Senator Charles Sumner to George Sumner, June 24, 1851

In answer to your inquiries, let me say that there are signs of a contest in Massachusetts such as very rarely occurs. The bitterness of the Whigs is intense, and they will spare no effort or money to regain the control of the State. I do not think they can succeed. The Free Soilers are united and determined. Our paper¹ has just passed into the hands of Mr. Joseph Lyman, an editor and proprietor, assisted by Mr. Palfrey. I think it will be the most powerful organ in Massachusetts. In the coming contest its influence must be considerable. There will be a coalition in the autumn between the Free Soilers and Democrats, with no disturbing senatorial question. The Free Soilers have been misrepresented by their opponents; and none more than myself. This, perhaps, was natural from the strong desire to break me down.

My course in this discussion from the beginning has been most guarded. I am a constitutionalist, and have never taken any position inconsistent with this character. The Garrisonians have criticised my letter² with some severity, though they have always known that there were radical differences between us. I believe that you could not hesitate to adopt every principle in our politics which I have ever maintained. Whatever may be the course of things in Massachusetts between now and the next Presidential contest, I entertain no doubt that from that time forward the Free Soil party will easily predominate in our State. In the nation the contest, of course, will be longer; but there our ultimate triumph is none the less certain. The young man whose bosom does not yet stir with sympathy for a noble cause may be swayed by a selfish ambition to keep on the side of freedom.

_______________

¹ The Commonwealth.

² May 14, 1851. Works, vol. ii. pp. 437-440.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 252-3

Congressman Horace Mann, February 14, 1850

FEB. 14.

You ejaculate a prayer for my protection. I do not feel in any personal danger. I mean to tell them what I think, and in such a way that they shall understand me. But I am principled against doing it offensively.

If Mr. Clay had demanded immunity for slavery in the States and in the District only, he would have demanded nothing more than the South claims as absolute right; and so it would, in their eyes, have wanted the reciprocity of a compromise. Nobody but the abolitionists of the Garrison school pretends to interfere with slavery in the States; and non-interference with slavery in the District, now only fifty square miles, would have seemed to them paltry. I think, regarding the thing as a compromise, Mr. Clay has done pretty well. But I do not concede their right to carry slavery into the Territories at all; and therefore I will never yield to their claim to carry it there, come what will. I should prefer dissolution even, terrible as it would be, to slavery extension.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 289

Congressman Horace Mann, January 28, 1850

JAN. 28, 1850.

This morning I was introduced to a gentleman from North Carolina, who wanted to have a talk with me about slavery. He is embedded in all the doctrines in its favor. He has been offering all commercial, economical, and pecuniary arguments to me in reference to slavery in the Territories. As to the moral and religious aspect of the question, he is as firm for slavery as William Lloyd Garrison is against it. He says he is willing to take up with any portion of the new territory which the South can accept, as a decent pretext for surrendering the rest. I told him I would give the South any money as an equivalent, any amount of the public lands which they may turn into money; but one inch of territory for slavery never! let what would come.

Dark clouds overhang the future: and that is not all; they are full of lightning.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 287-8

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, December 3, 1860

The news brought by the steamer from America is exciting. The political storm rages fiercely in the South, taking a reckless direction for secession, and produces a financial panic which cannot pass away without effecting a widespread ruin. The successful Republican party at the Presidential election are striving to appease and propitiate, but having, during the canvass, taken the “irrepressible conflict” ground, and having had the aid of the Garrisonian Radicals, who denounce the Constitution as a "League with hell," it seems natural that the South should regard their defeat as involving a destruction of their property and rights. If I could perceive among the leading men in the agitation of the South any staid, judicious statesmen, I should think the Union lost. I see only such uniformly violent, effervescing, and unsuccessful ranters as Yancey, Rhett, Keitt, Toombs, and I conclude that the local movements will yet be settled by the ballast near the keelson of the ship.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 420-1

Mr. Thompson at Lynn, published June 13, 1835

[From the Lynn Record,]

This distinguished young friend and disciple of Wilberforce, and justly celebrated orator, who has been repeatedly invited by the Anti-Slavery Society of this town, arrived on Saturday afternoon last, and was received with great satisfaction and delight. The society had a meeting on business, at the Town Hall, at the close of which, Mr. Thompson addressed a large crowded assembly of people, ladies and gentlemen, nearly two hours, in a strain of eloquence and power, quite beyond any thing we ever heard, and equally beyond our power to describe. All were held, as if by enchantment, to the close. It would be difficult to decide in which he most excelled, matter or manner. He took a comprehensive and varied view of the enormous injustice and evil of slavery, and brought up and considered the most prominent and popular objections to the plan of immediate abolition, and exposed their hypocrisy and absurdity in his own peculiar and effectual manner of cutting sarcasm. The effect was evidently great.

After Mr. Thompson had closed, a stern Pharisaical looking man, who had been sitting near the speaker, announcing himself as a preacher of the Gospel, from the South, desired the privilege of putting a few questions to Mr. Thompson, which was readily granted, and the questions as readily answered, to the satisfaction of the audience generally. The object of the stranger was to cavil and carp at what had been said. But the tables were adroitly turned upon the poor man, in a manner least expected, and most mortifying to him. One of the questions, in substance at least, was—‘Do you consider every slaveholder a thief?’ ‘I consider every person who holds and claims the right of holding his fellow being, as property, A MAN STEALER.’

After several questions, captious in their nature, had been asked and answered, Mr. Thompson turned upon his assailant, ‘If you have now done, sir, I, in turn, should like to ask you a few questions.’

‘Do you consider slavery a sin?’

‘I consider slavery a moral evil.’

‘Do you consider slavery a sin?’

‘I do consider slavery a sin.’

‘Is the marriage of slaves legal in the Southern States?’

‘It is legalized in Maryland.’

‘Can the Slaveholder, by the laws of Maryland, separate husband and wife?’

‘He can,’ &c. &c.

The gentleman stranger, (who is said to belong to Springfield in this state, formerly from the South) appealed to the people, but finally withdrew his appeal, and declared himself ‘satisfied.’ Whether satisfied or not, we believe he had as much as he could digest, and as much as he could swallow, including the question and answer system.

On Sunday evening, Mr. Thompson delivered a lecture on Slavery, in a religious view, as opposed to the doctrines of the Bible. The meeting-house (Rev. Mr. Peabody's) was much crowded, and many went away unable to gain admittance.

On Monday evening, Mr. Thompson lectured on the sin of slavery, before a newly formed ‘Anti-Slavery Society, of the New England Conference of Methodist Episcopal Ministers, consisting of about 60 or 70 Ministers—(a glorious phalanx!) at the South street Methodist meetinghouse. The house was well filled; but owing to a misunderstanding by many, that the lecture was to be delivered at the Woodend Meeting-house, (which was otherwise engaged) all who went were enabled to get in. The lecture was a powerful and splendid production both in argument and in manner of delivery.

On Tuesday evening, Mr. Thompson lectured at the Friend’s meeting-house, which is very large, and was thoroughly filled. He was assisted by Rev. A. A. Phelps, one of the public Agents of the Society, whose address was able, and well received. Mr. Garrison and several other friends of the cause, from Boston and Salem, were present. Mr. T. took occasion to glance at the past history and conduct of the Friends in regard to slavery, the lively interest they had taken in the cause of the oppressed, and the liberal contributions they had made; and exhorted to a continuance in the ways of well doing.

There may be men in our own country of more learning and more depth of mind, and strength of reasoning, than Mr. Thompson, though, we think, rarely to be found; but for readiness and skill in debate, and splendor of eloquence, as an orator, we believe he stands unrivalled. His amiableness, mildness of temper, urbanity, and blandness of manners and deportment, are adapted to win the love and affection of all, who are honored with his acquaintance. That the haughty, and the envious, should whisper their malignant hints that something evil is lurking about his character, is no more than may be naturally expected; though they are most fully and satisfactorily refuted by his numerous and honorable testimonials of respect which we have seen, from benevolent societies and individuals in England, where he is well known. These all breathe the warm friendship and esteem which goodness and greatness of soul alone can inspire.

The independence of mind which Mr. Thompson possesses, is one of the most striking and important traits in his excellent character. He shrinks from nothing. He is ready to attack sin and wickedness in every shape—in high or low places: and his thrusts never miss—never fail of effect.

The name of ‘Mr. George Thompson’ was often associated in the public journals, with distinguished orators and philanthropists, at the various public meetings of benevolent societies in England, long before he embarked for this country. He was there ranked among the most able and popular orators. But here, in this country, there are certain would-be great men, who dare not meet Mr. Thompson in the open field, who vent their pitiful malice, and strive to induce others to treat him with that neglect, to which themselves are so well entitled; because he brings out and exposes to the light of day their works of darkness.

‘He is a foreigner—he has no right to come here interfering with our laws, our customs, and our private rights.’

Very fine, indeed! Capital! Who has a right to interfere, or say a word, if a man murders his wife and children, or sells them into bondage? It was all his own family concern. Who has a right to express an opinion of the Turks, when oppressing, starving, and murdering the Greeks, not only men, but helpless women and children : Who has a right to express an opinion against the Russians for similar conduct toward the Poles, under similar circumstances, as the latter were the vassals of the former, in both cases? Who has a right to send Gospel missionaries abroad among the benighted heathen, groping in darkness, in order to instruct and enlighten them in the way of truth? WE—we, the American people, the ‘sons of liberty,’ claim the right, and exercise it too; without once being asked, why do ye so We, the American people, claim and exercise the right, when the laws of God— the eternal laws of truth and justice, and humanity, are broken, to expose the sin, and to ‘reprove, rebuke and exhort the transgressor.

‘But slavery was brought to our shores and entailed on us by England, against our consent, when we were under her government; and now shall England send men here to complain of the injustice and cruelty of the act, when we should be glad to get rid of the evil, but cannot?’

Reason answers, Yes. If England did wrong, and afterward saw the evil, repented, and brought forth fruits meet for repentance, by liberating all their own slaves, was it not right—was it not a christian duty, to extend their acts of kindness to us also, whom they had led into error; to tell us what they had done, and how they did it ; and to aid and assist us to get out of the difficulty ? The law of God is universal. The law of Christians—the law of love, is universal; and requires the subjects of that law to oppose and expose sin and oppression wherever they are found. We send Ministers, political, religious, and masonic, to England and other places—to co-operate—to ask and give assistance, and mutually to benefit each other. But what can we, in the Northern States do? We can say, slavery is ‘a sin.’ We can enlighten public sentiment on the subject, and cause the sin of slavery—the greatest sin in the world, to become odious: and public sentiment in this country has the force of law, to correct any evil.

To assist us in these labors of love, Mr. Thompson has been sent among us, by the friends of humanity in England; and a most efficient and powerful co-worker he is, sweeping away the refuges of lies, and carrying his principles as a mighty sweeping torrent, wherever he goes. The advocates of slavery fear and hate him, the humane and philanthropic love him, and all respect and admire his talents, whatever they may pretend.

Mr. Thompson possesses all the requisites of an impressive and powerful orator—a fund of acquired knowledge, a brilliant imagination, natural pathos, a powerful voice, an elegant form, graceful gesticulation, a countenance capable of expressing any passion or emotion, and lastly, the most important of all, a benevolent heart—an expansive soul.

SOURCES: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 88-92; “Mr. Thompson at Lynn,” The Liberator, Boston, Massachusetts, Saturday, June 13, 1835, p. 3.

Anti-Slavery Meeting in Andover, published August 8, 1835

MR. EDITOR — I regret that the former account I was sent of your labors of our excellent brothers Thompson and Phelps, was so meager a statement of their untiring efforts among us.  Circumstances, however, obliged me to compress into a small space, what was worthy of being given at much greater length; and for the benefit of those who have not the privilege of listening to the discussion of a question of so much importance to every American citizen as that of slavery, a fuller sketch of the remaining meetings shall be given.  As my remarks will be confined for the most part to the speeches of Mr. Thompson, it must not be supposed that I can give anything like an adequate idea of the cogency of his arguments or of the power of his eloquence.  To eulogize him as an orator would be idle.  It would be like daubing paint upon a finished portrait, which would only soil it instead of adding to its beauty. Those who would form any just conception of Mr. Thompson as a public speaker and a christian philanthropist, must both see and hear him, and those who have once listened to him, are well aware that even an analysis of a speech of his , so closely joined in all its parts, so replete with profound thought, and so profusely embellished with rhetorical flowers of every hue and ever ordour, cannot be embodied in a single brief paragraph.  I shall therefore not attempt to give his own expressions, but merely a general description of his discourse.

On Sunday evening, July 12th, Mr. Thompson addressed a crowded audience, from Ezekiel xxviii. 14, 15, 16 – “Thou art the anointed the cherub that covereth; and I have set thee so : thou wast upon the holy mountain of God: thou hast walked up and down in the midst of these stones of fire. Thou wast perfect in thy ways from the day that thou wast created, till iniquity was found in thee. By the multitude of thy merchandise they have filled the midst of thee with violence, and thou hast sinned: therefore I will cast thee as profane out of the mountain of God: I will destroy thee, O covering cherub, from the midst of the stones of fire.”

Mr. Thompson remarked that though this was a passage of inimitable beauty, it was one of tremendous and awful import. While it drew the picture of the wealth and grandeur of ancient Tyre, it contained the prediction of its downfall. Mr. Thompson then proceeded to portray in matchless colors the prosperity and glory of the renowned city, whose “builders had perfected her beauty, whose borders were in the midst of the sea, whose mariners were the men of Sidon, and who was a merchant to the people of many islands.” Her fir trees were brought from Hermon, her oaks from Bashan, her cedars from Lebanon, her blue and purple and fine linen from Egypt, her wheat and oil and honey from Judea, her spices and gold and precious stones from Arabia, her silver from Tarsus, her emeralds and coral and agate from Syria, her warriors from Persia, and her slaves from Greece. Her palaces were radiant with jewels, and many kings were filled with the multitude of the riches of her merchandise. But iniquity was found in her. She had kept back the hire of the laborer by fraud. By the multitude of her riches she was filled with violence. She made merchandise of the bodies and souls of men, therefore she should be cast down. Many nations should come up against her and destroy her walls and break down her towers. All this had been literally fulfilled.

Mr. Thompson then applied his subject to America. Your country, said he, is peculiarly an anointed cherub. Heaven smiled upon the self-denying enterprise of your praying, pilgrim fathers, and in two centuries a great nation has risen into being — a nation whose territories stretches from the Canadas to the Gulf of Mexico, and from the Atlantic to the Rocky Mountains — a nation whose prowess by land and by sea is unsurpassed by any people that have a name — a nation whose markets are filled with the luxuries of every clime, and whose merchandise is diffused over the world. The keels of your vessels cut all waters. Your ships lie along the docks of every port of Europe, and are anchored under the walls of China. The deer and the buffalo fall before the aim of your hunters, and the eagle is stricken down from his eyry. Your hardy tars visit the ice-bound coasts of the North, and transfix the monsters of the polar seas. Your coasts are thronged with populous and extended cities, and in the interior may be seen the spires of your churches towering above the beautiful villages that surround them. Above every other nation under heaven, yours is distinguished for its christian enterprise. You can give the Bible to every family within the limits of your own territory, and pledge it to the world. Your missionaries are in all quarters of the globe, and your seventeen thousand clergy are preaching salvation, in the midst of your own population. Other nations of Christendom behold with complacency the good effected by your charitable societies, and would be proud to emulate you. No nation has ever been so peculiarly blessed. You are placed upon the holy mountain of God, and walk up and down in the midst of the stones of fire, but you have sinned. Ye make merchandise of the bodies and souls of men. Ye have torn the African from his quiet home, and subjected him to interminable, bondage in a land of strangers. Violence is in the midst of you, and the oppressor walks abroad unpunished. One-sixth part of your whole population are doomed to perpetual slavery. The cotton tree blooms, and the cane field wanes, because the black man tills the soil. The sails of your vessels whiten the ocean, their holds filled with sugar, and their decks burdened with cotton, because the black man smarts under the driver's lash, while the scorching rays of a tropical sun fall blistering upon his skin. He labors and faints, and another riots on the fruits of his unrequited toils. He is bought and sold as the brute, and has nothing that he can call his own. Is he a husband? the next hour may separate him forever from the object of his affections. Is he a father? the child of his hopes may the next moment be torn from his bleeding bosom, and carried he knows not whither, but at best, to a state of servitude more intolerable than death. He looks back upon the past, and remembers his many stripes and tears. He looks forward, and no gleam of hope breaks in upon his sorrow-stricken bosom. Despair rankles in his heart and withers all his energies, and he longs to find rest in the grave. But his dark mind is uninformed of his immortal nature, and when he dies he dies without the consolations of religion, for in christian America there is no Bible for the slave. Your country being thus guilty, it behoves every citizen of your republic to consider lest the fate of Tyre be yours.

Mr. Thompson closed by expressing his determination to labor in behalf of those in bonds, till the last tear was wiped from the eye of the slave, and the last fetter broken from his heel; and then, continued he, then let a western breeze bear me back to the land of my birth, or let me find a spot to lay my bones in the midst of a grateful people, and a people FREE indeed.

Never did the writer of this article listen to such eloquence; and never before did he witness an audience hanging with such profound attention upon the lips of a speaker. But those who take the trouble to read this article, must not suppose that what I have here stated is given in Mr. Thompson's own words. Perhaps I may have made use of some of his expressions, but my object has been to give a general view of this surpassingly excellent address of our beloved brother.

On Monday evening, Mr. Thompson gave a lecture on St. Domingo. It being preliminary to subsequent lectures, it was mostly statistics from the time of the discovery of the island, down to the year 1789. Mr. Thompson remarked that he had a two-fold object in view in giving an account of St. Domingo. First, to show the capacity of the African race for governing themselves; and, second, to show that immediate emancipation was safe, as illustrated by its effects on that island. St. Domingo, he said, was remarkable for being the place where Columbus was betrayed — for its being the first of the West India Islands to which negro slaves were carried from the coast of Africa — for the cruel treatment of the first settlers in the Island to the aborigines — for the triumph of the liberated slaves over the French, and those of the islanders who joined them — for being the birth place of the noble minded, the gifted, the honored, but afterwards, betrayed Toussaint L’Ouverture, who was born a slave, and a great part of his life labored as a slave, yet as soon as his chains were broken off, he rose at once to a man — to a general to a commander-in-chief, and finally to the Governor of a prosperous and happy Republic.

At the close of the exercises, Mr. Thompson informed the audience, that on the next evening they would be addressed by Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Editor of the Liberator, — the much despised and villified Wm. Lloyd Garrison was to address the citizens of Andover on the subject of slavery.

Tuesday evening arrived, and with it arrived Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Editor of the Liberator. The house was crowded by many, who, we doubt not, came from mere curiosity, to see the man who had been held up to the world as the “enemy of all righteousness — the “disturber of the public peace — the “libeller of his country” — the “outlawed fanatic”—the reckless incendiary, who was propagating his seditious sentiments from one end of the land to the other, and yet in this free country, suffered to live notwithstanding.

After prayer and singing, brother Garrison arose, and said, he stood before them as the one who had been represented to the public as the propagator of discord, and the enemy of his country — that almost every opprobrious epithet had been attached to his name; but since one term of reproval had been spared him — since his enemies had never called him a slaveholder, he would forgive them all the rest, and thank them for their magnanimity. He spoke for some time on the supercilious inquiry so often iterated and reiterated by our opponents; Why don't you go to the South? He remarked, that the very individuals who made this inquiry, and were denouncing us as fanatics, well knew that death would be the lot of him who should broach such sentiments at the South, and should the advocates of abolition throw away their lives by recklessly throwing themselves into the hands of those who were thirsting for their blood, then indeed, might these haughty querists smile over their mangled bodies, and with justice pronounce them fanatics. He touched upon several other important points which I must pass over in silence. His manner was mild, his address dignified and dispassionate, and many who never saw him before, and whose opinions, or rather prejudices were formed from the false reports of his enemies, and confirmed by not reading his paper, were compelled, in spite of themselves, to form an idea entirely the reverse of what they had previously entertained of him. His address did much towards removing the prejudice that many had against him, and proved an excellent catholicon to the stomachs of those who are much given to squeamishness, whenever they hear the name of Garrison mentioned.

On Wednesday evening, Mr. Thompson was to have continued his remarks on St. Domingo, but a heavy rain prevented most of the audience from coming together, and by the request of those present, the address was deferred until the next evening, and the time spent in familiar conversation. An interesting discussion took place, and lasted about an hour and a half. Many important questions were canvassed, to the entire satisfaction, we believe, of all who listened to them.

On Thursday evening, Mr. Thompson resumed his account of St. Domingo. Commencing with the year 1790, he showed that the beginning of what are termed “the horrid scenes of St. Domingo,” was in consequence of a decree passed by the National Convention, granting to the free people of color the enjoyment of the same political privileges as the whites, and again in 1791, another decree was passed, couched in still stronger language, declaring that all the free people of color in the French islands were entitled to all the privileges of citizenship. When this decree reached Cape Francais, it excited the whites to great hostility against the free people of color. The parties were arrayed in arms against each other, and blood and conflagration followed. The Convention, in order to prevent the threatening evils, immediately rescinded the decree. By this act, the free blacks were again deprived of their rights, which so enraged them, that they commenced fresh hostilities upon the whites, and the Convention was obliged to re-enact the former decree, giving to them the same rights as white citizens. A civil war continued to rage in the island until 1793, when, in order to extinguish it, and at the same time repel the British, who were then hovering round the coasts, it was suggested that the slaves should be armed in defence of the island. Accordingly in 1793, proclamation was made, promising “to give freedom to all the slaves who would range themselves under the banners of the Republic.” This scheme produced the desired effect. The English were driven from the Island, the civil commotions were suppressed, and peace and order were restored. After this, the liberated slaves were industrious and happy, and continued to work on the same plantations as before, and this state of things continued until 1802, when Buonaparte sent out a military force to restore slavery in the Island. Having enjoyed the blessings of freedom for nine years, the blacks resolved to die rather than again be subjected to bondage. They rose in the strength of free men, and with Toussaint L’Ouverture at their head they encountered their enemies. Many of them, however, were taken by the French, and miserably perished. Some were burnt to death, some were nailed to the masts of ships, some were sown up in sacks, poignarded, and then thrown into the sea as food for sharks, some were confined in the holds of vessels, and suffocated with the fumes of brimstone, and many were torn in pieces by the blood hounds, which the French employed to harass and hunt them in the forests and fastnesses of the mountains. At length the scene changed. The putrifying carcases of the unburied slain poisoned the atmosphere, and produced sickness in the French army. In this state of helplessness they were besieged by the black army, their provisions were cut off, a famine raged among them so that they were compelled at last to subsist upon the flesh of the blood hounds, that they had exported from Cuba as auxiliaries in conquering the islanders. The French army being nearly exterminated, a miserable remnant put to sea, and left the Island to the quiet possession of their conquerors. Mr. Thompson concluded with the following summary: First, the revolution in St. Domingo originated between the whites and the free people of color, previous to any act of emancipation. Second, the slaves after their emancipation remained peaceful, contented, industrious, and happy, until Buonaparte made the attempt to restore slavery in the Island. Third, the history of St. Domingo proves the capacity of the black man for the enjoyment of liberty, his ability of self-government, and improvement, and the safety of immediate emancipation. Friday evening, Mr. Thompson closed his account of St. Domingo, by giving a brief statement of its present condition. He showed by documents published in the West Indies, that its population was rapidly multiplying, its exports annually increasing, and the inhabitants of the Island improving much faster than could be reasonably expected.

After the address, opportunity was given for any individuals to propose questions. A gentleman slaveholder commenced. He made several unimportant inquiries, and along with them, abused Mr. Thompson, by calling him a “foreign incendiary.” Mr. Thompson answered in his usual christian calmness and dignity, not rendering reviling for reviling. The discusion continued to a late hour, and when it closed the audience gave evidence of being well satisfied with the answers given, and some who attended that evening for the first time, subscribed their names to the Constitution. Thus closed Mr. Thompson's labors with us for the present, and he left town on Saturday, July 18th. Mr. Phelps remained and addressed us on Sabbath evening, but the small space left to me, will not admit of my giving any account of it. As to the good accomplished by the labors of Messrs. Thompson and Phelps, some further account may be given hereafter. At present, I will only say, that upwards of 200 have joined the Anti-Slavery Society since they came among us.

Yours, in behalf of the A. S. Society at Andover,

R. REED, Cor. Secretary.

SOURCES: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 77-83; “Anti-Slavery Meetings at Andover,” The Liberator, Boston, Massachusetts, Saturday, August 8, 1835, p. 1.

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: Color-phobia, November 10, 1838

COLOR-PHOBIA.

Our people have got it. They have got it in the blue, collapse stage. Many of them have got it so bad, they can't get well. They will die of it. It will be a mercy, if the nation does not. What a dignified, philosophic malady! Dread of complexion. They don't know they have got it — or think, rather, they took it the natural way. But they were inoculated. It was injected into their veins and incided into their systems, by old Doctor Slavery, the great doctor that the famous Dr. Wayland studied with. There is a kind of varioloid type, called colonization. They generally go together, or all that have one are more apt to catch the other. Inoculate for one, (no matter which,) and they will have both, before they get over it. The remedy and the preventive, if taken early, is a kine-pock sort of matter, by the name of anti-slavery. It is a safe preventive and a certain cure. None that have it, genuine, ever catch slavery or colonization or the color-phobia. You can't inoculate either into them. It somehow changes and redeems the constitution, so that it is unsusceptible of them. An abolitionist can sleep safely all night in a close room, where there has been a colonization meeting the day before. He might sleep with It. R. Gurley and old Dr. Proudfit, three in a bed, and not catch it. The remedy was discovered by Dr. William Lloyd Jenner-Garrison.

This color-phobia is making terrible havoc among our communities. Anti-slavery drives it out, and after a while cures it. But it is a base, low, vulgar ailment. It is meaner, in fact, than the itch. It is worse to get rid of than the “seven years' itch.” It is fouler than Old Testament leprosy. It seems to set the dragon into a man, and make him treat poor, dark-skinned folks like a tiger. It goes hardest with dark-complect white people. They have it longer and harder than light-skinned people. It makes them sing out “Nigger—nigger,” sometimes in their sleep. Sometimes they make a noise like this, “Darkey—darkey— darkey.” Sometimes, “Wully—wully—wully.” They will turn up their noses, when they see colored people, especially if they are of a pretty rank, savory habit of person, themselves. They are generally apt to turn up their noses, as though there was some “bad smell” in the neighborhood, when they have it bad, and are naturally pretty odoriferous. It is a tasty disorder — a beautiful ailment; very genteel, and apt to go in “first families.” We should like to have Hogarth take a sketch of a community that had it — of ours, for instance, when the St. Vitus’ fit was on. We have read somewhere of a painter, who made so droll a picture, that he died a-laughing at the sight of it. Hogarth might not laugh at this picture. It would be a sight to cry at, rather than laugh, especially if he could see the poor objects of our frenzy, when the fit is on — which indeed is all the time, for it is an unintermittent. Our attitude would be most ridiculous and ludicrous, if it were not too mortifying and humiliating and cruel. Our Hogarth would be apt to die of something else than laughter, at sight of his sketch.

The courtly malady is the secret of all our anti-abolition, and all our mobocracy. It shuts up all the consecrated meetinghouses — and all the temples of justice, the court-houses, against the friends of negro liberty. It is all alive with fidgets about desecrating the Sabbath with anti-slavery lectures. It thinks anti-slavery pew-owners can't go into them, or use their pulpit, when it is empty, without leave of the minister whom they employ to preach in it. It will forcibly shut people out of their own houses and off their own land, — not with the respectful violence of enemies and trespassers, but the contemptuous unceremoniousness of the plantation overseer — mingled moreover with the slavish irascibility of the poor negro, when he holds down his fellow-slave for a flogging. It sneers at human rights through the free press. It handed John B. Mahin over to the alligators of Kentucky. It shot Elijah P. Lovejoy at Alton. It dragged away the free school, at Canaan. It set Pennsylvania Hall a-fire.

It broke Miss Crandall's school windows, and threw filth into her well. It stormed the female prayer meeting in Boston, with a “property and standing” forlorn hope. It passed the popish resolution at Littleton, in Grafton county. It shut up the meeting-house at Meredith Bridge, against minister and all, — and the homely court-house there, and howled like bedlam around the little, remote district school-house, and broke the windows at night. It excludes consideration and prayer in regard to the forlorn and christian-made heathenism of the American colored man, from county conferences and clerical associations. It broods over the mousings of the New York Observer, and gives keenness to the edge and point of its New Hampshire name-sake. It votes anti-slavery lectures out of the New Hampshire state house, and gives it public hearing on petitions, in a seven by nine committee room. It answers the most insulting mandate of southern governors, calling for violations of the state constitution and bill of rights, by legislative report and resolves that the paramount rights of slavery are safe enough in New Hampshire, without these violations. It sneers and scowls at woman's speaking in company, unless to simper, when she is flattered by a fool of the masculine or neuter gender. It won't sign an anti-slavery petition, for fear it will put back emancipation half a century. It votes in favor of communing with slaveholders, and throwing the pulpit wide open to men-stealers, to keep peace in the churches, and prevent disunion. It will stifle and strangle sympathy for the slave and " remembrance of those in bonds," to prevent disturbance of religious revivals. It will sell the American slave to buy Bibles, or hire negro-hating and negro-buying missionaries for foreign heathen of all quarters but christian-wasted Africa. It prefers American lecturers on slavery, to having that foreign emissary, George Thompson, come over here, to interfere with American rights and prejudices. It abhors "church action" and "meddling with politics." In short, it abhors slavery in the abstract — wishes it might be done away, but denies the right of any body or any thing to devise its overthrow, but slavery itself and slaveholders. It prays for the poor slave, that he might be elevated, while it stands both feet on his breast to keep him down. It prays God might open a way in his own time for the deliverance of the slave, while it stands, with arms akimbo, right across the way he has already opened. Time would fail us to tell of its extent and depth in this free country, or the deeds it has done. Anti-slavery must cure it, or it must die out like the incurable drunkards.

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 44-7 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of November 10, 1838.

George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, April 20, 1835

ALBANY, N. Y. APRIL, 20, 1835.

MY DEAR GARRIsoN, — On Saturday morning, I left New York city by the Champlain steamboat for this place. The day was very cold, and the wind, which was right ahead, strong and piercing, so that I was not able to remain long at a time upon deck. I saw enough, however, of the scenery of the Hudson to delight me. In some parts I was strongly reminded of Scotland. I expect much pleasure from a voyage, during the approaching fine weather, when I can gaze, without being nipped by the cold, upon the multiplied specimens of the sublime and beautiful, which are to be found along the banks. I found Mr. Phelps in this city, waiting for me. He had given one address, and prepared the way for further, and I trust efficient exertions. Yesterday, (Sunday) I preached for the Rev. Mr. Kirk, and in the evening, delivered an address to the colored people; they have a neat place of worship, but are at present without a pastor. In this church the Rev. Nathaniel Paul used to preach.

Sunday night. I have just returned from the 4th Presbyterian church, where I have lectured to a very respectable audience. I was favored with fixed attention to an address which lasted about two hours. On Wednesday evening, I lectured here again.

_______________

This letter is continued over a few a span of a few days:

• Wednesday Morning, April 22, 1835
• Thursday Morning, April 23, 1835

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 63

George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, Wednesday Morning, April 22, 1835

• Continued from:: George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, April 20, 1835.

Wednesday morning, 22d. I have just returned with brother Phelps from Troy, where I lectured last evening. The place of meeting was the lower room of the Court House, which was respectably filled, but it was a very bad place for public speaking, the roof being low, and broken by divisions and subdivisions. An undisturbed indifference has hitherto reigned in the city on the subject of slavery. The ignorance of the people, in reference to the views and plans of the abolitionists, has been profound the prejudice against color strong, and the apathy deep and deplorable. The darkness is, however, broken. It can be night no longer. There are a few who seem determined to “take hold,” as the Americans say, and I doubt not but the modern Trojans will be soon in the field, engaged in a strife infinitely more dignified than that of their illustrious namesakes.

_______________

For this letter’s conclusion see:

• George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, Thursday Morning, April 23, 1835

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 63-4

George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, Thursday Morning, April 23, 1835

• Continued from: George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, Wednesday Morning, April 22, 1835.

Thursday morning, 23d. Last evening, I delivered a second lecture in the 4th Presbyterian church. The audience rather more numerous than at the first meeting. Two days were occupied in seeking to obtain a church more eligibly situated, but in vain, Mr. Delevan and other gentlemen have used their influence to obtain a church in the upper part of the city, but so far, to no purpose. Yesterday afternoon, Mr. Phelps and myself met a committee of gentlemen, when it was resolved to hold a public meeting as early as possible, and submit the constitution of an Anti-Slavery Society. Last evening's lecture appears to have done good, and I have no doubt that, could I remain and deliver a course of lectures, we should be able to form a good society, if not carry the entire city. This afternoon, Mr Phelps and myself go to Troy. I give my second lecture this evening.

I am much pleased to find that Mr. May has got fairly to work. His labors will greatly advance the cause in Massachusetts.

I write, as you perceive, upon a Circular put forth by Mr. Israel Lewis. The colored people of this city held a meeting on Monday evening to express their opinions in reference to the contents of this document, and decided almost unanimously, that it would not be proper for the colored people to send their children to Canada for education, or encourage the emigration to that settlement of any free persons. They considered it the duty of the whole population to remain here, and combat the wicked and cruel prejudices at present operating against them; they considered the Circular based upon Colonization principles, and therefore an appeal to the prejudiced, rather than to the unprejudiced Anti-Slavery portion of the community. These conclusions are fully in accordance with my own views of the matter. I cannot but regard the Circular as an appeal to the prejudices of the whites, — and the selfishness of the colored people. I rejoice that Wilberforce offers an asylum for the absconding slave, and hope it will be sustained as a city of refuge for him; but I want the free colored man to remain here, and for a while to suffer, toil, and mourn, if it must be so, the victim of the prejudices of a pale-skinned aristocracy, that he may share the common lot of his class, and by making a bold . stand against conduct so inhuman, hasten the time, when the monster prejudice shall spread his dark wings, and wheel his flight to the nethermost hell, where he was begotten. Ever, most affectionately yours,

GEORGE THOMPSON.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 64-5

Arnold Buffum to William Lloyd Garrison, March 5, 1835

PHILADELPHIA, 3d mo. 5, 1835.

MY DEAR FRIEND, — Unwilling to do anything that could by possibility fan the flames which for a time seemed to threaten with riotous destruction our civil institutions, we have, in this city, for several months past abstained from public efforts, for promoting the glorious cause of human liberty. Still we have not been unmindful of the cries and groans of two millions of our countrymen in bondage. We have marked the accelerated progress of licentiousness and pollution in the slaveholding sections of our country; we have seen the hand of despotism extending its iron grasp over two hundred new born victims in every twenty-four hours; we have heard the lamentations of the bereaved mother when her darling babe has been torn from her bosom; we have observed the widely withering influence of an unholy prejudice against beings created, like ourselves, in the image of God; we have heard the sentiment advanced, by professed ministers of Him who came to undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed go free, that we ‘are but a set of misguided fanatics, unworthy of the public regard.’ All this we have silently borne for weeks and months that are past. But the claims of our fellowmen, who are suffering under the cruel yoke of oppression, have during this interval, often ascended in our orisons to the Throne of Grace, and the spirit of the Lord has been at work in the hearts of many people, preparing them for the reception of truth, and for active co-operation in the cause of universal freedom; and now we have been comforted and made to rejoice together, by the labors of a messenger of love, whom I verily believe the God of the oppressed has sent among us. Our beloved coadjutor, George Thompson, arrived here, from New-York, on the 2nd instant, and on the evening of the 3rd, delivered a Lecture in the ‘Reformed Presbyterian Church,’ in Cherry Street. No public notice had been given, yet such was the anxiety to hear him, that not less than one thousand persons assembled on the occasion and all were more than gratified. The interesting nature of the subject, the perfect understanding of it in all its bearings evinced by the speaker, the truly christian spirit with which he spoke of the wrong doers, all added to his commanding eloquence, carried conviction to the understanding and bore the hearts of his auditors along with him, and unfurled in many a bosom, the standard of immediate abolitionism.

One of our most estimable citizens, who has been favorable to colonization, said at the close of the meeting, that he would willingly go thirty miles at any time to hear such a discourse. I would attempt to give an outline of it, were it possible for me to do it justice, but I can only say, to all who would understand a christian's views and feelings, and know his arguments on the subject of slavery and its remedy, you must go and hear George Thompson for yourselves. He labors in the cause of God, and in behalf of that portion of the creation of God made in his own image, who are borne down by relentless oppression, in every portion of the habitable globe. He pleads with Christians of every name, to arouse from their lethargy, and in the name of the Master whom they profess to serve, to vindicate the right of man to be free; his motto is, ‘Man is man, endowed by his Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which, are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.’

Yesterday morning, our dear friend returned to New-York, to fulfil prior engagements in that city. Last evening our board of Managers unanimously adopted the following Resolution, viz:

‘Resolved, That the thanks of this Board be presented to our highly esteemed coadjutor, George Thompson, for the clear and forcible exposition of Abolition principles, presented in his address to an assemblage of our fellow-citizens last evening, and that he be most respectfully invited to return to this city as soon as previous engagements will permit, to plead before other congregations the cause of the oppressed,’

Last evening, our estimable friend, Amasa Walker, from your city, made an excellent address before our Anti-Slavery Society, and coadjutors from every quarter are coming up in the name of the God of hosts, to the furtherence of his righteous cause. Our hearts are animated with the increase of light; the day begins to dawn, the manacles of oppression will ere long be melted by the genial warmth of the Sun of Righteousness, and Ethiopia will stretch forth her hand to God.

Most truly, my friend, ever thine,

ARNOLD BUFFUM.

Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Boston.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 45-7

An Abolitionist to William Lloyd Garrison, December 6, 1834

South READING, Dec. 6, 1834.

MR. GARRIsoN — The numerous panegyrical notices of Mr. THoMPsoN, which had for the last two months appeared in the columns of the Liberator, had put curiosity upon tiptoe in our little village to hear this disinterested, generous and eloquent MAN of TRUTH, and ADvoCATE of LIBERTY. He favored us with his presence yesterday, and last evening lectured for the space of two hours in the Baptist meeting-house, with zealous fluency and triumphant argumentation. The audience was a large one, and highly respectable, notwithstanding the purposely slight and obscure notice of the meeting which was given by our congregational minister, who is still on the side of gradualism and expatriation. A considerable number of individuals, animated by various motives, came from the surrounding towns,—even as far as Salem,—among whom were the Rev. Mr. Grosvernor and Richard P. Waters, Esq. . The meeting was opened with singing by the choir, and prayer by the Rev. Mr. Pickett of Reading; after which, Rev. Mr. Grosvenor made a few pertinent remarks, introducing Mr. Thompson to us, in which he reminded us that American liberty was won and established partly by the valor of a foreigner – Lafayette; and that the spiritual redemption of the world was effected through the instrumentality of another foreigner — the Lord Jesus Christ.

Of Mr. Thompson's lecture I shall not attempt to give you even the outlines. The topics were so various, the arguments so profound, the illustrations so rich and appropriate, the transitions from the pathetic to the severe, and from the beautiful to the sublime, were so incessant yet natural, that my pen might as well attempt to give the sound of the mountain torrent, or mark the course of the lightning, as to state them in their order, with justice either to the subject or the orator.

Mr. Thompson in his exordium, at once secured the earnest attention of his hearers by remarking, with measured and solemn enunciation, that the question which he was about to discuss was one of immense magnitude and transcendant importance, in comparison with which, all others that are now agitating the minds of the American people, appertaining to the politics or the prosperity of the nation, dwindled into insignificance; and he trusted that he might be able to go into its discussion with that candor and faithfulness which it merited, and that his auditors would listen with unbiassed, unprejudiced, and christian minds. If he should misapprehend, or misinterpret, or misstate, in any particular whatever; if he should swerve but a hair's breadth from the line of eternal rectitude, or fail in sustaining every assertion and every proposition that he might make; he called upon every one present, who should detect him in error, to rise and expose his sophistry or his ignorance. But if he should speak understandingly — truly — with a zeal according to knowledge; if he should show that slavery in the abstract and in the concrete was wrong, and that it was emphatically a national transgression—then it became each of those before him to say with repenting Saul — “Lord, what wilt thou have me to do?”

With regard to this finding something to do, which many think is so difficult a matter, Mr. Thompson asked — Do you know of any abolitionists, who are at a loss what to do for the emancipation of the slaves? Do they not say, that there are so many appropriate and important modes of action, that they are often puzzled which of them to select? Do they not exclaim — O, that our zeal, our talents, our means, our influence, were increased a hundred fold! O, that we could be here — there — every where, rebuking, encouraging, convincing and reforming a perverse and cruel people!

But, — but, — “We are as much opposed to slavery as we can be.” This hypocritical and impudent profession was most severely dealt with by Mr. Thompson, in a strain of burning satire. He interrogated those who made it, whether they remembered the slave in their prayers — in their intercourse with relations and friends? whether they contributed aught of their substance to the furtherance of the anti-slavery cause, or circulated any petitions for the abolition of slavery in those portions of territory which are under the jurisdiction of the national legislature? To which interrogation the reply uniformly was — “O, no! we have done none of these ; but then-we are as much opposed to slavery as we can be.”

The speaker then made a death grapple with those who run to the Bible to find a precedent and a plea for southern slavery, and tore them limb from limb. He nobly vindicated that precious volume, and its great Author, from the impious aspersions which had been cast upon them by the apologists of slavery, who contended that they gave full warrant for the murderous system. All those of his audience who were jealous for the honor and glory of God, and the holy repute of the scriptures, must have rejoiced in the masterly exhibition of truth which was made on this interesting occasion.

We were gratified to see you in the assembly, Mr. Garrison: and we could not but rejoice anew at the glorious fruits of your mission to England, as seen in the speedy and utter overthrow of the agent of the American Colonization Society in that country — in the increasing sympathy of British christians for the slaves in our land — in the efficient aid which they are giving to us in various channels — and particularly, and above all, in securing to us, even “without money and without price, the invaluable services of GEORGE THOMPSON and CHARLES STUART — philanthropists whose hearts burn with patriotic as well as christian love for our great but guilty republic — whose only desire is, to make us “that happy people whose God is the Lord” — and who duly appreciate and admire all that is truly excellent in our character as a people.

At the close of the lecture, Mr. Thompson again requested persons present, if there were any such, who had any difficulties yet remaining on their minds, or who were not entirely satisfied with his arguments, or who thought he had erred either as to matter of fact or of inference, to express their views or propound any questions without reserve. After a short pause, Rev. Mr. Grosvenor rose and said, that, as for himself, he had no objections to make to any thing that had been advanced by the speaker. He then alluded to the fact that, for his advocacy of the cause of the oppressed, he (Mr. Grosvenor) had lost his church and congregation in Salem; but expressed a holy resolve that come what might, he would at all times and in all places be a mouth-piece for the suffering and the dumb. His remarks, though few, were made with much feeling and firmness; after which, he pronounced a benediction upon the assembly.

As yet, I have heard but a single individual who was not pleased with Mr. Thompson's lecture, although there may be others — for

“Men convinced against their will,

Are of the same opinion still.”

He is a gradualist — a colonizationist — and, I believe, a member of an orthodox church; and he says that Mr. T. ought to have had another brickbat thrown at his head alluding to the affair at Lowell. What an amiable temper what a benevolently disposed man! what a meek and forgiving Christian!

We hope Mr. T. will visit us again shortly — but our brethren in Reading think it is their turn next.

Yours truly,

AN ABOLITIONIST.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 34-7

Reverend Asa Rand to William Lloyd Garrison, Wednesday, December 3, 1834

WEDNESDAY Dec. 3, 1834.

MR. GARRIsoN — A brief and hasty sketch is all I can now send you of occurrences in our good little town of Lowell, during the visit of our invaluable friend Thompson, He came among us on invitation, to give lectures on Sabbath, Monday and Tuesday evenings of the present week. We had obtained permission of the Selectmen to occupy for the purpose the Town Hall, a room in which town meetings are held, and the use of which is usually granted, on any respectful application, for any object which is not unlawful or manifestly immoral.

On Sabbath evening, Mr. Thompson gave a splendid lecture, in which he entirely swept away the pretended support of slavery from the bible. The audience was large, and listened with delight till a late hour. They suffered no interruption, except the throwing of a large stone at a window, which was arrested by the sash and fell harmless on the outside.

Notice was given on Sabbath evening, that the lecture on Monday evening would commence at 8 o'clock; and that we would meet for discussion at half past six; Mr. Thompson extending a most respectful and friendly invitation to all who had objections to our principles or measures, to be present and state them, and to all who had inquiries, to propound them.

On Monday, the Board of Managers sent special messages, of the same purport, to gentlemen who had taken an active part in public against the formation of our Society last winter. They declined the invitation unanimously, and we had not a single objector or inquirer at the meeting, except abolitionists. This was much regretted; for anti-slavery men are anxious to have the whole subject thoroughly sifted, and every argument brought against them fairly examined, in the hearing of the people. However, we managed to have some of the most formidable objections stated, and our friend entertained the assembly by refuting them, one after another, in the most lively and entertaining manner.

Then followed a lecture of nearly two hours length, on the history of St. Domingo — that history which on so many minds is a spectre to warn them against the liberation of slaves; but which, when truly narrated, is so triumphant an example of the perfect safety of immediate emancipation even in circumstances as unpromising as can possibly be conceived. Very few left the hall till the lecture was ended, notwithstanding its length and some untoward events now to be mentioned.

In the early part of the lecture, a small company of low fellows disturbed the assembly just without the door, in the entry at the head of the stairs, by loud stamping, vociferation and hisses. This was continued at intervals for near half an hour, when peace-officers, who had been sent for, arrived, and immediately the disturbers were quiet as lambs, and continued so till the close. Some time after, three missiles were thrown at the building behind the speaker. The third or last, a large brickbat, came through the window, passed near the speaker's head and fell harmless before the audience in front of the rostrum. This missile must have been thrown with great force, to pass into the second story of a high-posted building, and fly so far from the wall. A slight change of its direction would have silenced the eloquence of our friend forever, except that the barbarity of the deed would have given, what he had already said in behalf of the oppressed, a more glorious immortality. Praised be the Arbiter of life, that he yet survives to plead for the outcasts. Nothing daunted, he spoke some time after this, and the meeting closed n peace.

But the elements of turbulence and confusion had but begun to move. Yesterday, we heard of little but ‘wars and rumors of wars;’ much that was rumor only; but too much that was real, for the honor of Lowell or of New England. The most sagacious never seriously apprehended greater disturbance on the ensuing evening. Our board of managers met early in the afternoon, who unanimously and calmly resolved to claim the protection of the Selectmen, and to proceed with the meeting. The Selectmen, like true guardians of the public welfare, had been on the alert during the day. They received our application in a very gentlemanly manner, and promised us protection to the extent of their authority. The time arrived. With Mr. Thompson, we met the Selectmen in their room adjacent to the Hall. The night was exceedingly dark; the building was approachable on all sides; and not a window had a blind or a shutter, except that behind the speaker, which had a temporary barrier on the inside which remains to-day a disgraceful monument of the infuriate temper of some men in Lowell. The Selectmen still pledged us all the aid they could render; but doubted whether it was practicable, with the preparations which time permitted, to save the assembly from violence through the windows from without. Under these circumstances, we felt it an act of discretion and humanity, without any sacrifice of principle to adjourn the meeting to 2 o'clock this afternoon at the same place. This was done, and no further violence occurred. Mr. Thompson is now giving his concluding lecture on the practical part of the subject, and I have stolen away to write lest I should be too late.

The mal-contents were not satisfied to retire home after our adjournment last evening. They re-opened the Hall, and held a sort of mobocratic caucus, though remarkably still and orderly for one of that kind. They passed, and have to-day published, resolutions, ‘deeply deploring the existence of slavery’ — most sincerely, no doubt — and saying that the agitation of the subject here is very bad — that the Town Hall ought not to be used for the purpose eand communicating this wise opinion to the Selectmen. Those officers, however, have stood firm to their duty to-day.

The meeting is closed, and my letter must go. I cannot, however, forbear to say, that the handbills and other menaces of yesterday did us much good. Many, who are not friendly to our principles, said, ‘This is no question of abolition—but whether law and order shall prevail in Lowell, or whether mobs shall rule.’ They besought us to proceed, and were ready to render us every assistance in their power. The occurrences of the week will do much for the cause of truth and liberty in our town, and you may tell the whole country that abolition in Lowell is neither dead nor wounded.

Yours truly,

A. RAND.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 30-3

Ray Potter to William Lloyd Garrison, November 28, 1834

PAwTUCKET, Nov. 28, 1834.

MR. GARRIsoN: — Mr. Thompson has made a powerful, happy, and, I trust, lasting impression in favor of the cause of emancipation in the city of Providence. In the providence of God, I was prevented hearing him; but the tree is known by the fruit, and of that I can say it is good and abundant.

Whatever of prejudice might have been entertained by any of his audience against him personally, was vanquished forthwith, and lost in a conviction of his disinterested love to God and man, and his honesty of purpose; and that in his mission and labors, he is moved by the invincible agency of Christian philanthropy. He said that “he was accused of being a foreigner, but that could not be his fault, for he was not consulted respecting the place of his birth; had he been, he might have chosen to have been born in the good city of Providence.”

Of his eloquence, I have heard but one sentiment expressed, viz. that it is of the very first order. An acquaintance of mine, a political editor, said, that he did not hesitate to pronounce him the most eloquent speaker he had ever heard. Nor were his hearers merely delighted and entertained with his fascinating powers of oratory: his arguments seemed to carry all by the board, and I have reason to believe made a multitude of converts.

Yesterday we had the unspeakable satisfaction of welcoming Mr. Thompson to our village, and of hearing him address a large and attentive audience in the first Baptist meeting-house. He was extremely interesting, although it was said, by those who had previously heard him, that it was far from being one of his most happy efforts. He said that he did not speak easy at all. This difficulty, I think, may partly be attributed to the house not being the most happily constructed for easy speaking, especially for a stranger, and partly to the unhappy time of the day which we fixed upon for the commencement, which circumscribed him in respect to time, and must have been peculiarly embarrassing. The audience, however, so far as I am informed, were highly gratified, and the unanimous desire expressed is to hear him again.

Mr. Thompson was literally thronged with company at his lodgings, at the house of our friend, Mr. WILLIAM ADAMS, who were no less instructed than delighted with his most agreeable demeanor, and appropriate and pertinent conversation.

I thank God for such a laborer in the cause. My dear Brother, what hath God wrought! Some four years ago, you were almost alone in your labors in this cause in New England: now a host have been raised up in the length and breadth of the whole land, who have joined the holy standard; and, in addit[i]on to this, brethren from beyond the seas fly to our aid, helping onward the invincible cause with their prayers, untiring toil, and eloquence almost commensurate with the merits of the cause they so dearly love. Generations yet unborn shall rise up to call STUART and THoMPsoN, with the American Philanthropists who have jeopardised their earthly all in the cause of abolition; I say, they shall rise up, and call them blessed.

One circumstance transpired yesterday, which was, to me, as I trust it was to all who witnessed it, most solemnly affecting and impressive, which I must not omit mentioning. After we had been a few moments seated in the pulpit, I perceived that some one was endeavoring to gain, although with extreme difficulty, the ascendancy of the pulpit stairs; and on opening the door, who do you think it was found to be A mobocrat, ready to seize on Mr. Thompson, tear him from the house, and tar and feather him? Nay; it was the venerable Moses BRowN, at the advanced age of ninety-seven, pressing forward, as if sent by God to place himself on the platform by the side of his trans-atlantic brother, not only to hear from his lips the doctrines which he himself has so long advocated, and reduced to practice in his life, but also to sanction, by his patriarchal and venerable presence, the cause of philanthropy in which he was engaged !

We hope soon to be blessed with another visit from Mr. Thompson.

Yours sincerely,

RAY POTTER.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 27-9

Nathaniel P. Rogers to William Lloyd Garrison, November 17, 1834

PLYMoUTH, N. H., Nov. 17, 1834.

DEAR GARRIsoN — We were highly animated Thursday, the 13th, at a stage arrival in our little village, bearing the “honored freight, Messrs. THoMPsoN, GRosvenoR and PHELPs, fresh from the field of Convention at Concord.

To see George Thompson here among us, at some period of his beneficent sojourn, we had fondly hoped, from the moment you announced to us his intended embarkation from England. But to greet him so soon after his landing, and to hear him speak, within our own walls, while his locks were yet wet with the dews of New York hospitality, was a favor we had not anticipated. What a delicate and discerning taste, by the way, this despotic New York tavern-keeper must have, and this mobocracy of ours in general, to vent their fine courtesies upon a subject like him!  I Who that beheld George Thompson merely, could imagine that there existed a brutality, even in New-York, brutal enough to do him harm or show him unkindness? Burns tells of a Scottish lass, that the “very de'il” could not look in the face but he would cry out — “I canna wrang thee.” Our mobocracy might take lessons of civility and humanity of the bard’s “de'il, as I fear they have taken, of a spirit having other existence than in the imagination of profane poetry. I really wondered, as I gazed on the elegant and interesting stranger, that a tavern-keeper could be found in all the hog-traversed streets of our republican Babylon, of a civility so swinish as to turn him from his door, — even were it to humor the sovereign and awful caprice of a man-jockey from the south? His wife and little children, too, routed of a poor home that a tavern could yield them in a strange land, — the first night, I believe, of their respite from the sea! Shame on you, most magnanimous inn-holder! and shame on the public, that will countenance the impudent brutality.

But I set out to give you a slight account of our antislavery occasion, and the addresses of our noble friends to the good people of Grafton county. It was a capital occasion. A court session had drawn together the flower of the shire. Our fine, intellectual bar, that will rank in talent and honorable character with any in New England; — our jury pannels, the prime of the yeomanry of a temperance community; — these, with a considerable amount of merit and eminence ex officio, and the other following of a county assize, making up a pretty full representation of our local public, afforded grand materials for an anti-slavery auditory. Then we had some distinguished talent from out the county. Our ample court house, condescendingly opened to us in the evening, was filled at first ray of candle. A fair proportion of ladies graced the attendance, — the clergy from this and other surrounding towns, — and, to add dignity and interest to the meeting, gentlemen advanced somewhat in life, of high judicial station in better times than these, — now retired, — came several miles, in the air of a November evening, to countenance the occasion and hear the advocate of the Negro — gentlemen who, though not professedly abolitionists, and not altogether ready perhaps to allow the colored man his right, if it were thought immediately practicable, yet far above the vulgar prejudice against him that infects our ordinary great, and too sagacious to trifle with the black man's plea. The auditory was, on the whole, one of the finest that could be gathered, and numbered several hundreds. The Hon. S. P. Webster was prevailed on to incur the hazards of the chair... The meeting was opened by prayer from the Rev. Mr. Grosvenor — our own beloved minister being called for, but not not [sic] having reached the meeting. A hymn followed-appropriate words, set to music by an ingenious abolition neighbor, who led the singing. Bro. Phelps then offered the following resolution — if I can remember accurately, through the splendid discussion that followed — That Immediate and Entire Emancipation is the only righteous, efficient, safe or practicable remedy for American slavery; and that it was the solemn duty of every American citizen to address himself forthwith to its consummation, by every christian means. He sustained the resolution in a series of pertinent and forcible remarks for fifteen or twenty minutes; though evidently, to us who knew him, with restrained powers. He was succeeded by Mr. Grosvenor, who spoke about the same time; and though manifestly with intent mainly to pave the way for what was to come after, he rose to high and affecting strains of eloquence. He was especially happy in a comparison of the trifling causes which employed the zeal and talents of counsel in that Seat of Justice, with the unutterable wrongs of two millions and a half of clients, in whose behalf he pleaded. But he forebore, he said, to take the time belonging to his gifted friend, who was to follow him, for whom he hoped the candid hearing of the auditors, as he was sure he would have their hearts.

George Thompson rose before the hushed assembly. They did not cheer him — it is not their habit — and if it had been, they had no such welcome for the advocate of the despised Negro. We have wronged the colored man too long and too deeply to readily forgive him, or to regard with complacency the man who ventures to take up his cause. Had the orator risen for the Polander or the Greek, or in behalf of any honorable or classical suffering, the walls would have rung with enthusiastic acclamation; but it is otherwise towards the advocate of the poor, the despised, the injured, the scorned, and “him that had none to help him.” The multitude regarded him in deep silence. Slowly, solemnly, and with wonderful expression, he summoned them to the momentous importance of the subject on which he was entering, and challenged the mention of any that could hold comparison with it, as it bore on the interests of man or the weal of this nation. After a brief preliminary, he bore away into a stream of argument and eloquent appeal to which I had witnessed no parallel, and of which I can attempt no account. For an hour — it may be two hours — I could form no estimate of the time by its lapse — he held the surprised and reluctant assembly in breathless attention. I do not conjecture their emotions or convictions. There were no plaudits — no more than at the defence before Agrippa, or the reasonings before Felix. To some the orator may have seemed “beside himself” — “mad” with “much learning. Others may have “almost been persuaded.” I cannot detail his arguments, or give any — the faintest idea of his impression. I have a dazzling impression on my memory of a portraiture of American slavery — terribly graphic — an exposition of the Levittical Law, in its bearings on ancient servitude and on modern slavery — one which, I think, will forever deter all who heard it, from venturing thither for warrant or apology for the infamous system of American slaveholding — of a glance at Abraham and his household, marching to the slaughter of the kings — a train little enough resembling a gang of sullen, heavy-footed negroes, goaded to the rice swarm — and still less a coffle of chained men moving through Freedom's capital, at the sound of her national music, to a more dismal bondage in the far south. St. Paul's recapture and remanding of the fugitive Onesimus, was illustrated by a commentary that will effectually warn all our scripture-mongers, who go about vindicating this slavery (which they hate worse than the abolitionists) from the bible, against quoting again from the epistle to Philemon! The utter impracticability of gradual or partial emancipation, — the danger of indulging the captive with a lengthened chain, while you hold him still bound, — the folly of attempting a lingering release of him from his thraldrom, link by link, — and the dangers of immediate emancipation, he portrayed. From the two million and a half of butchers who would be “let loose” upon the defenceless white folks, by immediate, abolition, he begged leave to make some detachments. First, he begged to detach all the infancy. This would hardly add to the force of an insurrection. Then all the childhood, below the years tall enough to reach a throat to cut it; — then the decripit age, whose vigor had long been exhausted in slavery’s toil, and which even emancipation could not recall; — the mothers rejoicing in their children — theirs at last beyond the reach of the auctioneer and the kidnapper; — the countless band of sable youth and beauty, with modesty sacrificed and affections offered up on the altar of the white man’s shame; then the sick — a host at all times under the “tender mercies” of the system; the christians — “resisting not evil” — much less rising upon benefactors; and last and least too — the favorite slaves — the “kindly treated.” All these he would detach, and be thankful for; and against the revengeful gratitude of the residue, he commended the defenceless master to the strong arm of the law, to justice and to God. Oh, for the pen of a ready writer, to have caught his glorious refutation of the impious slander that the black man was inferior in native capacity to his oppressor! His burning reprehension of our demanding fruit from the tree to which we denied the fertility of the earth, the dew, the shower, and the sunshine; consigning it to darkness and sterility, and then scornfully demanding of it foliage and fruits! I doubt if the stenographer could have availed himself of his art to arrest his enchanting exclamations, “they could be felt, but could not be followed.” I cannot speak of his reading and comments on the fiftieth of Isaiah. Every christian ought to have come to the field upon it, as at the sound of a trumpet. He cried aloud, and he did not spare. He spoke of the south and the slaveholder in terms of christian affection — declared himself a brother to the slave-master — a fellow sinner — under like condemnation with him, but for the grace of God— of the country—its history, its great names, its blood-bought privileges, and its blood-cemented union; he spoke with thrilling and overpowering admiration, lamenting the stain of slavery upon our otherwise glorious renown. Much as I was captivated with his oratory and force, it was the sweet spirit of the christian that won most my admiration and affection, it was the spirit of the “beloved disciple” — and he comes into this guilty land not “to spy out its nakedness, or abundance, or to regard our boasted politics;[”] but in obedience to that solemn command, “Go ye into all nations;” and to the “Lo, I am with you,” we commit him, for protection against the violence of our multitudes and the councils of our chief priests and pharisees.

After he had closed, the resolution was put to the meeting for their adoption. It was read by the chairman with a feeling somewhat below the fervor of the speaker. Still, a very goodly number of hands were raised in its support, and only three were seen to go up in answer to the call for opposition. Three hands! — and these were of gentlemen-scholars — bred to the generous pursuits of learning ! Before the addresses, scarcely three, beside the few professed abolitionists, would have risen in favor of the doctrines of the resolution.

The assembly dispersed quietly and with the utmost decorum, after prayer by our beloved pastor.

Many abolitionists were confirmed, and many, I have no doubt, made at the meeting. The addresses were spoken of with universal admiration, the cause opposed with moderated and respectful tone. The result will be most happy for the cause. I have only to say that our brethren might come among us again. Another such hearing would assemble thousands, and thousands may assemble in Grafton county without danger of mobs. We have enough of honorable character among the opposition to hold our mobocracy in respectful check. I hope they will visit us again early. This county is an important section of the State. The temperance cause received some of its earliest and most powerful impulses here, and “good temperance ground is good abolition ground.”

In haste, my dear sir,-too much to retrench my long and crude letter, — I remain, truly and affectionately, yours,

N. P. ROGER.S.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 21-6