, of Company B (Mecklenburg), concluded that "this thing had to be stopped," and taking advantage of every knoll, hollow and stump, he crawled near enough for his rifle to reach, took a "pop" at this disturber of the peace and he came tumbling down. Upon running up to his victim, Leon discovered him to be a Canadian Indian, and clutching his scalp-lock, dragged him to our line of sharpshooters.

The regiment was at Lynchburg when the pursuit of Hunter began, marched with General Early to Washington, D. C., was one of the regiments left to support the picket line under the walls of Washington, while the rest of the corps made good its retreat to the valley-the Nineteenth and Sixth Corps of the Federal army having been poured into the city for its defense. While supporting the pickets, this regiment became involved in one of the hottest conflicts in its experience, but succeeded in holding its position, repulsing and driving the enemy back to the earthworks, which defended the city. At midnight it received orders to retire in perfect silence, and to the surprise of all when we reached the position on the hills near the city, where we had left the corps, it was ascertained that the corps had left the night before, twenty-four hours and we marched the whole night and a greater part of the next day before we caught up with the rear guards. Early's ruse, as usual, had succeeded in deceiving the enemy.

This regiment participated in all of the battles in the Valley in 1864, and in numerous combats and skirmishes. In this Valley Campaign the regiment lost its gallant Colonel Owens, who was killed at Snicker's Ford, near Snicker's Gap, in August, 1864. He had been absent since 10 May, disabled by wounds at Spottsylvania Court House; had returned just as the regiment was eating dinner, and almost while we were congratulating him on his safe return, we received notice that the enemy had crossed the river at Snicker's Ford. The order to "fall in" was given, we marched to the river, and drove the enemy across, after a short, but severe conflict. The firing had ceased, excepting now and then a dropping shot, when Colonel Owens was killed by one of these stray shots. He was a good officer, brave, humane, social, popular with both men and officers. He was succeeded by the writer as Colonel. At Winchester, on 19 September, 1864, Adjutant Osborne was killed. Two years ago Color Sergeant Taylor, of Company E, Surry county, who has resided in Utah since 1866, visited me. He received a ball in his hip from which wound he still limps and in talking about his own wound, he told me as we were charging the third Federal line at Winchester, having broken the first two, and when near the temporary breastwork of the enemy, he received the shot which disabled him for life, and that as he fell, young Osborne picked up the flag waving it, ran forward, cheering on the men and was killed within 20 feet of the Color Sergeant. He was an efficient officer and daring soldier, I suppose not older than 20 years. Lieutenant W. R. Murray, of Company A, than whom there was not a better officer or braver soldier in the "Old Guard" of Napoleon, acted as Adjutant after the death of Osborne till the surrender at Appomattox.

As stated before, Major Iredell, a true gentleman and brave soldier, was killed at Spottsylvania Court House. Captain John W. Rierson succeeded him. At Winchester, finding that there was a gap of two or three hundred yards between my left and the troops on the left, and that the enemy had discovered and were preparing to take advantage of it, I directed Major Rierson to find General Grimes on the right of the division, (General Rodes had been killed in the beginning of the action), and apprise him of the situation. After some time he returned, saluted and reported, the fighting being very heavy all the time, when I discovered that Major Rierson was shot through the neck, which wound was received before he found General Grimes, but he nevertheless performed the duty, returned and reported, and did not then go to the rear until I directed him to do so. This gallant officer was killed when the enemy broke over our lines at Petersburg, a few days before Appomattox. He was entitled to his commission as Lieutenant-Colonel from the date of the battle of Snicker's Ford, but I do not know that he received it.

This was a volunteer regiment, enlisted in the latter part of the winter and first part of the spring of 1862, and was organized at Camp Mangum, near Raleigh, the first week in May, 1862, and assigned to Daniel's Brigade, (Rodes' Division). William A. Owens, of Mecklenburg county, was elected Colonel; James T. Morehead, Jr., of Guilford county, Lieutenant-Colonel, and James Johnston Iredell, of Wake county, Major.

Colonel Owens had already been in the service more than one year, having served as Captain in the First (Bethel) Regiment, and at the time of his election was Lieutenant-Colonel of the Eleventh Regiment.

Lieutenant-Colonel Morehead had also been in the service the preceding year, having entered the same in April, 1861, as Lieutenant of the "Guilford Grays," (afterwards Company B, of the Twenty-seventh Regiment), and at the time of his election was a Captain in the Forty-fifth Regiment.

William B. Osborne, of Mecklenburg county, was appointed Adjutant and John M. Springs, of Mecklenburg, was appointed Captain and Assistant Quartermaster. He resigned in the fall of 1862 and was succeded by Captain John B. Burwell. J. F. Long was appointed Surgeon; Lauriston H. Hill, of Stokes county, Assistant Surgeon, and promoted Surgeon in 1863. William Hill, of Mecklenburg, was appointed Captain, A. C. S. In 1863 Charles Gresham, of Virginia, was assigned to duty with this regiment as Assistant Surgeon. James H. Colton, of Randolph county, was appointed Chaplain; J. H. Owens, Sergeant Major (promoted Second Lieutenant of Company I and killed); R. B. Burwell, Quartermaster Sergeant; J. C. Palmer, Commissary Sergeant; R. S. Barnett, Ordnance Sergeant. Upon the promotion of J. H. Owens, Aaron Katz, of Company B, succeeded him as Sergeant-Major, and upon his being captured, Robert A. Fleming, of Company A, was SergeantMajor.

COMPANY A was from Guilford county. A. P. McDaniel was its first Captain, commissioned 25 February, 1862, and upon his retirement in 1863, Lieutenant J. M. Sutton was promoted Captain and wounded at Bethesda Church and on 21 September, 1864, in the Valley, and captured at Petersburg; P. W. Haterick (killed at Gettysburg), First Lieutenant; J. M. Sutton, Second Lieutenant; W. L. Fleming, promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant in August, 1863; William R. Murray, promoted from ranks to Second and First Lieutenant in 1863; J. W. Scott, promoted Second Lieutenant from Sergeant (chief of regimental corps of sharpshooters).

COMPANY B was from Mecklenburg county and its first Captain was J. Harvey White, commissioned 1 March, 1862, killed at Spottsylvania Court House in May, 1864. Samuel E. Belk, First Lieutenant; John M. Springs, Second Lieutenant, promoted Assistant Quartermaster; William M. Matthews, Second Lieutenant, promoted from First Sergeant; M. E. Alexander, promoted Second Lieutenant from Second Sergeant. Lieutenants Belk, Matthews and Alexander were wounded at Gettysburg.

COMPANY C was from Johnston, Chatham and Wake, mostly from Johnston. Its first Captain was John Leach, commissioned 28 February, 1862; was succeeded as Captain by J. C. Richardson (wounded at Petersburg), commissioned 17 April, 1863, both from Johnston county; George T. Leach, of Chatham, commissioned First Lieutenant 7 March, 1862; John H. Tomlinson, of Johnston county, commissioned Second Lieutenant in April, 1862, resigned and succeeded by E. Tomlinson in 1862; S. R. Horn, of Johnston county, was commissioned Second Lieutenant 21 July, 1862.

COMPANY D was from Guilford, Cumberland, Forsyth, Stokes, Bladen and Surry. David Scott, Jr., of Guilford county, was commissioned Captain 1 March, 1862, resigned and was succeeded 15 May, 1863, by Alexander Ray, of Cumberland county, promoted from First Lieutenant and killed at Petersburg, April 1865. Alexander Ray was commissioned First Lieutenant 1 March, 1862; Madison L. Efland, of Guilford county, commissioned Second Lieutenant 1 March, 1862, promoted First Lieutenant 15 May, 1863, and wounded; A. H. Westmoreland, of Stokes county, was promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant; W. N. Westmoreland, Stokes county, was promoted from the ranks to Second Lieutenant in 1863.

COMPANY E was from Surry county. J. C. Norman was commissioned Captain on 8 March, 1862, resigned the following December and was succeeded by First Lieutenant Robert A. Hill, killed in 1864, succeeded in turn as Captain by First Lieutenant B. W. Minter; Samuel Walker was commissioned Second Lieutenant 8 March, 1862, promoted to First Lieutenant December, 1862, and resigned; B. W. Minter, Second Lieutenant, promoted First Lieutenant and Captain; Henry Hines, Second Lieutenant, in 1862; Logan Bemer, promoted from Corporal to Second Lieutenant, wounded and captured in 1864; James A. Hill, Second Lieutenant, captured in 1864.

COMPANY F was from Alamance and Chatham. G. M. G. Albright was commissioned Captain 5 May, 1862, killed July, 1863, at Gettysburg, and was succeeded by A. G. Albright, promoted from First Lieutenant (wounded at Fisher's Hill, 1864); Jesse M. Holt, First Lieutenant, 16 July, 1863, promoted from Second Lieutenant, (killed at Winchester, 1864); Branson Lambe, commissioned in 1864, promoted from Second Lieutenant; John J. Webster, commissioned Second Lieutenant May, 1862, and resigned; S. J. Albright, commissioned Second Lieutenant in 1862 and killed at Spottsylvania Court House in 1864.

COMPANY F was from Stokes. G. W. Clarke was commissioned Captain on 20 March, 1862, and resigned May, 1862; was succeeded by John W. Rierson, promoted from Second Lieutenant and who was in 1863 promoted to Major, wounded at Winchester and killed at Petersburg, April, 1865. He was in time succeeded as Captain by H. H. Campbell, promoted from First Lieutenant and killed at Winchester. G. B. Moore was commissioned First Lieutenant in March, 1862, resigned in June; John W. Rierson, commissioned Second Lieutenant March, 1862; W. H. McKinney was promoted from the ranks in May, 1862, to second Lieutenant, and wounded at Winchester; C. F. Hall, promoted from ranks to Second Lieutenant, mortally wounded at Gettysburg; W. F. Campbell, promoted First Lieutenant and wounded at Washington, D. C.

COMPANY H was from Stokes county. Captain Spottswood B. Taylor was commissioned on 20 March, 1862, resigned on account of health in November, 1863, and was succeeded by John E. Miller, promoted from Second Lieutenant, who was wounded at Snicker's Ford and captured September, 1864; Thomas S. Burnett, commissioned First Lieutenant 20 March, 1862, and killed in 1863; Charles A. McGehee, First Lieutenant, November, 1862, wounded at Gettysburg 3 July, 1863, and captured; Alexander M. King, Second Lieutenant, March, 1862; J. Henry Owens, promoted Second Lieutenant from Sergeant-Major, December, 1862, and killed; Alexander Boyles, promoted First Lieutenant.

COMPANY I was from Union county. E. A. Jerome was commissioned Captain 20 March, 1862, and resigned in June following, and was succeeded by Thomas E. Ashcraft, promoted from First Lieutenant; John D. Cuthbertson, commissioned Second Lieutenant 20 March, 1862, promoted First Lieutenant; Joshua Lee, commissioned Second Lieutenant 20 March, 1862; James E. Green, promoted from the ranks, Second Lieutenant 24 June, 1862; A. T. Marsh, promoted from Sergeant to Second Lieutenant 19 May, 1864.

COMPANY K was from Wilkes county. William J. Miller was commissioned Captain 20 March, 1862, killed at Gettysburg 1 July, 1863, and was succeeded by Jesse F. Eller, promoted from Second Lieutenant; Thomas C. Miller, promoted from Second Lieutenant to First Lieutenant 1 July, 1863; Thomas C. Miller, commissioned Second Lieutenant in August, 1862.

This regiment lost in killed its first Colonel, who was twice wounded; both of its Majors, one of them, Rierson, several times wounded and its Adjutant. Its surviving Colonel was wounded three times, at Gettysburg, Fisher's Hill and in the assault upon the Federal lines at Hare's Hill on 25 March, 1865, in which last engagement he was captured within the enemy's works.

As it is, I have only the approximately correct report of the losses of one of the companies of the regiment, and that only in one battle, but I think the losses of the other companies may be fairly estimated from the losses of this one.

Company B lost at Gettysburg out of about 65 men, 8 killed and 22 wounded, and of the four officers, three were wounded.

I meet many of these scarred and now grizzly veterans of the companies from Alamance, Guilford, Stokes and Surry at my courts in these counties, and hear sometimes from those from the other counties, and with very few exceptions they have shown themselves to be as good citizens as they were gallant soldiers. They illustrate that "peace hath her victories no less renowned than war."

The regiment reduced to a handful of men shared the fortunes of the historic retreat and surrendered at Appomattox, being then commanded by Captain Thomas E. Ashcraft, the brigade being commanded by Colonel David G. Cowand. General Grimes having been made a Major-General, commanded the division.

I cannot close this sketch without acknowledging my indebtedness to Captain Sutton and Private J. Montgomery, of Company A; L. Leon, of Company B, who kindly furnished me with copy of a diary kept by him from organization of the regiment up to 5 May, 1864, when he was captured; Captain Albright, of Company F; Captain S. B. Taylor, of Company H, and Lieutenant W. F. Campbell, of Company G, for valuable information; and I hope that the publication of the sketches of the North Carolina regiments will excite interest enough among the old soldiers to give us further dates and incidents. I wish I could write a history of my regiment which would do the officers and men full credit for their patriotism and services.

The patriotism and heroism of these soldiers were illustrated by the patient and uncomplaining endurance of the forced march, the short rations, the hardships of winter camps and campaigns as much as by their fighting qualities. Posterity will hesitate to decide which is most worthy of admiration.

JAMES T. MOREHEAD,

GREENSBORO, N. C.,
        9 APRIL, 1901.

SOURCES: Walter Clark, Editor, Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-’65, Vol. 3, p. 255-65; Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 72-82

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop, Friday, May 6, 1864

BEHIND THE ENEMY'S GUNS; LEE AND LONGSTREET.

Up at earliest dawn. Feeling quite well. The sound of battle was in our ears. The ground is very foul here; a winter camp and a fresh battle ground. Dead cavalrymen, killed yesterday are in our midst, our men bury them. At daylight Longstreet's corps came up on a forced march, moving close to us; it was two hours passing. General Longstreet and staff call at General Lee's headquarters, a hundred yards distant. The fore part of last night several batteries were hurried past, sent, I think, to Lee's right. I think this early fighting is to facilitate a movement by our left wing around Lee's right. Hard to get water. They let a few men out with canteens under guard. When Longstreet returned to his column he was accompanied by General Lee. A short time they stood together dismounted, with bared heads, opposite us on the other side of Longstreet's cheering columns hastening to battle. Grave  concern was on their faces. Magnificent men; but I felt oppressed with the fact of their attitude toward their country, fighting to disrupt it, to maintain a claim of right to perpetuate slavery by unlimited extension; to curse the whole country as it curses the South. Educated to serve the Nation, sworn to do it, they break their oaths by acts most treasonable, justifying their course by the flimsy pretext of the acts of their states in seceding because a president, not their choice is elected. It is apalling how men of large ability and boasted dignity, stultify themselves! the greater the men the greater their responsibility for wrongful acts. The roar of deadly battle this good morning witnesseth their and their associates sin. What wretched perversion of the sentiment of patriotism! Their cause fails, God rules! General Lee and staff passed close to me at 7 o'clock, galloping to the front. He has a pleasant face, peculiarly impressive but stern; an imperative temperament that inspires confidence, admiration and fear, the austere features lighted by geniality and persistent characteristics signifying strength of nature, but liable to act from illogical and dangerous influence that appeals to prejudice, narrow pride, warped by false traditions; a bent of character when once it espouses illegitimate conclusions, devotes his best ability to accomplish ends his better judgment had condemned.

The battle had opened at 5 o'clock, our sixth corp[s] attacking. Firing terrific, nearer this point than last night but farther west, came nearer steadily, our forces driving till Longstreet's corp[s] reached the field, overlapping our line and regained the position from which our forces had driven them. Had our attack occurred an hour earlier, decisive defeat of the Rebel forces engaged must have resulted before Longstreet could have arrived. Our lines are reported in confusion and falling back.

The rest of our party who avoided capture last night, are brought in after trying all night to escape. Officers are as humble as privates, look full as serious over prospects. Talk of exchange as soon as the campaign is over, July at the farthest. But the duration of this campaign is uncertain. A great disaster on either side would need it. If there are no decisive results, and a prospect of transferring the struggle to the vicinity of Richmond—Butler is already near there—it will be longer than any other Virginia campaign. Lee will get no peace as long as Grant maintains a position between Fredericksburg and Richmond, until he is in his stronghold; then Lee's fate will be settled. Fortunate we shall be if we see our lines by September. By 8 a. m. fighting ceased; wounded coming in fast. Confederates taken to field hospitals, our wounded put with us. Some have lain all night, are chilled badly. It is hard to see so many bleeding men shot through faces, arms, legs, bodies, broken limbs, distorted mouths, one with eye-ball dangling on his cheek, blood clotted on his face, neck and breast. They let us help them from ambulances. They cry for water, some stupid, some shaking with chills and crying for blankets. Rebels claim they whipped us yesterday; but they have no advantage except in position; in that they are losing. They admit two generals killed and Longstreet wounded. Fog clears away; gets pleasant.

LEAVE BATTLE LINE FOR PRISON—INTERVIEW REBEL OFFICER.

At 10 a. m. about 700 prisoners started for Orange Court House. Day hot, road dusty. We meet supply trains, ambulances, troops and a few conveyances with civilians pushing to the front, and for twenty miles groups of stragglers limping on, some lying down, the hardest looking lot of men ever seen trying to get to their commands. As we met the troops they cried, "What brigade's that?" "Are you on to Richmond?" "Where's Grant?" We were told that already a large portion of his army was north of the Rappahannock. Sneers, jeers and words of contempt we did not notice; but when they told us we were whipped we replied bitterly, "You fool yourselves." Till noon we march fast, the guard keeping ranks closed up, threatening if one lagged. We suffered with thirst, wallowed in a constant cloud of dust, panted with heat and chafed over our terrible luck.

Our guard claims to be General Lee's bodyguard; better men than the general run of Rebel soldiers. They grew sociable and easy with us. We halted at noon near a creek in woods by the roadside, until lately an army camp, and rested an hour. Bathing my head and neck freely in the stream, I felt better. A man about forty years old, a Captain, was eager to talk politics. I saw him talking to one of our soldiers who was irritated by his secesh notions, which he put forward in a good natured but overbearing way. The boy could not stand it and "blew on him" and took another seat. Anxious for a little Copperhead philosophy from a Southerner, I took a position nearly in front of him, my friend Thompson on my right, and called him out. The group that listened were convinced that Northern sympathizers are of the Virginia stripe, the same bird that can see only in the night of slavery and Southern rights and the art of secession; and while he believed in secession he was not of the "fire-eater" temperament but would have preferred the further way round to the same point. That is, he preferred that the slavery question be settled in favor of slaveholders in the Union. But "Black Republicans" and "Nigger Stealers" had seized the bridge, and the South had gone all one way by the Secession route." "We conservatives fell in at last feeling elated and sure," said he, "that when we get secession, friends at the North will help us to pin to the wall the radicals, hang abolishionists, suppress every newspaper like old Greeley's and stop the incendiary preaching against slavery, and reestablish the Union on Southern ideas proclaimed by Alexander H. Stephens in his inauguration speech, making slavery the chief cornerstone of a new government."

We accepted his declaration as very frank and representative of so-called Virginia conservatives. Consequently they rejoiced to see a party crying down the administration, praying that that party shall rise to power, in Northern States, hurl every man from positions of trust that does not believe in the policy of the extreme Southern leaders on the slavery doctrine, with the fiercenes of vigilance committees. I had read much of this many times in stanch newspapers, ratification speeches and in platforms. While in his mind lurked a love for Union, he said: "First and always the independence of the South must be the end of this war." If Northern "doe-faces" would still whine for a Union on "time-honored principles" namely, on any terms dictated by Calhoun disciples, their manhood and patriotism is a nullity. A thousand times have I wept and raved that Northerners should palaver over this deliberate treason of the South, failing to see the issue so plain that he who runs may read. There never was a more direct conflict of principles than this in which America is engaged.

To detail all was said is impossible. I give some points to show his logic. I open by saying it was foolish to "flare up," that we ought to be able to talk even if we were prisoners, but if we could not express our views we had nothing to say; that if free discussion had been allowed by the South for the last thirty years instead of hanging Northerners for expressing opinions we would thought better of each other, the problem would have been solved without war.

Tis home is at Leesburg, Va., in Union lines. His wife resides there. He had known General Lee many years and from the first was ready to follow him either way in this contest; so was all northern Virginia. He confirmed my assertion that if Lee had stood for the Union and offered his services, that the majority of Virginians would have been on the side of the Union, and there would have been no State of West Virginia; also that Lee deprecated secession, regarded it revolutionary and contrary to the intention of the founders of the government, and if successfully it would multiply the very evils slaveholders complain of. But he justified his ultimate course by the fact that his State had seceded, that it had a right to secede, and that his duty to Virginia was paramount to his allegiance to the national government.

 "A majority of Southern men are States rights," said he, "and when it appeared that the South would secede, State after State, it was plain to Southerners that the Union had gone to pieces,—nothing left to hang to, even if every Northern State should legalize nigger slavery and embellish all Northern political platforms with Southern notions about that 'peculiar institution.' Southern rights, secession, and slavery is the prevailing trend, out and out slave confederacy the aim. No man of character can live in the South and attain success without slaves, or an heirdom, pecuniarily or socially. A slave holder has standing; it is a certificate of character, a credential that takes him everywhere, to be master and owner of labor. He holds the church in his hand, and in his grip the politicians and the state. The press must be his tool. He is master of society as well as his slaves; commands respect from centers of fashion and trade, even in England and France regardless of professed aversion to slavery. You had not a merchant in New York, of wealth and influence, who did not cater to the hated slave-power; always will out of the Union the same as in."

He owned slaves when the war began; he had thirty-three. He said: "You nigger stealers got all but one, and he is a cook in Lee's army." Then to my surprise he said:

"I never did believe slavery right; it began by stealing and piracy, and you fellows mean it shall end the same way. It is practically the curse, of the South, degrading to the master morally; degrading to the mass who never did and never can hold slaves; yet the mass are the bone and sinew of its strength. Slavery is to be the cornerstone of the Confederacy; but that stone rests upon the bare backs of the non-slave holding rank and file. They must be our military strength. They are not and cannot be our industrial strength; that belongs to the slaves under the whip. The wealth, social and political power, lie with slave owners; they are the land owners; they rule the white mass as effectually and at less cost than they control the blacks. The future of the South is a military empire and necessarily a wealthy power."

I endorsed his prophesy, if the South should succeed, and asked: "If slavery is not right, why are you fighting to maintain it? Why will it not be abolished? He said:

"The South has made it a permanent system not only of domestic importance, but a state policy, a source of social, economical and political strength. The abolishionists are not strong enough

to abolish it; secession has placed it beyond their reach. It is an accomplished fact. If the Confederacy is not recognized this summer it will be be [sic] after the fall election. The wealth power of the North, then, through commercial and financial interests, will be weighed against you."

"You are deluded, Sir, in assuming that secession, if successful, will put slavery beyond the growing power of abolishionism. Freedom is progressive; your boast arrays civilization and progress against you. Again you are wrong in assuming that the Confederacy will be recognized this year or next. The rabid spirit of the slave power has called into greater force the love of liberty, the principle written in the Declaration of Independence, than has been known for ages. The very fact that your great men of Virginia today repudiate Washington, Jefferson, Henry and Madison, convicts you of treason to the spirit of '76. Your apparent chance of success as it seemed to exist has gone. You stole States, forts, arms, men trained at government cost, until we had nothing left in the South and but little in the North. We then proposed to coax you to old fashioned loyalty patched with a new slavery grant. But you thought you had it all. We now propose to restore the Union and purge it of slavery. Instead of recognition you will see that secession will go to pieces and your Confederacy will collapse. We were unprepared for this fight, you boasted you were ready. We are now ready and your power must wane. It will cost less to save the Union without slavery than with it. Should you now offer to accept our first purpose, to save the Union, with slavery, the North would scorn it. The trend is against your scheme of a black Utopia, a slave owning, slave breeding, slave selling, slave working empire.

"Had the Democrats of the North done as they might have done you would not have been here, boys. Abe Lincoln could not have carried on the war. The abolishionists will have a sweet time up North this fall if they run McClellan for president." "What did you expect they would do?"

"Do what they said they would, oppose the draft and war by force, not let the abolishionists rule."

"Is it possible you expected what you call the Democrats would assist you?"

"We cal'lated their opposition to Lincoln would prevent war, but they kept still and let him control the people and gave him power in Congress and had not nerve to oppose him."

"But it was your party that gave him power in Congress by seceding; they boasted North that Lincoln could not choose his Cabinet except by sanction of a Democratic Senate."

"Yes, but we had seceded, and there would have been less bloodshed had they shed some."

"You deceived yourselves."

"Should not have been deceived had Seymour led the New York riot. When he was elected Governor the South rejoiced; New York would send no more men and when that riot came up we expected great things; but instead of running it he let it run itself; he might have helped us there."

"What, you don't suppose Horatio Seymour is in sympathy with secession! He will stand for the Union till the last." My aim was to make them believe that the North is a unit. So I added: "The people of the South have, and will rely in vain upon this element; the mere difference of opinion never will injure our strength. The North is as one man on the question of Union and never will give it up; they can whip you and will do it."

"See what they will do if they elect McClellan, he is your best man; you never ought to have removed him."

"Will you come back into the Union if he should be elected?"

"Never; we'd be d----d fools to come into the Union then. Never; until all States shall have adopted policies favorable to slavery!"

He said the administration would have interfered with slavery if they had not gone to war. I quoted from the Chicago resolutions, speeches and the resolutions of Congress after they had seceded and left the power in the hands of the Republicans, showing they were anxious to give them every guarantee not to interfere with the local establishment of slavery by legislation; that they persisted in revolt and measures were adopted accordingly. "You invited war," I said, "and that invites the use of the war power against slavery. After it is over you may resume rightful relations in other matters but slavery will be ended."

"Well, niggers run into Pennsylvania and they would not let them come back."

"Recognize your Confederacy; will not the nigger go over? Will it not be an inducement to run away? Will your fugitive slave law apply?"

"Yes, they may run away."

"Will we as a nation give them up?"

"I don't know; reckon not."

"What will you do if we don't?"

"We'll fight for them."

"What have you gained there?"

"It's a state right to secede; you deny it, we establish it."

"Could you maintain a Confederacy three years?"

"I presume not; South Carolina'd kick up a muss in six months and raise h--l."

"Then the other States would have to assume the obligations of the Confederacy; this would produce discontent; what would you do?"

"Well, I s'pose we'd whip her back."

Taking him by the buttonhole, I said: "Where are your state rights, man?"

Amid the shouts of the boys he laughed, frowned, colored, and was much agitated, and said:

"Damn her; she and Massachusetts ought to've been shoved into the ocean years ago."

"That can't be done; you'd whip her back and that is precisely what we are doing only on a larger scale. Can you blame us for whipping you back?"

"Never can do it. We will have our independence; without that there will not be a slave in the South; a man is a fool that thinks we are fighting for compromise, or will give up till we are whipped, or force you to concede our rights."

"So we might as well have it out and end the matter, slavery question and all."

"Yes, sir; we agree on that."

"We are going to do it," shouted the boys.

Giving him a Union hardtack and receiving one of his, feeling heartily thankful that we had over an hour's talk with an officer of Lee's bodyguard, we pursued our dreary journey, considerably rested.

TALKS AND INCIDENTS AT GORDONSVILLE.

Passing Mine Run we got a view of that formidable position which we invested in December last and realized the wisdom of General Meade's caution in retiring. The most important place on the route is Old Verdersville where we raided her public wells. Many of our men were overcome with thirst, heat and cramps. Griffith and I had some dried currants and Jamaica ginger which we distributed much to their relief. It was eight in the evening, and very dark when we arrived at Orange Court House. They put us in the court house yard which is paved with cobble stones and surrounded by an iron fence, so crowded that there was not room for all to lie down. We had come 25 miles, was faint, tired, dejected; had eaten but little all day, piecing out the remnant of rations drawn May 3 and 4, not knowing when the Rebels would issue any.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 30-8

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop, Thursday, May 5, 1864

OPENING THE GREAT WILDERNESS BATTLES.

Before day bugles blowed, drums beat; men get ready to march. At dawn troops were moving; at sunrise our division marched. A mile out we discovered indications of the enemy. More skirmishers are thrown out (56th Pennsylvania of our brigade) and a battery accompanying it. Heavy picket lines move on the right and left of the advancing column. In an hour we move southwest, into thick woods. The road became so crowded by troops and artillery that moving was difficult. At last we moved rapidly, the artillery halting to give us a chance. We struck the plank road leading to Orange Court House from Fredericksburg, and reached a clearing about two miles on, our brigade leading, formed for battle, and halted, having come up with our skirmish line that had met a check. Several generals were riding on the line. In a few minutes General J. C. Rice, of our brigade, ordered three companies of the 76th N. Y. to deploy as skirmishers. Companies F, K and B advanced along the edge of the woods to the left and deployed. Advancing into the woods we were ordered to lie down, General Rice superintending at the time. Sharp skirmishing was taking place to the left between cavalry which grew heavier and nearer. Our line was being driven in by a stronger force, Rebels yelling as they came on. Firing nearly ceased, then came a sharp volley that shook the woods. The Rebels yelled and fell back, we following. This was the first fire received by our part of the line since deploying. The fight grew sharp; our line trembled but we heard artillery hurrying through the woods having to cut roads. The enemy again attacked us. Presently we heard cannon booming heavily, we rallied and Rebs fell back. The lines on our right and left seemed to have changed; then firing nearly ceased. We pressed forward and came up to a heavier detachment of the enemy and had a lively brush, taking three or four prisoners and driving the enemy. Our orders were to advance two miles, if possible, and we pushed on firing and maneuvering every way, part of the time lying flat, loading and firing. We took seven more Johnnies.

Meantime firing began on our right earnestly, an incessant roll of musketry for two hours. It was between our Fifth corp and Ewell's. It began about noon and lasted half the afternoon, but little artillery being used on our side on account of the woods. It appeared they had turned our left flank, which cut us off from any support.

We found the enemy's skirmishers on our left, right and front in heavy force and connections with our forces broken. We sent men to find the brigade that we might get relief or orders, and they never returned. We were dealing with an enemy more than ten to our one who were trying to decoy us. It proved we were behind Lee's fighting line and in the track of his reinforcements, as then constituted. It was impossible to maintain a position against their assaults. That we might more safely retire and to deceive them as to our force the line was assembled, and we gathered nearly 500 men, some of the 56th Pennsylvania, and fragments of eastern and western regiments that had been scattered. To extend our line we advanced boldly single rank, fixing bayonets, loudly cheering, firing rapidly as we located the Rebs who disappeared over the ridge, behind a high, thick hedge, when we suddenly moved by the right flank and file right, double quick. We thought ourselves lucky when we got out of this predicament.

We had lost seventeen men out of our three (76th regiment) companies. During our direct movement, before retiring, we passed over several dead Southerners. The movement became confused, some of the men breaking off from the column and came in contact with another body of the enemy. In getting out I barely escaped running into this body. As I approached they cried "Come in, you Yank!"; their pieces were at a ready, but I plunged to the right into a narrow gulf down an embankment through the brush to the bottom, despite whistling bullets, and soon came up to the officers and most of the men. One of the boys who was taken at this time escaped without hat or equipments.

Several bullets came near hitting me during the forenoon. At one time I stood by a hickory tree charging my gun, when a bullet struck it within two inches of my face. I cast my eye to the spot when another ball struck the tree an inch below and glanced away, throwing the bark in my face. Others struck a log, behind which I lay, and glanced over me.

The woods were very thick and we ran as fast as possible and reached a small clearing. Some thought it the place where our brigade formed for battle in the morning and where we were detached as skirmishers; I did not recognize it. It was now 3 o'clock and quiet all around. We were perplexed, tired, hungry and hot, besmeared with powder and dust, clothing torn and faces and arms scratched with brush. We lay down and ate a hardtack, hoping for the better. In our retreat we paid no attention to prisoners and only one, belonging to a North Carolina regiment, was with us. Contact with the new force of Rebels from which I escaped, convinced me that we had been drawn purposely on and that this party, which seemed numerous, was swinging to our rear and that our movement was timely. I informed the officers of what I had seen and believed and, while they were consulting, a young "darkey" whom Captain Swan recognized as his father's servant, who was Captain in Co. D of our regiment. He was much excited and came running from the woods and said there was Rebel cavalry "right out dar," pointing in the direction we hoped to find our army. An officer immediately rode to the edge of the woods but came back hastily, falling us in and we moved to the west as fast as possible. We had not reached the woods before the cavalry came out on the other side thundering and rattling and quickly formed. We were not thirty rods distant when they formed. We immediately formed and moved into the woods and prepared for a fight feeling confident that if we could not whip the cavalry we could not out run it. A few men were so excited they could hardly be kept in line.

A Rebel officer came out the road; (a mere by-road). Discovering us ready, he returned. They immediately changed their course and we went on. We moved as fast and as cautiously as possible, for the woods seemed full of the enemies scouts with whom some shots were exchanged. Turning north we passed through a dark swamp and came out near a clearing. A portion of the ground had been fought over. Dead and wounded were scattered along. Mostly Union, but I saw two dead Southerners. For a ways guns, knapsacks, hats and blankets were strewn. From the position of these we judged our skirmishers had been overwhelmed, slaughtered, driven in or captured. Coming near the edge of the woods we halted and, after consultation, Lieutenant Cheesman of Rice's staff rode out to an old house at the edge of the clearing. He found an old man and a fair looking young woman who asserted their ignorance of the presence of any of Lee's army and consented to go with us to show the way to Chancellorsville. In about half a mile we came to where the road forked. They told us to take the right and at a certain point to turn to the right again, and we would reach Chancellorsville in about four and a half miles. They were dismissed by the officer in charge and were observing us pass when I noticed disgraceful and humiliating conduct of a lieutenant of the 95th N. Y. volunteers, an insignificant looking fellow who thrust his face close to hers and used insulting language, calling her abusive epithets. She shrank from him. Those who saw him hissed and cried "pimp, louse, fool" and other epithets. He threatened to put us under arrest for using disrespectful language to an officer. They called him a scoundrel, saying "if we get to our lines we'll report you." He sneaked off to keep from being clubbed by their muskets. Officers hearing the row ascertained the cause, reprimanded him and told the men they did right. Capt. Swan apologized to the woman.

SURPRISED AND MADE PRISONERS OF WAR.

We had gone scarcely half a mile before we were in the midst of the enemy again. The first intimation we had of it was the clicking of their muskets as they cocked them and I saw two officers on horseback to the right of the road ahead and their lines rose up in front and on both sides of us. Our officers were too confident of escape and neglected to put out an advance guard after talking with those people, although we had a rear guard. It was an overwhelming surprise. Officers and men stood speechless, huddled together. But one order was given, that by Orderly Sergeant G. W. Mattison of Co. F 76th N. Y., to "wheel into line and fire," which we did quickly and commenced to reload as we fell back. The Rebel fire was directed to the huddle of men, twenty-two of whom were killed and wounded and among them the lieutenant of the 95th N. Y. was shot through the bowels and killed; Lieut. Cahill, Co. B 76th N. Y., through the right arm, breaking it, but none of our company were injured; three others were killed as near as I could learn. I saw several fall in the Rebel ranks. There was confusion and fright, most of the men scattering, flinging away everything hoping to escape. Lieuts. Cheesman and Call flew on Cheesman's horse. Our company broke, the men hoping to escape. Tbout twenty of us re-formed back in the thicket and rallied to fight them, when someone from the front cried "hold on, boys, hold on, they are our men; don't fire for God's sake!"

At this point I saw Captains Swan and Clyde in the midst of the Rebels waving their hats not to fire. Exultant at the thought that we had met friends instead of foes, for the thicket we could not see that they were, we eagerly rushed forward shouting "Good!" Then I saw the two captains throwing off their belts and swords, holding their swords up by the points. The Rebels rushed at us screaming "surrender you Yanks," "throw down them guns." Some were for running, some for renewing the fight.

I heard Captain Swan say "Its no use, better surrender;" Some attempted to break their guns against trees, but Rebel bayonets were so near and so many, that we desisted. The wounded in our midst begged us not to fire. Plunging the bayonet which I had fixed to my Springfield, into the ground I said, "Boys you've got us." "Come heah," they said, and I did, cutting my straps at the same time. I tore the bugle from my hat, not caring to indulge the Rebel craze for Yankee trinkets. Just after an officer rode up to the next man and said, "Gimme that bugle on your hat sah" (a brass ornament for hat or cap.) Jonnies mixed freely with us to trade canteens, knives, caps, rubber blankets, tobacco boxes, etc. Excitement chiefly over we marched about 30 rods to a strip of clearing where we found a division of Hill's corps in line of battle to receive us. One said to me that they had been watching for us all the afternoon. "We'ns reckoned there was a heap more of you'ns; you'ns played right smart or we would had you'ns befo'."

He said the woods were full of cavalry looking for us. They got nearly 300 men.

It was between 5 and 6 o'clock p. m. when we stood before that long line of men saying all sorts of things to us, asking all sorts of questions, what we thought about other battles that had been fought where they had been successful, how Grant was getting along, what we thought of Bobby Lee, and if McClellan would be our next President and other things, while the officers prepared to move the column to the rear. I was very thirsty and was glad to trade my canteen for the sake of water. Cannonading was lively, shells screaming through the air almost over head. We found ourselves between our right and Lee's left flank but nearer to Lee's.

Looking easterly I saw the Union line advancing, muskets gleaming, smoke rolling in front as far as could be seen, probably over two miles. Batteries were in action on both sides. The Confederate works were indicated far and near by the smoke of musketry and cannon. The ground shook from the force of rapid firing. As I looked about it seemed like the beginning of sorrow, a day of trouble and danger passed and worse to come. I forgot to say that Capts. Swan and Clyde threw themselves flat on the ground at the Rebels first fire and that each was grazed by bullets on the cheek. They had got but about two-thirds of our party. In a few minutes the Rebel command "Attention," was given and the column left faced and moved off, prisoners marching by their side. As we double quickened up the hill the rattle of musketry mingled with the roar of cannon and the bursting of shells was terrific. As we approached their lines it seemed to be in confusion, shifting batteries, digging rifle-pits, throwing up breast works, cavalry golloping and reserve infantry rushing to the front. Excitement was intense as we passed through their lines and were hurried back, our own shells cutting the woods around us. We had been taken charge of by a detail of guards, the troops that escorted us in, being assigned to a position in the line of battle. We were halted about sixty rods to the rear from the line of battle behind the woods where we found other prisoners crowded together as thickly as possible, surrounded by Rebel troops. Faint and thirsty we sat down to take it as easily as possible. There came a lull in the battle but in a few minutes the quiet was broken by an outburst of firing close at hand. Great confusion prevailed; shouts of distress and sharp commands mingled; teams with and without riders came flying back; down the road, through field and wood, fled fragments of infantry, officers shouting halt, flourishing swords and revolvers. Guards yelled, "The Yanks are coming, the line is broken, fall in right smart, get out of har Yanks."

It was a scarry time for us, though we rejoiced to see it. Bayonets in hands of excited Rebels, some so enraged as to be anxious to use them. We expected the whole line might be thrown dismayed upon us, and our bullets might whittle us. The stampede was soon checked, fresh regiments hastening forward and it became quiet. Though we had not gone a rod an officer came along and in a kindly manner said, "Sit down, boys, and take it cool." Yanks began to inquire of Rebs about particulars of the excitement, when an officer told both parties to "shut your heads, its nothing but a d----d nigger let a span of horses loose." About sunset the battle was resumed. The roll of musketry was terrible and incesant, cannonading almost continuous until after 8 o'clock. Before dark we were marched about two miles to near Barker's store where we found other prisoners. We got over the trenches, rifle pits and breast works and lay down for the night. It was very dark, and we were closely guarded and not allowed to speak to the guards.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 25-30

Diary of Private Louis Leon: May 5, 1864

Moved this morning, feeling for the enemy, and came up to them at noon, five miles from the Run, in the Wilderness. It certainly is a wilderness; it is almost impossible for a man to walk, as the woods are thick with an underbrush growth and all kinds of shrubbery, old logs, grapevines, and goodness knows what. My corps of sharpshooters was ordered to the front. We formed in line and advanced to the enemy. We fought them very hard for three hours, they falling back all the time. Our sharpshooters' line got mixed up with Gordon's Brigade, and fought with them. In one charge we got to the most elevated place in the Wilderness. We looked back for our brigade, but saw it not. Just then a Yankee officer came up and we took him prisoner. Some of Gordon's men took him to the rear. Six of our regiment, sharpshooters, myself included, went to the right to join our regiment, but were picked up by the Yankees and made prisoners. We were run back in their line on the double quick. When we got to their rear we found about 300 of our men were already prisoners. The Yankees lost very heavily in this fight, more than we did. Although we lost heavy enough, but, my Heavens! what an army they have got. It seems to me that there is ten of them to one of us. It looks strange that we could deliver such fearful blows when, in fact, if numbers counted, they should have killed us two years ago. In going to their rear we passed through four lines of battle and reinforcements still coming up, while we are satisfied with, or at least have no more than one line of battle.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 60-1

Diary of Private Louis Leon: May 6, 1864

Fighting commenced at daylight, and lasted all day. So did it last with their everlasting reinforcements. If General Lee only had half their men, and those men were rebels, we would go to Washington in two weeks. When he has fought such an army for four years it certainly shows we have the generals and the fighting-stock on our side, and they have the hirelings. Look at our army, and you will see them in rags and barefooted. But among the Yankees I see nothing but an abundance of everything. Still, they haven't whipped the rebels. Several of our boys came in as prisoners to-day, with them Engle of our company. They think I was killed, so does my brother, but as yet the bullet has not done its last work for your humble servant.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 61

Diary of Private Louis Leon: May 14, 1864

We are still camped here. Have been prisoners since the 5th of this month, and have drawn three and a half days' rations. On that kind of a diet I am not getting very fat. We certainly would have suffered a great deal, but our Yankee guard gave us quite a lot of their own rations.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 63

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, May 7, 1864

Wilderness,

May 7, 1864.

On the 5th we marched all day on the plank road from Orange Court House to this place. We got into a hard fight on the left of the road rather late in the afternoon. The fighting was desperate for two or three hours, with the least cannonading I have ever heard in a battle. I suppose this was due to the level country and the thick undergrowth. It is low, flat and entirely unfit for cultivation.

After night Major Hammond rode up to where we doctors were and told us that about two miles to the rear there was a poor Yankee who was badly wounded. He insisted that someone of us go back to help him. I went, and found him paralyzed from a shot in the back. I gave him water and morphine, and made him comfortable as best I could. The poor fellow seemed very grateful.

After I returned to our lines the order came to move back with our medical stores to Orange Court House. We marched nearly all night, but just before day we were ordered back to the Wilderness again, and we reached there soon after sunrise. Longstreet came up about this time, having made a forced march all night. Then the fighting began in earnest-continuing fearful and desperate all day. The tremendous roar of the artillery and the rattle of the musketry seemed to make the woods tremble.

Late in the afternoon of this day I went among the wounded of the Third Regiment South Carolina Volunteers and of the Yankees who had fallen into our hands. As usual on such occasions groans and cries met me from every side. I found Colonel James Nance, my old schoolmate, and Colonel Gaillard of Fairfield lying side by side in death. Near them lay Warren Peterson, with a shattered thigh-bone, and still others who were my friends. Many of the enemy were there. Not far from these was an old man, a Yankee officer, mortally wounded. I learned that he was Brigadier-General Wadsworth, once Governor of New York.

I picked up an excellent Yankee overcoat on the battlefield, but the cape is off. I will have a sack coat made of it. I also found an India rubber cloth that is big enough for four men to lie on or to make a tent of. I have never before seen a battlefield so strewn with overcoats, knapsacks, India rubber cloths and everything else soldiers carry, except at Chancellorsville. The dead Yankees are everywhere. I have never before seen woods so completely riddled with bullets. At one place the battle raged among chinquapin bushes. All the bark was knocked off and the bushes are literally torn to pieces.

Tell Bob that as soon as I draw some of the new issue I will send him the pay for your catskin shoes.

[NOTE.—After two days of hard fighting at the Wilderness and the same at Spottsylvania, and failing to break through the Confederate lines, General Grant decided to make one more determined effort by concentrating in front of the angle in the Confederate breastworks. About daylight on May 12 a desperate charge was made upon this angle, which was occupied by General Bradley T. Johnson of Maryland. This overwhelming charge by the enemy was too much, and the Confederates were borne down, and General Johnson and his command of four thousand men and twenty pieces of artillery were captured. General Lee was in the rear with a reserve force, consisting of McGowan's South Carolina Brigade and some Mississippians, whom he rushed forward, and they reoccupied the angle. The Federals jumped back over the works, but did not retreat, and, after fighting all day and a greater part of the night, both sides were utterly exhausted, and ceased. A large oak standing on the works was cut down by bullets alone.]

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 93-6

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, May 13, 1864

Field Hospital near Spottsylvania Court House, Va.,

May 13, 1864.

When I wrote to you on the 7th instant I thought our fighting was over, for we had driven the Yankees off the field at the Wilderness and they had refused to attack us again; but we had another big fight with them the next day (8th instant) near this place. Then on the 10th another big fight here, and then one again yesterday that was the most terrific battle I have ever witnessed. The musketry and cannon continued from daybreak until night. Nothing that I have ever before heard compared with it. We were behind breastworks, but the Yankees charged into them in many places, fighting with the greatest determination, and it strained us to the utmost to hold our own. Such musketry I never heard before, and it continued all night, engaged with our brigade. It was perfectly fearful. I never experienced such anxiety in my life. It was an awful day, and it seemed to me as if all the “Furies of Darkness" had come together in combat. Everybody who was not firing was pale with anxiety, but our noble soldiers stood their ground, fighting with the utmost desperation.

The Yanks certainly tried their best yesterday, and they made us try our best too. It was the most desperate struggle of the war. I do not know that it is ended, but we have quiet to-day. I have not heard, but I hope the Yankees are gone and that I shall never again witness such a terrible day as yesterday was.

My brother passed through it all untouched. His company lost four killed, besides many wounded. John Landrum was killed and Scott Allen badly wounded. Mrs. Miriam Hunter's husband is mortally wounded. General Abner Perrin was killed, Colonel Brockman lost his arm, Captain McFall his eye, and General McGowan was severely wounded in the arm. This makes the fifth time he has been wounded. You will see all about it in the papers. I saw your brother Edwin yesterday. He was well, but, like everyone else, very anxious.

I will try to write you a longer letter when my mind gets settled.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 96-7

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, May 17, 1864

Field Hospital near Spottsylvania Court House, Va.,

May 17, 1864.

I received your letter of the 3d inst. this morning. You express regret that I do not receive your letters. I do receive them regularly, but you evidently do not receive mine.

We are still in "statu quo," the two armies confronting each other. I expect you know as much about the situation—or more-than I do, for, although we are right here, we know nothing unless we see the newspapers. I sent a telegram to Father on the 7th inst. from Orange Court House that my brother Billie had passed through the battle of the Wilderness safe.

We left there late that afternoon for Spottsylvania. I went over part of the battlefield as we were leaving, and saw that the Yankees had not taken time to bury their dead except behind their breastworks. We had no breastworks as far as I could see. In hurrying on we double-quicked much of the way. I understand that the dead are very thick on the battlefield near this place.

The weather cleared off yesterday, but it looks like rain again to-day. I never was more tired of rain. We all still have plenty to eat.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 98

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 5, 1864

Raining.

The sudden booming of artillery, shelling our department boys, intrenching at Bottom's Bridge, was heard until bedtime. I have heard no results of yesterday's operations.

All is quiet to-day, up to 9 A. M.

Received a letter from Custis. I have not heard whether he received the food and blanket sent him yesterday; the latter, he says, was wanted badly the night before. He charges Fanny, as usual, to be regular in feeding and watering Polly, his parrot; and never to leave the door of his cage open, for fear he may fly away.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 226

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 6, 1864

Clear and hot, but with a fine breeze-southwest.

All is quiet around the city. Saturday night the enemy again penetrated Gen. Breckinridge's line, and again were repulsed by the Floridians. Some of his regiments (as Mr. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy, who stopped in front of my house yesterday, told me) did not behave well.

Yesterday, I learn, both sides buried the dead, with the exception of some Federals piled up in front of Lee's breastworks. A deserter says Grant intends to stink Lee out of his position, if nothing else will suffice. What a war, and for what? The Presidency (United States), perhaps!

I learn that the Departmental Battalion, near Bottom's Bridge, has been moved back a mile, out of range of the enemy's shells and sharpshooters.

We have met with a defeat in the Valley, near Staunton, which place has probably fallen. A letter from Gen. Bragg, this morning, in reply to Mr. Secretary Seddon's inquiries, says it is too true, and he indorses copies of dispatches from Gen. Vaughn and Col. Lee to Gen. R. E. Lee, who sent them to the President, and the President to Gen. B., who sends them now to the Secretary. Gen. V. calls loudly for reinforcements to save Staunton, and says Gen. W. E. Jones, who commanded, was killed. Col. Lee says, “We have been pretty badly whipped.” Gen. Bragg knows of no reinforcements that can be sent, and says Gen. R. E. Lee has command there as well as here, and was never interfered with. Gen. B. says he had tendered Gen. Lee his services, but they had not been accepted.

Small heads of early York cabbage sold in market to-day at $3, or $5 for two. At that rate, I got about $10 worth out of my garden. Mine are excellent, and so far abundant, as well as the lettuce, which we have every day. My snap beans and beets will soon come on. The little garden is a little treasure. 

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 226-7