Showing posts with label Wheat. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Wheat. Show all posts

Monday, February 26, 2024

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 31, 1865

Bright and frosty.

The "peace commissioners" remained Sunday night at Petersburg, and proceeded on their way yesterday morning. As they passed our lines, our troops cheered them very heartily, and when they reached the enemy's lines, they were cheered more vociferously than ever. Is not this an evidence of a mutual desire for peace?

Yesterday, Mr. De Jarnette, of Virginia, introduced in Congress a resolution intimating a disposition on the part of our government to unite with the United States in vindication of the "Monroe doctrine," i.e. expulsion of monarchies established on this continent by European powers. This aims at France, and to aid our commissioners in their endeavors to divert the blows of the United States from us to France. The resolution was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

If there be complication with France, the United States may accept our overtures of alliance, and our people and government will acquiesce, but it would soon grow an unpopular treaty. At this moment we are hard pressed, pushed to the wall, and prepared to catch at anything affording relief. We pant for a "breathing spell." Sherman is advancing, but the conquest of territory and liberation of slaves, while they injure us, only embarrass the enemy, and add to their burdens. Now is the time for the United States to avert another year of slaughter and expense.

Mr. Foote has been denouncing Mr. Secretary Seddon for selling his wheat at $40 per bushel.

It is rumored that a column of the enemy's cavalry is on a raid somewhere, I suppose sent out from Grant's army. This does not look like peace and independence. An extract from the New York Tribune states that peace must come soon, because it has reliable information of the exhaustion of our resources. This means that we must submit unconditionally, which may be a fatal mistake.

The raiders are said to be on the Brooke Turnpike and Westhaven Road, northeast of the city, and menacing us in a weak place. Perhaps they are from the Valley. The militia regiments are ordered out, and the locals will follow of course, as when Dahlgren came.

Hon. Mr. Haynes of the Senate gives information of a raid organizing in East Tennessee on Salisbury, N. C., to liberate the prisoners, cut the Piedmont Road, etc.

Half-past two P. M. Nothing definite of the reported raid near the city. False, perhaps.

No papers from the President to-day; he is disabled again by neuralgia, in his hand, they say.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 404-5

Wednesday, May 17, 2023

John Tyler to Robert Tyler, August 27, 1860

SHERWOOD FOREST, August 27, 1860.

DEAR ROBERT: I think it best to enclose you these letters. There are parts of mine you may not be able to decipher accurately. It is the first draft. The gentleman alluded to—Colonel Withers, of Mississippi—called on me at the Villa Margaret, and, as the condition of the times is the fruitful subject of conversation, it came soon to be introduced. I expressed to him the gratification I had felt at the fusion between the Douglas and Bell men in New York, and expressed the hope that all conservatives would unite on the same ticket; that in my view the defeat of Lincoln was the great matter at issue, and that all others were subordinate; and probably said that if I lived in New York, although I was decidedly a Breckenridge man, I would advocate the fusion ticket. This, it seems, he reported to General Foote, and hence the correspondence.

There can be no possible doubt of Lincoln's election unless some one of the so-called free States is snatched from him. I presented also another idea to Colonel Withers, and that was that to defeat Lincoln was to elect Breckenridge or Lane, I cared not which, by throwing the first before the House, the last before the Senate. This has called forth the letter of my old friend General Foote, who is a Douglas man. I enclose it to you, so that if you should see any reference made to my opinions by General Foote, or any other which may call for explanation, you may be in proper position to make it by the publication, if necessary, of my letter. I said to Colonel Withers (and hence the reference to Cataline) that I regarded Seward as the Cataline of our day, and that to reach the presidency he would quaff blood with his fellows, as did Cataline of old, and expressed the hope that there would still arise a Cicero to denounce him in the Senate chamber.

I am here to superintend the delivery of my crop of wheat, which, although full of promise on the 1st of June, turns out a miserable failure. I shall remain during the week, and then back to Hampton.

Do give me some account of Pennsylvania. How goes the night? I think, after all, that everything depends on her. If I deceive not myself, Breckenridge will carry pluralities in a large majority of the Southern States, so as to present Lane to the Senate, should Lincoln not be elected by the popular vote. I live in the hope that a defeat of the negro-men now will dissolve their party. Write me soon. Love to all.

Your father,
JOHN TYLER.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 561-2

John Tyler to Colonel David L. Gardiner, Saturday, October 27, 1860

SHERWOOD FOREST, Saturday, October 27, 1860.

MY DEAR COLONEL: . . . . If elected, you will enter public life at a critical period. There is a deeper gloom resting on the country than I ever expected to see. Should New York rise up in her might, and declare against Lincoln, all will unite in ascribing to her great glory. She will, in truth, be hailed as the great conservative State. She will have rebuked the disorganizers, and imparted new vitality to our institutions. Should, however, the picture be reversed, and her great popular voice unite to swell the notes of triumph for the sectional hosts, then indeed will a dark and heavy cloud rest upon the face of the country, the bare anticipation of which is already felt broadly and extensively throughout this State. Property has already fallen in value amongst us, and there is an obvious uneasiness in the minds of all men. I will not permit myself to abandon the hope that the cloud which hovers over us will be dispersed through the action of your large and powerful State. I am busily engaged in seeding a large crop of wheat. Shall I be permitted to reap it at its maturity in peace? Time will decide!

Truly yours,
JOHN TYLER.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 563

Monday, February 27, 2023

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 12, 1864

Bright and beautiful. All quiet below, save an occasional booming from the fleet.

Nothing from Georgia in the papers, save the conjectures of the Northern press. No doubt we have gained advantages there, which it is good policy to conceal as long as possible from the enemy.

Squads of able-bodied detailed men are arriving at last, from the interior.

Lee's army, in this way, will get efficient reinforcements.

The Secretary of the Treasury sends a note over to the Secretary of War to-day, saying the Commissary-General, in his estimates, allows but $31,000,000 for tax in kind—whereas the tax collectors show an actual amount, credited to farmers and planters, of $145,000,000. He says this will no doubt attract the notice of Congress.

Mr. Peck, our agent to purchase supplies in North Carolina, has delivered no wheat yet. He bought supplies for his family; 400 bushels of wheat for 200 clerks, and 100 for Assistant Secretary of War, Judge Campbell, and Mr. Kean, the young Chief of the Bureau. This he says he bought with private funds; but he brought it at the government's expense. The clerks are resolved not to submit to his action.

I hear of more desertions. Mr. Seddon and Mr. Stanton at Washington are engaged in a singular game of chance. The harsh orders of both cause mutual abandonments, and now we have the spectacle of men deserting our regiments, and quite as many coming over from the enemy's regiments near the city.

Meantime Gen. Bragg is striving to get the able-bodied men out of the bureaus and to place them in the field.

The despotic order, arresting every man in the streets, and hurrying them to “the front,” without delay, and regardless of the condition of their families—some were taken off when getting medicine for their sick wives—is still the theme of execration, even among men who have been the most ultra and uncompromising secessionists. The terror caused many to hide themselves, and doubtless turned them against the government. They say now such a despotism is quite as bad as a Stanton despotism, and there is not a toss-up between the rule of the United States and the Confederate States. Such are some of the effects of bad measures in such critical times as these. Mr. Seddon has no physique to sustain him. He has intellect, and has read much; but, nevertheless, such great men are sometimes more likely to imitate some predecessor at a critical moment, or to adopt some bold yet inefficient suggestion from another, than to originate an adequate one themselves. He is a scholar, an invalid, refined and philosophical—but effeminate.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 303-4

Sunday, December 25, 2022

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Friday, November 29, 1861

We returned to camps a little after dark at the same place we started from the morning before. It was a cold, rainy day.

We learned that quite a sad affair had happened in camps that day-the result of card playing. W. K. Natcher had shot and killed George Aiken. Natcher was put under arrest. Both from Company A.

On the above date, Colonel T. E. Bramlette, who was stationed at Columbia with his regiment (First Kentucky Infantry) and a part of Wolford's and Haggard's Cavalry, made the following report of our visit to Burkesville, in a dispatch addressed to General G. H. Thomas:

I received a dispatch before day this morning from Burkesville that two hundred rebel cavalry were at the ferry on the south side of the river. A few of them crossed over and went to Boles', saw and arranged with him and his partners for the slaughter of hogs, and returned. The courier informed me that the men who are acting for the rebels are killing and packing a large number of hogs at Burkesville, viz : J. B. Alexander, J. R. Ryan, James and Sam Boles, and Robert Cross.


I have no doubt but steamboats will be up in a few days and carry off the large amount of pork, wheat, etc., the rebels are gathering upon the river. The rebels are now in possession of the river from Mill Springs down. . . . . . . . . .


I sent Colonel Wolford to the aid of Colonel Haskins with five hundred cavalry, embracing part of Colonel Haggard's command.


As I have before advised, the rebels are at Mill Springs, in force about eight thousand, but as yet have not crossed the river, and I do not believe will.1

Colonel Haskins, with his regiment, the Fourth* Kentucky Infantry, was now encamped on the north bank of the Cumberland, some ten miles above Mill Springs.

General Zollicoffer, having reached the vicinity of Mill Springs late in the afternoon, established his headquarters at one Mr. A. R. West's, within about one mile of the river. As a portion of Captain Allison's company had gone through with the General, and was still acting as escort for him, Allison and his men put up at the same place.

Colonel Stanton, who had arrived at Mill Springs with two regiments of infantry and McClellan's Battalion and Sanders' company of cavalry, about two days in advance of Zollicoffer, had failed to secure any boats, from the fact that Colonel Haskins had taken the precaution to have them sunk; and for want of transporta[tion] he (Stanton) had failed to cross the river, as directed by Zollicoffer, to cut off Haskins' Regiment.
_______________

1 Col, Thomas E. Bramlette to Brig.-Gen. George H. Thomas, November 29, 1861

* Afterward the Twelfth.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 86-7

Colonel Thomas E. Bramlette to Brigadier-General George H. Thomas, November 29, 1861

COLUMBIA, KY., November 29, 1861.        
(Received November 30, 1861.)
General GEORGE H. THOMAS:

I received a dispatch before day this morning from Burkesville that 200 rebel cavalry were at the ferry on the south side of the river; a few of them crossed over and went to Boles', saw and arranged with him and his partners for the slaughter of hogs, and returned. The courier informed me that the men who are acting for the rebels are killing and packing a large number of hogs at Burkesville, viz, J. B. Alexander, J. R. Ryan, James and Sam. Boles, and Robert Cross.

I have no doubt but steamboats will be up in a few days and carry off the large amount of pork, wheat, &c., the rebels are gathering upon the river. All this could be prevented by a force being stationed at Burkesville with artillery to command the river. The rebels are now in possession of the river from Mill Springs down. I sent out scouts towards Glasgow; they went as far as Edmonton, and returned with a rebel flag, which the rebel cavalry had hoisted there the day before. I have a small number at Lairville, opposite Rowena, seven, including James Ferguson.

On yesterday some 50 rebel cavalry appeared on the southern bank. Ferguson and his squad fired upon them, and after about four rounds the rebels fled, leaving one fine horse wounded in the hind leg, some blankets, &c., which our scouts secured.

I sent Colonel Wolford to the aid of Colonel Hoskins with 500 cavalry, embracing part of Colonel Haggard's command.

As I have before advised, the rebels are at Mill Springs, in force about 8,000, but as yet have not crossed the river, and I do not believe will. I am still unshaken in the conviction that their purpose is to seize all the wheat, corn, fat hogs, mules, &c., they can south of the river and return perhaps by steamboats or other craft; perhaps fall back to their former camps in Tennessee.

It would be an easy matter to hem them in were there sufficient forces to make the movement from here. Two days' easy march would throw us in their rear, so that, with the river in front and around and we in their rear, no escape would be left.

Respectfully,
THO. E. BRAMLETTE,        
Colonel First Regiment Infantry Kentucky Volunteers.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 459

Friday, September 2, 2022

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: September 14, 1864

Bright and cold.

Gen. Lee is in the city, looking after recruits, details, etc.

Mr. Secretary Seddon appears to be in very high spirits to-day, and says our affairs are by no means so desperate as they seem on the surface. I hope the good coming will come soon.

Gen. Beauregard has been sent to North Carolina on a tour of inspection.

No news of our wheat and molasses yet; and we have hardly money enough to live until the next pay-day. We have no coal yet.

Four o'clock P.M. A brisk cannonade down the river is distinctly heard. It is not supposed to be a serious matter, perhaps we are shelling Gen. Butler's observatory, erected within his lines to overlook ours.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 282-3

Monday, August 22, 2022

Brigadier-General Lloyd Tilghman to Lieutenant-Colonel William W. Mackall, October 29, 1861

HEADQUARTERS CAMP, ALCORN,        
Hopkinsville, Ky., October 29, 1861.
Col. W. W. MACKALL,
        Assistant Adjutant-General, &c., Bowling Green:

SIR: I lose not a moment in communicating through you to the general commanding the Western Division the condition of affairs at this post. I had hoped that the picture sketched to me of matters here might not have been realized, but I am compelled to think it not too highly colored. Under all the circumstances, I doubt not General Alcorn has made the best of things, his camp being merely one large hospital, with scarce men enough on duty to care for the sick and maintain a feeble guard around them, with insufficient pickets at prominent points. Over one-half the entire command are on the sick list, with very grave types of different diseases. Those remaining and reported for duty have not enough really well men to do more than first stated. The Kentucky Battalion of Infantry, numbering 547, have only 45 cases reported sick. The measles have made their appearance, and the battalion will average 20 new cases per day, judging from to-day's report. The morning brigade report, herewith inclosed, shows only 716 for duty out of a total of 2,237. Of this number, you will see that the Kentucky Battalion furnishes 376, one-third of whom only are armed, with no equipments.

Of cavalry we have nothing to count on, save Captain Meriwether's company of untutored recruits. Captain Huey's company of cavalry is entirely unarmed. Captain Wilcox's company not yet recovered from the Eddyville affair.

On the score of artillery I have merely to say, that there is not an organized squad for a single gun that could be taken into action. There are five pieces of artillery—two 6-pounders, two 9, one 12—none of which I think fit for service on account of the wretched manner in which they are mounted; a total ignorance of all mechanical principles evidenced in the construction of the carriages. The guns seem to be pretty fair. On the subject of clothing and equipments, equipage, &c., I can only say that I find nothing more encouraging. The commissary department is pretty well supplied; the quartermaster's department entirely deficient.

I have thus fairly sketched the condition of things. Major Hewett will be able to give you some particulars that I have not time now to do, but will write by the next mail. I have commenced at the root of things, and mean to work out the best result I can. I write not thus discouragingly in any spirit of complaint, but to lay before the commanding general the plain facts of the case. They are plainly these: I have no force here available for any purpose save protecting the sick and depot. I have reason to think that the enemy are in full possession of this fact, and are calculating on it. I have no force with which to operate in any direction, and our people are suffering terribly within the lines assigned me for my operations. In front and on my left they need a check. The defenses of the Cumberland cannot I believe be perfected, unmolested, unless my position is strengthened for this purpose.

A movement has taken place at Henderson. A courier reached me to-night with the inclosed paper* from a committee at Henderson. The Union men have been very busy here to-day. They are too open-mouthed, and must be checked. The stage is waiting, and I have not time to say more than this. I deem it absolutely necessary that I should as soon as possible be re-enforced. A cavalry force is indispensably necessary to cover my front and prevent the removal of a large amount of wheat, flour, corn, and hogs, now drafted daily on heavily by scouting parties. Of the latter item, there are not less than 50,000 hogs. This service would require the whole time of not less than 500 cavalry. For practical purposes I am without infantry and artillery, and desire that a due proportion of both be at once sent. I beg you to say to General Johnston that I need the assistance of some graduates, for artillery especially. Could I not have the services of the two young men mentioned by General Buckner? (See him.) I will prepare full estimates for all my wants and forward them.

I beg you to pardon this hurried communication. I have not had time to read it over. Major Hewett will give you facts as to a landing at Eddyville by our people.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,
LLOYD TILGHMAN,        
Brigadier-General, C. S. Army, Commanding.
_______________

* Not found.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 4 (Serial No. 4), p. 485-6

Monday, May 23, 2022

William T. Sherman to George Mason Graham, August 12, 1860

LANCASTER, OHIO, August 12, 1860.

DEAR GENERAL: I left Alexandria in the stage on Tuesday morning, reached the wharf boat [at the mouth of Red River] that night at 1 o'clock, waited till 4 p.m. of Wednesday, when the fine boat William M. Morrison came along in which we proceeded to Vicksburg by Thursday at 3 p.m., when we took cars to Jackson [and] Cairo, reaching Cincinnati Saturday morning at 7:30 o'clock. It so happened that the train connected with a railroad taking its departure at 7:45 from a depot west of the city, whereas the daily train of our Lancaster road leaves the depot at the eastern end of the city. Therefore we had no time to traverse the city in time and I took my young charge1 to the Burnett House.

Then I began a series of inquiries as to the quickest and best mode of [reaching] my home, when I found in the same hotel Mrs. Ewing, the old lady and her son P. B. Ewing. After discussing the subject in all its bearing I concluded to leave Miss Whittington at the Burnett House, in the protection of Mrs. Ewing, to spend this Sunday there and come here by the morning quick train of Monday. Miss Whittington had been travelling two nights in the cars and readily consented, so I came up last night in the freight train arriving here about day-light and finding all my people well and hearty. They have been hanging on me all day, and I have had them on horseback and chasing ever since dinner, and have only stolen away for a few minutes to write you this.

I am amazed at the change from the pinewoods to this. I never saw such crops of corn, fruit, and vegetables. Mr. Ewing says in his whole experience, which goes back to the first settlement of Ohio he has never seen such plenty. Orchards which had been barren for eight years are now loaded with fine fruit, peaches, grapes, melons, everything in wasteful abundance. Wheat and small grain are gathered and safe. Corn is as fine as possible and beyond danger of any contingency. Hay of all kinds will be so abundant that it must go away for a market. This is not only true of Ohio, but of all the states east of the Mississippi. May it not be providential? May it not be one of the facts stronger than blind prejudice to show the mutual dependence of one part of our magnificent country on the other. The Almighty in his wisdom has visited a vast district with drought but has showered abundance on another and he has made a natural avenue between. This is a grievous fact – true it may advantage one part at the expense of the other, but next year it may be reversed.

I find as much diversity in sentiment here in politics as in the South – I shall keep aloof – only asserting that whoever is elected, be it the devil himself must be endured for the time being. Nobody will be rash enough to disturb slavery where it exists, and its extension is now only a theoretical not a practical question.

In Cincinnati I found a publishing house that will print us one thousand copies of our regulations for $105. When the manuscript is revised I will send it down, and follow it ten days thereafter to prove. I will bring them along with me.

Miss Whittington will be here to-morrow, I will take her to Georgetown (D.C.) on Wednesday. In Washington I will see about arms, equipments, and munitions. I will then go to New York and purchase books and clothing on a credit payable after November – and have them at Red River by Oct. 15. When I will meet them. If the river be navigable all right – if not, such as are absolutely necessary must be wagoned up and the rest kept in store till navigation opens.

I will not bring my family till I know that the house is done, and that Mrs. Sherman can bring with her from Cincinnati carpets, curtains, and furniture complete. Better this delay than the privation and confusion of a house ill supplied. It is our duty to foresee necessities and provide for them in advance. After my return from New York I will write in full what I have done. Mr. Ewing has just called to take me to ride and I must close. He is as active now as forty years ago and I would not be astonished if he would visit Louisiana next winter when my family comes down.
_______________

1 Miss Whittington, daughter of one of the supervisors. She was on her way to Georgetown, D.C., to school. – Ed.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 254-7

Saturday, January 1, 2022

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: July 3, 1864

Clear and dry; pleasant temperature.

I learn that Petersburg has not been much injured by the enemy's batteries, and that Gen. Lee has ordered the casting of mortars for use immediately.

To morrow being the anniversary of the surrender of Vicksburg to Grant, I should not be surprised if that general let off some fire-works, not only in commemoration of that event, but in pursuance of some desperate enterprise against Richmond. I don't see how he can feel any veneration for the day of Independence for the “rebels” of 1776, without sympathy for the “rebels” of 1864, struggling also for independence.

After the failure of the enemy's next move, I think the tempest of war will rapidly abate. Nearly every movement in this (I think final) effort to capture Richmond bas failed. Sheridan failed to destroy the Central, Hunter the South Side, and Wilson the Danville Railroad—each losing about half his men and horses. Grant himself, so far, has but “swung round" a wall of steel, losing 100,000 men, and only gaining a position on the James River which he might have occupied without any loss. On the other hand, Lee wields a larger army than he began with, and better armed, clothed, and fed.

This ought to end the vain attempt at subjugation. But if not, the Confederate States, under the new policy (defensive), might maintain the contest against a half million of invaders. Our crop of wheat is abundant, and the harvest over; our communications will be all re-established in a few days, and the people being armed and drilled everywhere, the enemy's raiders will soon be checked in any locality they may select as the scene of operations. All the bridges will be defended with fortifications. Besides, Lee is gathering rapidly an army on the Potomac, and may not only menace the enemy's capital, but take it. Early and Breckinridge, Imboden and Morgan, may be at this moment inflicting more serious injury on the enemy's railroads and canals than we have sustained in Virginia. And it is certain the stores of the Federal army in Georgia have been captured or destroyed to a very serious extent.

Still, in this hour of destitution and suffering among certain classes of the people, we see no beggars in the streets.

Likewise, notwithstanding the raiding parties penetrate far in the rear of our armies, there has been no instance of an attempt on the part of the slaves to rise in insurrection.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 243-4

Wednesday, December 15, 2021

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 25, 1864

Hot and dry.

Twelve hundred Federal prisoners passed our door to-day, taken at Petersburg—about half the number captured there during the last two days.

The news of the cutting of the Danville Railroad still produces despondency with many. But the people are now harvesting a fair crop of wheat, and the authorities do not apprehend any serious consequences from the interruption of communication with the South — which is, indeed, deemed but temporary, as sufficient precaution is taken by the government to defend the roads and bridges, and there seems to be discussions between the generals as to authority and responsibility. There are too many authorities. Gen. Lee will remedy all this.

The clerks are still kept out, on the north side of the James River, while the enemy is on the south side—the government, meantime, being almost in a state of paralysis. Such injustice, and such obtuseness, would seem to be inexcusable.

The Secretary has sanctioned the organization of a force in the Northern Neck, to capture and slay without mercy such of the enemy as may be found lurking there, committing outrages, etc.

The President still devotes much time to the merits of applicants for appointments on military courts, brigadier-generals, etc.

It is reported that Grant has announced to his army that the fighting is over, and that the siege of Richmond now begins. A fallacy! Even if we were unable to repair the railroads, the fine crop of wheat just matured would suffice for the subsistence of the army—an army which has just withstood the military power of the North. It is believed that nearly 300,000 men have invaded Virginia this year, and yet, so far from striking down the army of Lee with superior numbers, we see, at this moment, the enemy intrenching himself at every new position occupied by him. This manifests an apprehension of sudden destruction himself!

But the country north and east and west of Richmond is now free of Yankees, and the railroads will be repaired in a few weeks at furthest. Gen. Hunter, we learn to-day, has escaped with loss out of the State to the Ohio River, blowing up his own ordnance train, and abandoning his cannon and stores. So we shall have ammunition and salt, even if the communication with Wilmington should be interrupted. No, the war must end, and is now near its end; and the Confederacy will achieve its independence. This of itself would suffice, but there may be a diversion in our favor in the North—a revolution there—a thing highly probable during the excitement of an embittered Presidential campaign. Besides, there may at any moment be foreign intervention. The United States can hardly escape a quarrel with France or England. It may occur with both.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 237-8

Wednesday, August 18, 2021

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: May 22, 1864

Clear and warm, but the atmosphere is charged with the smoke and dust of contending armies. The sun shines but dimly.

Custis was with us last night, and returned to camp at 5 A.M. to-day. He gets from government only a small loaf of corn bread and a herring a day. We send him something, however, every other morning. His appetite is voracious, and he has not taken cold. He loathes the camp life, and some of the associates he meets in his mess, but is sustained by the vicissitudes and excitements of the hour, and the conviction that the crisis must be over soon.

Last night there was furious shelling down the river, supposed to be a night attack by Butler, which, no doubt, Beauregard anticipated. Result not heard.

The enemy's cavalry were at Milford yesterday, but did no mischief, as our stores had been moved back to Chesterfield depot, and a raid on Hanover C. H. was repulsed. Lee was also attacked yesterday evening, and repulsed the enemy. It is said Ewell is now engaged in a flank movement, and the GREAT FINAL battle may be looked for immediately.

Breckinridge is at Hanover Junction, with other troops. So the war rolls on toward this capital, and yet Lee's headquarters remain in Spottsylvania. A few days more must tell the story. If he cuts Grant's communications, I should not be surprised if that desperate general attempted a bold dash on toward Richmond. I don't think he could take the city-and he would be between two fires

I saw some of the enemy's wounded this morning, brought down in the cars, dreadfully mutilated. Some had lost a leg and arm— besides sustaining other injuries. But they were cheerful, and uttered not a groan in the removal to the hospital.

Flour is selling as high as $400 per barrel, and meal at $125 per bushel. The roads have been cut in so many places, and so frequently, that no provisions have come in, except for the army. But the hoarding speculators have abundance hidden.

The Piedmont Road, from Danville, Va., to Greensborough, is completed, and now that we have two lines of communication with the South, it may be hoped that this famine will be of only short duration. They are cutting wheat in Georgia and Alabama, and new flour will be ground from the growing grain in Virginia in little more than a month. God help us, if relief come not speedily! A great victory would be the speediest way.

My garden looks well, but affords nothing yet except salad.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 216-7

Monday, August 2, 2021

Major Charles Wright Wills: May 2, 1865

Two miles north of Shady Grove, N. C.,
May 2, 1865.

Twenty-six miles to-day, and everything in camp at sunset. That is No. I work with 300 sets of wheels to the division. We have reveille at 3 a. m. and start at 4 now.

We seem to have got pretty well out of the pine country. Hardly saw one the last three miles this p. m. Have also about left cotton behind us. Tobacco and wheat are the staples here. I saw as many as five large tobacco houses on one farm, built 25 logs high. Notice also some very fine wheat growing, now 12 inches high. Very large peach and apple orchards on almost every farm. The trees look thrifty, but show neglect. All kinds of fruit promises to be abundant this year.

The last five miles to-day was through beautiful country, fine houses, too. The people were all out to see us, but I am glad that I have no demonstration a la white handkerchief to chronicle. The men are full of the de'il to-day. Scaring negroes almost out of their wits. Our division is the right of the army. We have been side tracking so far, but to-morrow we get the main road and Corse takes the cow paths. I think that not more than one-fifth of the cleared land so far in this State is under cultivation this year, and that fully one-fourth of all has been turned over to nature for refertilization from four to forty years. On some of this turned out land the new growth is more than a foot in diameter. I saw a sassafras tree to-day that was 15 inches in diameter.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 375-6

Monday, May 3, 2021

Major Charles Wright Wills: March 8, 1865

Five miles north of Laurenburg, N. C., Laurel Hill,
March 8, 1865.

One hundred and twelve miles of steady rain, and the best country since we left Central Georgia. Looks real Northern like. Small farms and nice white, tidy dwellings. Wheat fields look very well. In the cornfields rows are five feet apart, and one stalk the size of a candle, in a hill. But at every house there were from 200 to 1,000 bushels of corn and an abundance of fodder. Sherman said yesterday that our campaign is over, and to-day Howard issued an order that all foraging for provisions shall cease, there being enough rations in the wagons to last us through. I dreamed last night of being at home on leave and seeing you all, and starting back to the army again. Only 90 miles yet to mail.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 358-9

Thursday, April 29, 2021

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, October 1, 1864

HARRISONBURG, VIRGINIA, October 1, 1864.

DEAREST:— The First Brigade has gone out six miles to grind up the wheat in that neighborhood - three mills there and Dr. Joe has gone with them.

Colonel Powell just returned from Staunton. They burned all wheat stacks, mills, and barns with grain, and are driving in all cattle and horses. Large numbers of families are going out with us. Dunkards and Mennonites, good quiet people, are generally going to Ohio. I hope we shall move back in a day or two.

Our wounded all doing well. Only seven deaths in all the hospitals at Winchester. Miss Dix and Presidents of Christian and Sanitary Commissions with oceans of luxuries and comforts there, and the good people of Winchester to cook and help. [The] Sixth Corps take one street; [the] Nineteenth, the Main Street; and Crook's, the Eastern. Rebel (wounded) and ours now there about three thousand. Twenty-third, thirty-three; Fifth, eight; Thirty-sixth, thirteen, and Thirteenth, twenty. All the rest gone home. Captain Hiltz, Twelfth-Twenty-third, lost his leg. As soon as the operation was over and the effect of the chloroform passed off, he looked at the stump and said: "No more eighteen dollars for boots to sutler now; nine dollars [will] shoe me!" Captain Hastings doing well; heard from him last night.

General Lightburn came up a day or two ago with staff and orderlies and asked General Crook for the command of my division. He had reported along the road that he was going out to take General Crook's old division. General Crook told him the division was officered to his satisfaction and ordered him back to Harpers Ferry to await orders.

Colonel Duval is doing well and hopes to return by the last of this month (October).

Colonel Comly keeps a pretty full diary. He has sent extracts containing the two battles home. They will probably appear in the Cincinnati Gazette.

I shall send a Rebel's diary to the Commercial. It was taken from his pocket at Winchester.

We rather expect to go into something like winter quarters soon after getting back to Winchester or Martinsburg. Of course there will be extensive campaigning done yet, but we think we shall now be excused. I speak of Crook's Command. - Love to all.

Affectionately ever,
R.
MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 519-20

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, October 2, 1864

HARRISONBURG, VIRGINIA, Sunday, October 2, 1864.

DEAREST: — I am writing to you so often these days because I am thinking of you more anxiously than usual, and on account of the great uncertainty of our communications. There are some indications today that we shall push on further south. You will know if we do by the papers. If so we shall be cut off from friends more than ever.

Dr. Joe has gone with the First Brigade out about six miles to grind up the wheat at some mills in that quarter. It seems to be a great place for sport. They are having a jolly time.

We hear from Winchester today. One of our orderlies, Johnny Kaufman, died of his wound. Captain Hastings and the rest are all doing well.

Great droves of cattle and sheep are going past us north. Everything eatable is taken or destroyed. No more supplies to Rebels from this valley. No more invasions in great force by this route will be possible.

P. M. - Indications look more like going on with our campaign. I would prefer going towards my darling and the chicks. Still, I like to move. We came here a week ago. After this active year I feel bored when we stop longer than a day or two. I have tried all available plans to spend time. I read old Harpers, two of Mrs. Hall's novels, — you know I don't "affect" women's novels. I find myself now reading “East Lynne.” Nothing superior in it, but I can read anything.

For the first time in five or six days, we are just startled by cannon firing and musketry, perhaps four or five miles in our front. It is probably Rebel cavalry pitching into our foraging parties, or making a reconnaisance to find whether we have left.

"Have your men under arms,” comes from General Crook. I ask, "Is it thought to be anything?" "No, but General Sheridan sends the order to us." Well, we get under arms. This letter is put in my ammunition box. I mount my horse and see that all are ready. The firing gets more distant and less frequent. "We have driven them,” somebody conjectures, and I return to my tent, “East Lynne," and my darling, no wiser than ever.

I am in receipt of yours of [the] 13th. The mail goes back immediately. Good-bye. Blessings on your head.

Affectionately ever,
R.
MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 520-1

Monday, August 17, 2020

Robert G. Harper to Elias B. Caldwell, August 20, 1817

BALTIMORE, August 20, 1817.

DEAR SIR: Ever since I received your letter of July 11, requesting the communication of such ideas as had occurred to me concerning the proposed plan of colonizing the free blacks in the United States, with their own consent, and indeed from the time of our short interview at Washington, when you first mentioned the subject to me, I have kept it constantly in view, and revolved it much in my mind. Hitherto, however, I have been prevented from putting my thoughts on paper, or even digesting and reducing them to method, by various interruptions, arising in part from accident, and in part from professional engagements, in the midst of which I am obliged at last to write. This may interfere very much with the order of my ideas, but will not, I trust, occasion any material omission[.]

Nor do I apprehend much inconvenience from the delay, since the preparatory measures for the first step in this great enterprise, the institution of a mission to the southwestern coast of Africa, to explore the ground, and seek out a suitable situation for the establishment of the colony, are not yet, I believe, entirely completed.

Although you confine your request to the communication of my ideas concerning the manner and means of accomplishing this great design, it will not, I trust, be improper or unseasonable to throw out, by way of preface and introduction, some hints on its usefulness and practicability, which have long engaged my attention, and are susceptible I think of very full proof. To many, and especially to you, this I know is quite unnecessary; but great numbers of our countrymen, including many persons of good sense, considerable influence, and the best intentions, may have serious doubts on these two points, which it is of great importance to remove, in order to gain their zealous co-operation. Towards the attainment of so desirable an object I wish to contribute my mite, for which this seems to be a fit occasion.

In reflecting on the utility of a plan for colonizing the free people of color, with whom our country abounds, it is natural that we should be first struck by its tendency to confer a benefit on ourselves, by ridding us of a population for the most part idle and useless, and too often vicious and mischievous. These persons are condemned to a state of hopeless inferiority and degradation by their color, which is an indelible mark of their origin and former condition, and establishes an impassable barrier between them and the whites. This barrier is closed forever by our habits and our feelings, which perhaps it would be more correct to call our prejudices, and which, whether feelings or prejudices, or a mixture of both, make us recoil with horror from the idea of an intimate union with the free blacks, and preclude the possibility of such a state of equality, between them and us, as alone could make us one people. Whatever justice, humanity, and kindness, we may feel towards them, we cannot help considering them, and treating them, as our inferiors; nor can they help viewing themselves in the same light, however hard and unjust they may be inclined to consider such a state of things. We cannot help associating them in our feelings and conduct, nor can they help associating themselves, with the slaves, who have the same color, the same origin, and the same manners, and with whom they or their parents have been recently in the same condition. Be their industry ever so great, and their conduct ever so correct, whatever property they may acquire, or whatever respect we may feel for their characters, we never could consent, and they never could hope, to see the two races placed on a footing of perfect equality with each other; to see the free blacks, or their descendants, visit in our houses, form part of our circle of acquaintance, marry into our families, or participate in public honors and employments. This is strictly true of every part of our country, even those parts where slavery has long ceased to exist, and is held in abhorrence. There is no State in the Union where a negro or mulatto can ever hope to be a member of Congress, a judge, a militia officer, or even a justice of the peace; to sit down at the same table with the respectable whites, or to mix freely in their society. I may safely assert that Paul Cuffee, respectable, intelligent, and wealthy as he is, has no expectation or chance of ever being invited to dine with any gentleman in Boston; of marrying his daughter, whatever may be her fortune or education, to one of their sons; or of seeing his son obtain a wife among their daughters.

This circumstance, arising from the difference of color and origin between the slaves and the free class, distinguishes the slavery of America from that of every other country, ancient or modern. Slavery existed among almost all the ancient nations; it now exists throughout Asia, Africa, and America, and in every part of the Russian and Turkish dominions in Europe; that is, in more than three-fourths of the world. But the great body of the slaves every where, except in North and South America, are of the same race, origin, color, and general character, with the free people. So it was among the ancients. Manumission therefore, by removing the slave from the condition of slavery, exempted him from its consequences, and opened his way to a full participation in all the benefits of freedom. He was raised to an equality with the free class, became incorporated into it with his family, and might, by good fortune or good conduct, soon wash out the stain, and obliterate the remembrance, of his former degraded condition.

But in the United States this is impossible. You may manumit the slave, but you cannot make him a white man; he still remains a negro or a mulatto. The mark and the recollection of his origin and former state still adhere to him; the feelings produced by that condition in his own mind, and in the minds of the whites, still exist; he is associated, by his color and by these recollections and feelings, with the class of slaves ; and a barrier is thus raised between him and the whites, that is, between him and the free class, which he can never hope to transcend. With the hope he gradually loses the desire. The debasement, which was at first compulsory, has now become habitual and voluntary. The incitement to good conduct and exertion, which arises from the hope of raising himself or his family in the world, is a stranger to his breast. He looks forward to no distinction, aims at no excellence, and makes no effort beyond the supply of his daily wants; and the restraints of character being lost to him, he seeks, regardless of the future, to obtain that supply by the means which cost him the least present trouble. The authority of the master being removed, and its place not being supplied by moral restraints or incitements, he lives in idleness, and probably in vice, and obtains a precarious support by begging or theft. If he should avoid those extremes, and follow some regular course of industry, still the habits of thoughtless improvidence, which he contracted while a slave himself, or has caught from the slaves among whom he is forced to live, who of necessity are his companions and associates, prevent him from making any permanent provision for his support by prudent foresight and economy, and, in case of sickness, or of bodily disability from any other cause, send him to live as a pauper at the expense of the community.

There are no doubt many honorable, and some very distinguished, exceptions; but I may safely appeal to the observation of every man, at all acquainted with the class of people in question, for the correctness of this picture.

Such a class must evidently be a burden and a nuisance to the community; and every scheme which affords a prospect of removing so great an evil must deserve to be most favorably considered.

But it is not in themselves merely that the free people of color are a nuisance and burden. They contribute greatly to the corruption of the slaves, and to aggravate the evils of their condition, by rendering them idle, discontented, and disobedient. This also arises from the necessity, under which the free blacks are, of remaining incorporated with the slaves, of associating habitually with them, and forming part of the same class in society. The slave, seeing his free companion live in idleness, or subsist, however scantily or precariously, by occasional and desultory employment, is apt to grow discontented with his own condition, and to regard as tyranny and injustice the authority which compels him to labor. Hence, he is strongly incited to elude this authority, by neglecting his work as much as possible, to withdraw himself from it altogether by flight, and sometimes to attempt direct resistance. This provokes or impels the master to severity, which would not otherwise be thought necessary; and that severity, by rendering the slave still more discontented with his condition, and more hostile towards his master, by adding the sentiments of resentment and revenge to his original dissatisfaction, often renders him more idle and more worthless, and thus induces the real or supposed necessity of still greater harshness on the part of the master. Such is the tendency of that comparison which the slave cannot easily avoid making between his own situation and that of the free people of his own color, who are his companions, and in every thing, except exemption from the authority of a master, his equals, whose condition, though often much worse than his own, naturally appears better to him; and, being continually under his observation, and in close contact with his feelings, is apt to chafe, goad, and irritate him incessantly. This effect, indeed, is not always produced; but such is the tendency of this state of things, and it operates more extensively, and with greater force, than is commonly supposed.

But this effect, injurious as it must be to the character and conduct of the slaves, and consequently to their comfort and happiness, is far from being the worst that is produced by the existence of free blacks among us. A vast majority of the free blacks, as we have seen, are and must be an idle, worthless, and thievish race. It is with this part of them that the slaves will neccessarily associate the most frequently and the most intimately. Free blacks of the better class, who gain a comfortable subsistence by regular industry, keep as much as possible aloof from the slaves, to whom in general they regard themselves as in some degree superior. Their association is confined as much as possible to the better and more respectable class of slaves; but the idle and disorderly free blacks naturally seek the society of such slaves as are disposed to be idle and disorderly too, whom they encourage to be more and more so by their example, their conversation, and the shelter and means of concealment which they furnish. They encourage the slaves to theft, because they partake in its fruits; they receive, secrete, and dispose of the stolen goods, a part, and probably much the largest part, of which they often receive as a reward for their services; they furnish places of meeting and hiding places in their houses for the idle and the vicious slaves, whose idleness and vice are thus increased and rendered more contagious. These hiding places and places of meeting are so many traps and snares for the young and thoughtless slaves who have not yet become vicious; so many schools, in which they are taught, by precept and example, idleness, lying, debauchery, drunkenness, and theft. The consequence of all this is very easily seen, and I am sure is severely felt, in all places where free people of color exist in considerable numbers. That so many resist this contagion, that the free blacks themselves, as well as the slaves, do not become still more generally profligate, is a strong and consoling proof that the race possesses a fund of good dispositions, and is capable, in a proper situation, and under proper management, of becoming a virtuous and happy people. To place them in such a situation, to give them the benefit of such management, is the object of your noble enterprise; and surely no object is more entitled to approbation. .

Great, however, as the benefits are which we may thus promise ourselves from the colonization of the free people of color, by its tendency to prevent the discontent and corruption of our slaves, and to secure to them a better treatment, by rendering them more worthy of it, there is another advantage, infinitely greater in every point point [sic] of view, to which it may lead the way. It tends, and may powerfully tend, to rid is, gradually and entirely, in the United States, of slaves and slavery: a great moral and political evil, of increasing virulence and extent, from which much mischief is now felt, and very great calamity in future is justly apprehended. It is in this point of view, I confess, that your scheme of colonization most strongly recommends itself, in my opinion, to attention and support. The alarming danger of cherishing in our bosom a distinct nation, which can never become incorporated with us, while it rapidly increases in numbers and improves in intelligence; learning from us the arts of peace and war, the secret of its own strength, and the talent of combining and directing its force—a nation which must ever be hostile to us, from feeling and interest, because it can never incorporate with us, nor participate in the advantages which we enjoy; the danger of such a nation in our bosom need not be be [sic] pointed out to any reflecting mind. It speaks not only to our understandings, but to our very senses; and however it may be derided by some, or overlooked by others, who have not the ability or the time, or do not give themselves the trouble to reflect on and estimate properly the force and extent of those great moral and physical causes which prepare gradually, and at length bring forth, the most terrible convulsions in civil society, it will not be viewed without deep and awful apprehension by any who shall bring sound minds and some share of political knowledge and sagacity to the serious consideration of the subject. Such persons will give their most serious attention to any proposition which has for its object the eradication of this terrible mischief lurking in our vitals. I shall presently have occasion to advert a little to the manner in which your intended colony will conduce to this great end. It is therefore necessary to touch on it here. Indeed, it is too obvious to require much explanation.

But, independently of this view of the case, there is enough in the proposed measure to command our attention and support on the score of benefit to ourselves.

No person who has seen the slaveholding States, and those where slavery does not exist, and has compared ever so slightly their condition and situation, can have failed to be struck with the vast difference in favor of the latter. This difference extends to every thing, except only the character and manners of the most opulent and best educated people. These are very much the same every where. But in population; in the general diffusion of wealth and comfort; in public and private improvements; in the education, manners, and mode of life of the middle and laboring classes; in the face of the country; in roads, bridges, and inns; in schools and churches; in the general advancement of improvement and prosperity, there is no comparison. The change is seen the instant you cross the line which separates the country where there are slaves from that where there are none. Even in the same State, the parts where slaves most abound are uniformly the worst cultivated, the poorest, and the least populous; while wealth and improvement uniformly increase as the number of slaves in the country diminishes. I might prove and illustrate this position by many examples drawn from a comparison of different States, as Maryland and Pennsylvania, and between different counties in the same State, as Charles county and Frederick, in Maryland; but it is unnecessary, because every body who has seen the different parts of the country has been struck by this difference. Whence does it arise? I answer, from this: that in one division of country the land is cultivated by freemen, for their own benefit, and in the other almost entirely by slaves, for the benefit of their masters. It is the obvious interest of the first class of laborers to produce as much and consume as little as possible, and of the second class to consume as much and produce as little as possible. What the slave consumes is for himself; what he produces is for his master. All the time that he can withdraw from labor is gained to himself; all that he spends in labor is devoted to his master. All that the free laborer, on the contrary, can produce is for himself; all that he can save is so much added to his own stock. All the time that he loses from labor is his own loss.

This, if it were all, would probably be quite sufficient to account for the whole difference in question. But, unfortunately, it is far from being all. Another, and a still more injurious effect of slavery, remains to be considered.

Where the laboring class is composed wholly, or in a very considerable degree, of slaves, and of slaves distinguished from the free class by color, features, and origin, the ideas of labor and of slavery soon become connected in the minds of the free class. This arises from that association of ideas which forms one of the characteristic features of the human mind, and with which every reflecting person is well acquainted. They who continually from their infancy see black slaves employed in labor, and forming by much the most numerous class of laborers, insensibly associate the ideas of labor and of slavery, and are almost irresistibly led to consider labor as a badge of slavery, and consequently as a degradation. To be idle, on the contrary, is in their view the mark and the privilege of freemen. The effect of this habitual feeling upon that class of free whites which ought to labor, and consequently upon their condition, and the general condition of the country, will be readily perceived by those who reflect on such subjects. It is seen in the vast difference between the laboring class of whites in the Southern and Middle, and those of the Northern and Eastern States, Why are the latter incomparably more industrious, more thriving, more orderly, more comfortably situated, than the former ? The effect is obvious to all those who have travelled through the different parts of our country. What is the cause? It is found in the association between the idea of slavery and the idea of labor, and in the feeling produced by this association, that labor, the proper occupation of negro slaves, and especially agricultural labor, is degrading to a free white man.

Thus we see that, where slavery exists, the slave labors as little as possible, because all the time that he can withdraw from labor is saved to his own enjoyments; and consumes as much as possible, because what he consumes belongs to his master; while the free white man is insensibly but irresistibly led to regard labor, the occupation of slaves, as a degradation, and to avoid it as much as he can. The effect of these combined and powerful causes, steadily and constantly operating in the same direction, may easily be conceived. It is seen in the striking difference which exists between the slaveholding sections of our country and those where slavery is not permitted.

It is therefore obvious that a vast benefit would be conferred on the country, and especially on the slaveholding districts, if all the slave laborers could be gradually and imperceptibly withdrawn from cultivation, and their place supplied by free white laborers—I say gradually and imperceptibly, because, if it were possible to withdraw, suddenly and at once, so great a portion of the effective labor of the community as is now supplied by slaves, it would be productive of the most disastrous consequences. It would create an immense void, which could not be filled; it would impoverish a great part of the community, unhinge the whole frame of society in a large portion of the country, and probably end in the most destructive convulsions. But it is clearly impossible, and therefore we need not enlarge on the evils which it would produce.

But to accomplish this great and beneficial change gradually and imperceptibly, to substitute a free white class of cultivators for the slaves, with the consent of the owners, by a slow but steady and certain operation, I hold to be as practicable as it would be beneficial; and I regard this scheme of colonization as the first step in that great enterprise.

The considerations stated in the first part of this letter have long since produced a thorough conviction in my mind that the existence of a class of free people of color in this country is highly injurious to the whites, the slaves, and the free people of color themselves. Consequently, that all emancipation, to however small an extent, which permits the persons emancipated to remain in this country, is an evil which must increase with the increase of the operation, and would become altogether intolerable, if extended to the whole, or even to a very large part, of the black population. I am therefore strongly opposed to emancipation, in every shape and degree, unless accompanied by colonization.

I may perhaps on some future occasion develop a plan, on which I have long meditated, for colonizing gradually, and with the consent of their owners, and of themselves, where free, the whole colored population, slaves and all; but this is not the proper place for such an explanation, for which indeed I have not time now. But it is an essential part of the plan, and of every such plan, to prepare the way for its adoption and execution, by commencing a colony of blacks, in a suitable situation and under proper management. This is what your society propose to accomplish. Their project therefore, if rightly formed and well conducted, will open the way for this more extensive and beneficial plan of removing, gradually and imperceptibly, but certainly, the whole colored population from the country, and leaving its place to be imperceptibly supplied, as it would necessarily be, by a class of free white cultivators. In every part of the country this operation must necessarily be slow. In the Southern and Southwestern States it will be very long before it can be accomplished, and a very considerable time must probably elapse before it can even commence. It will begin first, and be first completed, in the Middle States, where the evils of slavery are most sensibly felt, the desire of getting rid of the slaves is already strong, and a greater facility exists of supplying their place by white cultivators. From thence it will gradually extend to the South and Southwest, till, by its steady, constant, and imperceptible operation, the evils of slavery shall be rooted out from every part of the United States, and the slaves themselves, and their posterity, shall be converted into a free, civilized, and great nation, in the country from which their progenitors were dragged, to be wretched themselves and a curse to the whites.

This great end is to be attained in no other way than by a plan of universal colonization, founded on the consent of the slaveholders and of the colonists themselves. For such a plan, that of the present colonization society opens and prepares the way, by exploring the ground, selecting a proper situation, and planting a colony, which may serve as a receptacle, a nursery, and a school, for those that are to follow. It is in this point of view that I consider its benefits as the most extensive and important, though not the most immediate.

The advantages of this undertaking, to which I have hitherto adverted, are confined to ourselves. They consist in ridding us of the free people of color, and preparing the way for getting rid of the slaves and of slavery. In these points of view they are undoubtedly very great. But there are advantages to the free blacks themselves, to the slaves, and to the immense population of middle and southern Africa, which no less recommend this undertaking to our cordial and zealous support.

To the free blacks themselves the benefits are the most obvious, and will be the most immediate. Here they are condemned to a state of hopeless inferiority, and consequent degradation. As they cannot emerge from this state, they lose by degrees the hope and at last the desire of emerging. With this hope and desire they lose the most powerful incitements to industry, frugality, good conduct, and honorable exertion. For want of this incitement, this noble and ennobling emulation, they sink for the most part into a state of sloth, wretchedness, and profligacy. The few honorable exceptions serve merely to show of what the race is capable in a proper situation. Transplanted to a colony composed of themselves alone, they would enjoy real equality; in other words, real freedom. They would become proprietors of land, master mechanics, shipowners, navigators, and merchants, and by degrees schoolmasters, justices of the peace, militia officers, ministers of religion, judges, and legislators. There would be no white population to remind them of and to perpetuate their original inferiority; but, enjoying all the privileges of freedom, they would soon enjoy all its advantages and all its dignity. The whites who might visit them would visit them as equals, for the purposes of a commerce mutually advantageous. They would soon feel the noble emulation to excel, which is the fruitful source of excellence in all the various departments of life; and, under the influence of this generous and powerful sentiment, united with the desire and hope of improving their condition, the most universal and active incitements to exertion among men, they would rise rapidly in the scale of existence, and soon become equal to the people of Europe, or of European origin, so long their masters and oppressors. Of all this the most intelligent among them would soon become sensible. The others would learn it from them; and the prospect and hope of such blessings would have an immediate and most beneficial effect on their condition and character; for it will be easy to adopt such regulations as to exclude from this colony all but those who shall deserve by their conduct to be admitted; thus rendering the hope of admission a powerful incentive to industry, honesty, and religion.

To the slaves, the advantages, though not so obvious or immediate, are yet certain and great.

In the first place, they would be greatly benefited by the removal of the free blacks, who now corrupt them, and render them discontented: thus exposing them to harsher treatment and greater privations. In the next place, this measure would open the way to their more frequent and easier manumission; for many persons, who are now restrained from manumitting their slaves by the conviction that they generally become a nuisance when manumitted in the country, would gladly give them freedom, if they were to be sent to a place where they might enjoy it usefully to themselves and to society. And, lastly, as this species of manumission, attended by removal to a country where they might obtain all the advantages of freedom, would be a great blessing, and would soon be so considered by the slaves, the hope of deserving and obtaining it would be a great solace to their sufferings, and a powerful incitement to good conduct. It would thus tend to make them happier and better before it came, and to fit them better for usefulness and happiness afterwards.

Such a colony, too, would enlarge the range of civilization and commerce, and thus tend to the benefit of all civilized and commercial nations. In this benefit our own nation would most largely participate; because, having founded the colony, and giving it constant supplies of new members, as well as its first and principal supply of necessaries and comforts, its first counexions would be formed with us, and would naturally grow with its growth and our own, till they ripened into fixed habits of intercourse, friendship, and attachment.

The greatest benefit, however, to be hoped from this enterprise, that which, in contemplation, most delights the philanthropic mind, still remains to be unfolded. It is the benefit to Africa herself, from this return of her sons to her bosom, bearing with them arts, knowledge, and civilization, to which she has hitherto been a stranger. Cast your eyes, my dear sir, on this vast continent; pass over the northern and northeastern parts, and the great desert, where sterility, ferocious ignorance, and fanaticism, seem to hold exclusive and perpetual sway; fix your attention on Soudan, and the widely extended regions to the south; you see there innumerable tribes and nations of blacks, mild and humane in their dispositions, sufficiently intelligent, robust, active, and vigorous, not averse from labor or wholly ignorant of agriculture, and possessing some knowledge of the ruder arts, which minister to the first wants of civilized man; you see a soil generally fertile, a climate healthy for the natives, and a mighty river, which rolls its waters through vast regions inhabited by these tribes, and seems destined, by an all wise and beneficent Providence, one day to connect then with each other, and all of them with the rest of the world, in the relations of commerce and friendly intercourse. What a field is here presented for the blessings of civilization and Christianity, which colonies of civilized blacks afford the best and probably the only means of introducing. These colonies, composed of blacks already instructed in the arts of civilized life and the truths of the gospel, judiciously placed, well conducted, and constantly enlarged, will extend gradually into the interior, will form commercial and political connexions with the native tribes in their vicinity, will extend those connexions to tribes more and more remote, will incorporate many of the natives with the colonies, and in their turn make establishments and settlements among the natives, and thus diffuse all around the arts of civilization, and the benefits of literary, moral, and religious instruction.

That such must be the tendency of colonies of this description, if well placed; well formed, and well conducted, cannot, I think, be reasonably doubted. Such a colony has already been established, with satisfactory success and flattering prospects. But it may be doubted, perhaps, whether the situation has been fortunately chosen with respect to all the objects that ought to be kept in view; and it is still more questionable, whether a sufficient supply of colonists of a proper description, to give it the extent necessary for rendering it in any considerable degree beneficial, can be drawn from the sources on which it must rely. It is in the United States alone that such colonists can be found in any considerable numbers. In the choice of a good situation, too, on which so much depends, we have far more assistance from recent discoveries, and the extention of geographical knowledge in that quarter of the globe, than was possessed by the founders of that colony. We have the benefit of their experience, of their discoveries, and even of their errors, which we may be able to correct or avoid. Useful therefore and meritorious as their establishment certainly is, we may hope to render ours far more extensively beneficial.

An objection, of some plausibility, is frequently urged against this scheme of colonizing the free people of color, which it may be proper in this place to notice. These people, it is said, especially the industrious and estimable part of them, will not go to the new colony. That many of them will decline to go at first, and some always, cannot be doubted. It is even probable, and may be safely admitted, that but few of them now think favorably of the project; for men, especially ignorant men, venture unwillingly upon great changes, the extent, nature, and consequences of which they are little capable of understanding. But it by no means follows that the same unwillingness or hesitation will continue, after the ground shall have been broken, the way opened, and the settlement formed. In the first instance, none will engage but the most industrious, intelligent, and enterprising, who are capable of discerning the advantages of the undertaking, and have resolution and energy enough to encounter its first hardships and risks. This is the case with all colonies, and especially those formed in distant, unknown, or unsettled countries. Some resolute and adventurous spirits first embark, and they open and prepare the way for others. It is stated and believed, on evidence better known to you than to me, that a sufficient number of such persons stand ready at this time to commence the colony, as soon as the necessary previous arrangements can be made. I have no doubt of the fact, not only from information, but from general reasoning on the human character, and my knowledge of many individuals among the free blacks. When this first step is taken, (and in most enterprises the greatest difficulty lies in the first step,) when a settlement of free blacks shall have actually been formed, the way opened, and the first difficulties surmounted, others will soon be disposed to follow. If successful and prosperous, as it certainly will be if properly conducted, its success will quickly become known to the free blacks in every part of the country.

However distrustful of the whites, they will confide in the reports made to them by people of their own color and class. The prosperity of the settlement, and the advantageous condition of the settlers, will soon be universally understood and believed; and, indeed, will be far more apt to be exaggerated than undervalued. The most ignorant and stupid of the free people of color will speedily understand or believe that, in the colony, they may obtain a state of equality, opulence, and distinction, to which they can never aspire in this country: hence the desire to join their friends and equals there may be expected soon to become general among them; nor is it too much to hope and anticipate that this desire will speedily grow into a passion ; that the difficulty will be not to find colonists, but to select them; and that the hope of being received into the favored number, for whom it may be practicable to provide annually, will ere long become a most powerful and operative incentive to industry, sobriety, and general good conduct, among the whole class from which the selection will be annually made.

Having detained you thus long, my dear sir, much too long, I am afraid, with these preliminary observations on the benefits which may be expected from this undertaking, I proceed now to the manner of carrying it into execution. I shall not, however, treat this branch of the subject in its whole extent, for which this is not the proper place, bit shall confine myself to the objects more immediately in view at this time the choice of a proper situation for the first settlement, and the circumstances to which the attention of the agent, who is to be sent out for the purpose of exploring the ground, ought chiefly to be directed.

The first of these circumstances is salubrity, with a view to which the vicinity of low and marshy grounds, of swamps, and of rivers which are apt to overflow their banks, ought to be carefully avoided. High situations, open to the sea, or washed by rivers with high and steep banks, should be sought. Mountains in the vicinity, and in the direction from which the winds regularly blow, are much to be desired; and great attention should be paid to the abundance of brooks and springs, and to the quality of their water. On all these accounts, an elevated and uneven surface ought to be preferred, though less fertile than the flat low grounds. Too much attention ought not to be paid, in the first settlements, either to great fertility or the convenience of navigation. The first establishment should no doubt be within a convenient distance from a good port, but need not be close to it ; nor ought to be so, unless the immediate vicinity should be much more healthy than such situations usually are. The settlement must be entirely agricultural at first, and will long, perhaps always, continue so, in a very great degree. Commerce there, as in our own country, must and will soon grow out of agriculture; but the first settlements ought to be made with a view to the latter, far more than to the former. Contiguity to a good market for agricultural productions is, indeed, a very important incitement and aid to agricultural industry, and therefore a very important circumstance in the location of an agricultural colony; but it is far from being the most important, and care must be taken to prevent its being too much regarded.

Nor ought any thing in this respect to be sacrificed to great fertility, which is most frequently found in low, flat, and unwholesome situations. A good soil, well adapted to the cultivation of wheat, Indian corn or maize, and cotton, is all in this respect that ought to be desired; and such soils are found in places possessing every advantage of good water, with a dry and pure atmosphere. Wheat and Indian corn are the best articles of food, and the soils that produce them are fit also for various other grains and vegetables, useful for food and of easy culture, especially the sweet potato and various kinds of pulse, which thrive well in hot climates. As an object of tillage, with a view to exportation, cotton is by far the best, because it thrives well in high and healthy situations, of a light soil, may he cultivated 10 advantage on small farms, and requires little labor which cannot be performed by women and children.

Attention should also be paid to suitable streams for the erection of grist mills, saw mills, and other water works, which will be almost indispensable to the colony in its infant state, and of great utility at a more advanced period. Fortunately, such streams abound most in the countries best adapted in other respects to agricultural settlements.

The character, condition, and disposition of the natives, will also require very particular attention; it being of the greatest importance to gain and preserve their good will, so as to cultivate and cement a free and friendly intercourse with them, obtain from them assistance and supplies, and gradually communicate to them the knowledge and habits of civilized life. For this essential purpose, we should not only avoid the neighborhood of fierce and warlike tribes, but that of very large and powerful ones, who will be much more unmanageable and dangerous than small ones in many points of view.

It would also be best to select a situation as distant as possible from Sierra Leone. There would no doubt be some advantages at first in a close neighborhood, but they would probably be soon overbalanced by the jealousies and collisions which could hardly fail to take place between two colonies established under different Governments, and with different views and interests in many important points. This is an objection to Sherbro river, probably not insurmountable, but sufficient to turn the scale in favor of a more distant position, possessing in other respects equal or nearly equal advantages.

If, indeed, an arrangement could be made with the British Government for an union and incorporation of the two colonies, or rather for the reception of our colonists into their settlement, it might deserve serious consideration. There would no doubt be many advantages at first in sending them to a settlement already formed, where the first difficulties have been surmounted, and a regular government exists. But this is matter for future deliberation. We ought now to search out a fit place for ourselves; for it is doubtful whether an incorporation would be agreed to by the British Government, and far from being certain that the best place has been chosen for their establishment. When these points shall have been ascertained, and we know what prospect there is of obtaining a suitable situation elsewhere, a negotiation may be opened, if then thought advisable, for uniting the two colonies.

There will always be one strong objection to the incorporation. The British colony will be for a long time retained in the colonial state, subject to a foreign and distant Government, and, when ripe for independence, will probably be compelled to seek it by force of arms. The nature and habitual policy of that Government will almost necessarily lead to this result. Our colony, on the contrary, ought to be republican from the beginning, and formed and fashioned with a view to self-government and independence, with the consent of the mother country, at the earliest practicable period. It is thus only that it can be most useful to the colonists, to Africa, to its, and to the general cause of humanity.

It would, however, be premature at present to decide on the question of incorporation; and therefore, with a view to this interesting part of the case, the agent should be instructed to investigate most carefully the progress and present state of the Sierra Leone settlement, and to ascertain, as exactly as possible, all the circumstances of its locality, as relates to health; fertility; objects of culture suitable to its soil and climate; navigation; the nature of the country in its vicinity; the character, situation, and strength of the neighboring tribes; and the facilities of communication with the remote and interior parts of the continent.

One very important circumstance in the selection of a suitable place for our settlements, to which the attention of the agent ought to be particularly directed, still remains to be brought into view. I mean the facility of communication with the Niger, that mighty river, which seems destined to supply the link of connexion between the interior of Africa and the civilized world.
I take the question relative to the lower course and termination of the Niger to be now satisfactorily settled. The discoveries of Park, in his last journey, compared and connected with the information derived from Mr. Maxwell and others, concerning the river Zayr, improperly called the Congo, from the name of a little district at its mouth, to say nothing of Sidi Hamet's narrative, as given to us by Captain Riley, which deserves great attention, authorize us, I think, to conclude that these two rivers are the same; in other words, that the Niger, after having traversed the interior of Africa four thousand miles, falls, under the name of Zayr, into the Atlantic, south of the equator : thus laying open that vast continent to its in. most recesses, and bringing its immense population into contact with the rest of the world. There is some doubt and much contrariety of opinion on this point, and this is not the place for entering at large into the discussion. Fortunately, a decision of the question, which cannot be absolutely decided till the course of the Niger shall be pursued to its termination, is not necessary for our present purpose; for, whether this great body of waters, collected in a course of two thousand miles, be lost, according to the opinion of some, in the sands, marshes, and lakes, supposed to exist in the centre of Africa; or, as others have imagined, be discharged into the Mediterranean through the Nile, a river of a more elevated bed, and hardly a tenth part as large; or, being arrested in its progress eastward toward the Indian ocean, by the elevated country in which the Nile has its sources, is driven through the feebler barrier of the mountains on the south, and thrown off to the Southern Atlantic; it is still the only avenue into the interior of Africa—and a noble avenue it is. At Bammakoo, where Park struck it in his last voyage, he stales it to be a mile wide. From thence to Houssa, a distance of between six and seven hundred miles, its course has been satisfactorily ascertained. Throughout this great extent, in which it receives many large streams, and flows through a fertile country, its current, though strong, is smooth and even, uninterrupted by cataracts or shoals. As it advances eastward, it recedes more and more from the coast, and thus becomes more and more difficult of access. Settlements therefore on the Atlantic, formed with a view to commercial intercourse with the vast countries on the Niger, and those more distant to which it leads, must be placed as near as possible to its upper waters, where they first begin to be navigable for boats.

These waters probably approach much nearer the Atlantic than has hitherto been believed. We have seen that, at Bammakoo, the highest point to which it has yet been traced, it is a mile wide-as large as the Susquehanna at its entrance into the Chesapeake bay. It must therefore be a very considerable stream much higher up; that is, much further to the south west, and consequently much nearer to the Atlantic. It has its source in the western part of a chain of mountains, which runs from west to east, nearly parallel with that part of the coast of Africa which extends from Sierra Leone to the bight of Benin. These mountains separate it from the rivers which, rising on their southern side, fall into the Atlantic, in the neighborhood of Sierra Leone. Their sources no doubt approach very near to those of the Niger; probably no great distance divides its navigable waters from theirs. Such a river, with a good port at or near its mouth, and a fertile country on its banks, would present the proper situation for a colony, planted with a view to the civilization of Africa, by the commerce of the Niger.

The course of such a commerce would be to ascend the Atlantic river, as far as possible, in boats, with the commodities wanted for the interior consumption, and to establish at that point a place of deposite, from whence the merchandise would be sent over land to the Niger, and down it to the various markets below. The returns would go up the Niger to its highest navigable point, where a town would soon arise; from thence, they would pass by land to the place of deposite on the other side of the mountain, and there be put into boats, for transportation down the river to the shipping port. If the Niger should be ascertained to continue its course to the ocean, an intercourse would gradually be extended down to its mouth, where a great commercial city, would arise; and to this mart the return cargoes purchased above would gradually find their way down the stream. Thus an immense circle of commerce would imperceptibly be formed, embracing the whole course of the Niger, and the vast countries which it waters and lays open, and connecting them all with each other, and with the whole commercial world. For a very considerable time this commerce would be confined to the countries far up the river, near to its source, where settlements would first be formed, and civilization would commerce. As the communication between these first settlements and those on the Atlantic became more and more safe, easy, and expeditious, by means of intermediate settlements, good roads, and improved inland navigation, colonies and trade would extend further and further down the river. Other settlements would soon be commenced at its mouth. At last, these two branches would meet and unite in a commerce vast as the stream on which it would be borne, and as the continent which it would civilize, enlighten, and adorn.

Ages, indeed, may be required for the full attainment of these objects; untoward events or unforeseen difficulties may retard or defeat them; but the prospect, however remote or uncertain, is still animating, and the hope of success seems sufficient to stimulate us to the utmost exertion. How vast and sublime a career does this undertaking open to a generous ambition, aspiring to deathless fame by great and useful actions! Who can count the millions that in future times shall know and bless the names of those by whom this magnificent scheme of beneficence and philanthropy has been conceived, and shall be carried into execution! Throughout the widely extended regions of middle and southern Africa, then filled with populous and polished nations, their memories shall be cherished and their praises sung, when other States, and even the flourishing and vigorous nation to which they belong, now in its flower of youth, shall have run their round of rise, grandeur, and decay, and, like the founders of Palmyra, Tyre, Babylon, Memphis, and Thebes, shall no longer be known, except by vague reports of their former greatness, or by some fragments of those works of art, the monuments of their taste, their power, or their pride, which they may leave behind.

It is in connexion, my dear sir, with this great operation that I consider your proposed colony of free blacks as most interesting and important. It ought to be the first step in this splendid career, and ought to be located with that view. In choosing a situation for it, therefore, the greatest regard ought to be had to its future connexion with the Niger. To this end, the agent ought to be instructed to make the most careful inquiries concerning the sources of that river, and its highest or most southwestern point; he should also make every effort to obtain the most full and accurate information concerning the rivers that rise in the mountains opposite to its sources, and take their course southwestwardly to the ocean; their size, the nature of the country through which they flow, the height to which they are navigable for ships and for boats, and the harbors al or near their mouths, should all be ascertained with the utmost care and accuracy. That river which combines in the greatest degree the advantages of salubrity, soil, navigation, and good neighborhood, and at the same time brings us nearest to the navigable waters of the Niger, by a good pass over the intervening mountains, is, I apprehend, the proper place, in itself, for the establishment of our colony.

I say in itself: because a place combining all those advantages may still be very unfit for our purpose, if it lie within the claims of any European Power, or too near any of their settlements. It should therefore be a particular object of the agent's attention to ascertain the situation and extent of those claims, and the distance between any European settlements and such place as may appear suited to our views. Inquiries concerning the territorial claims of European Powers can best be made in London; but it is in Africa alone that such information, when obtained, can be applied to the object of the intended mission.

There is a river, called in some maps the Mesurada, which, as there laid down, extends its branches further northeast than any other, and enters the ocean about one hundred or one hundred and fifty miles southeast of the Sherbro. It deserves, I think, the particular attention of the agent, who should be instructed to make inquiries about it, with a view to all the circumstances which may render it proper for a settlement, and to visit it, should the result of this investigation offer encouragement.

The river Nunez, or Noones, also merits particular regard. It empties itself into the Atlantic in latitude 10° 1’ north, about one hundred and fifty miles northwest from Sierra Leone. It has a very good harbor at its mouth, and carries from six to eight fathoms of water about twenty miles up, to a bar, over which there is however three fathoms, or eighteen feet. After passing the bar, the water continues from five to eight fathoms deep, to a point about fifty miles up from the mouth. From thence to the falls, about fifty miles higher up, it is said to admit vessels of one hundred and twenty tops. The country around and above the falls is represented as elevated, fertile, and healthy; abounding in game; well supplied with excellent timber, and watered by numerous streams large enough for mills; Indian corn, and all sorts of pulse and garden vegetables, are said to grow luxuriantly; cattle abound so much that an ox is sold for a dollar. The country below yields rice, Indian corn, and all the usual tropical productions. The natives are represented as peaceable and friendly, and the principal chief, who resides about ninety miles up the river, a little below the falls, and whose authority extends down to the mouth, and far into the interior, is said to be a man of sense and abilities, of a mild and humane character, and favorably disposed towards the whites, and especially the Americans. He speaks English perfectly well. This place would seem therefore to deserve the particular attention of the agent and the society. In addition to its other advantages, its upper waters approach near to those of the river Grande—a very important and interesting feature of African geography, as respects commercial intercourse with the interior, and the extension of civilization by means of colonies of civilized blacks.

These, my dear sir, are the hints that I thought I might venture to suggest to you on this most interesting subject. I make no apology for the length of my letter. It might no doubt be curtailed with advantage; but it might also, and with more ease, if not to a better purpose, be very much enlarged : (or I have touched briefly on less important topics, and altogether omitted some which belong properly to the subject, but did not seem to require immediate attention. Such as it is, I submit it to your consideration, with the hope that it may be of some use in the preparatory arrangements which you are engaged in making.

With the best wishes,
I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant,
ROBERT G. HARPER.
Elias B. CALDWELL, Esq.,
Secretary of the Colonization Society of the U. S.

SOURCE: United States Congressional Serial Set, Reports of Committees of the House of Representatives of the United States, 27th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. 2, p. 193-208