Met Attorney-General Speed today at Cabinet-meeting and was
introduced by the President. Mr. Seward read the correspondence with the
Brazilian representative in relation to the capture of the Florida. It is quite
diplomatic, but Seward has the best of it thus far, for the Brazilian commenced
too strong and has overshot the mark. What ground Seward will ultimately occupy
is uncertain. He does not know himself, I apprehend; indeed, he has more than
once said as much to me. I desire him to maintain our rights while doing
justice to Brazil. Why has she given shelter and refuge and aid and supplies to
Rebel pirates who are depredating on the commerce of a nation with which she is
on terms of amity? Put her on the defensive.
Preston King dined with me to-day. Had a couple of hours'
very agreeable conversation with him. He is a man of wonderful sagacity; has an
excellent mind and judgment. Our views correspond on most questions. On the
suppression of the Rebellion, on the rights of the States, on the
reestablishment of the Union, on the extinguishment of slavery, there was
entire concurrence of opinion. I did not doubt our agreement on these points
before we met. I had touched on them with some others and found great
bewilderment. There is, I think, no man in the Cabinet but Dennison who agrees
with me on the subject of State rights. Seward on two or three occasions has
had flings against what he calls “the damned doctrine”; but how he can
have a Union without the distinctive States he has never intimated or
explained. He has, I think, no sound views, substantial principles,
perceptions, or settled convictions on the subject of national or State rights.
Trained in the school of expedients, his tendencies are those of a large
majority of Congress as to centralism. Conservatives and radicals each move in
that direction, whatever disagreements they may have in other respects. Chase
as much as Seward disregards the rights of the State on certain matters
affecting personal rights where he has a theory of his own. Hence my chief
regret that he should have received his present appointment. His one idea is
the extinguishment of slavery, and to accomplish that end he would not be
restrained by any reserved rights of the States.
We have intelligence of the release of the robbers and
murderers who fled into Canada after their work at St. Albans. The
Governor-General and the Canadian authorities denounce and disavow the act of
the judge, which is an outrage that cannot be acquiesced in, or submitted to
for a moment, yet I fear Seward will hesitate.
Senator Wade called on me yesterday, and was, as he always
has been with me, very pleasant and affable. I think, however, the old man is a
little acrimonious towards the President. He is Chairman of the Committee on
the Conduct of the War, with Chandler, Gooch, etc. It is a convenient machine
to cover up what the War Department wishes to have covered up, and it can be
directed against those that the War Department would assail. It is a child of
Stanton's.
H. Winter Davis made an attack on Seward in the House and
got defeated, which evidently disturbed him. He and Thad Stevens and others had
an opportunity to ventilate their feelings, They do not like Seward and are
running their heads and putting their hands into all sorts of mischief and
indiscretion to relieve their hostility. Both Stevens and Davis have talents
but lack wisdom.
Had a call yesterday and to-day from Spencer of New York,
who wishes to have Scofield, the imprisoned contractor, released. Scofield was
convicted and is now in Fort Lafayette. Has been confined about six months
since he was sentenced. Was to be imprisoned for one year and pay a fine of
$20,000. Is ready to pay the fine, claims to have been imprisoned three months
before sentence. Wants remission of the rest of his term. Spencer says Mr. H.
J. Raymond, Mr. Darling, and others, good Administration men, desire S. released
and have petitioned to that effect. Spencer says that he has taken a very
active part, presided at the Cooper Institute meetings, never before asked a
favor.
I inquired of him whether he was here as a friend of
Scofield, as a politician and friend of the Administration, or professionally
for his client. He admitted it was the latter, did not know Scofield. I
inquired why he then spoke of it as a favor, a favor to himself. He appeared a
little discomposed for a moment, but said it was to him a favor in this way: if
he was successful in this case, it would be of some pecuniary benefit and lead
to additional business. “Tavors from the government," said I.
I informed him, both yesterday and to-day, that I could not
favor any remission; that I considered Scofield a bad man, of loose and
demoralizing motives, whose association with yard employees was pernicious;
that his punishment was light. Our conversation was full and long. He said
yesterday he wished to present the case to the President, but did not desire to
do this without first informing me. To-day he told me that he had been waiting
six hours with Judge Anthon of New York for an interview, but, desiring to get
off this evening, he called again on me while Judge A. was waiting.
About half an hour after he left me, the President sent for
Fox, and I have no doubt it is to get his views and opinions in regard to
Scofield. Thinks I am prejudiced, or it is so represented, Spencer having seen
me. Not infrequently, when parties fail with me, they go to the President, and
of course state their ill success, but, claiming to have a case, press him to
act, and he, knowing from them my decision, sends for Fox to get the facts. It
is not a very satisfactory way, but is the President's peculiarity. He
sometimes has excused himself on the ground that he did not wish to disturb me
to come over when he only wished to make a simple inquiry, etc., -supposed Fox
might know the facts. Weed and his set have Scofield in hand; want his money
for electioneering purposes. Thinks he would succeed if I were away or not
consulted.
* * * * * * * * * *
Stanton came in this morning to tell me he had just got a
telegram from General Thomas, announcing the defeat and annihilation of Hood's
army. Present indications are an early closing of the Rebellion. If we have tolerable
success the next ten days, they will have no formidable army but Lee's at
Richmond.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles,
Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 —
December 31, 1866, p. 197-200
