Diary of Private Edward W. Crippin, Friday, October 4, 1861

Battalion Drill as usual this afternoon. Lt. William taken sick with the measles to day nothing of importance transpiring to day.

SOURCE: Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society for the Year 1909, p. 228

Julia Gardiner Tyler to Julianna MacLachlan Gardiner, April 25, 1861

SHERWOOD FOREST, CHARLES CITY CO., April 25, 1861.

In these times you must write often, if only a few words. I have no letters to-day from you, but if I continue to be disappointed, I will consider it owing to the mail obstructions, and not torture myself with doubts of your health and safety. I want you to write me what the people of Staten Island are doing, and whether they think themselves in danger of the mob, which I should think might well be feared in New York.

The President came down on Saturday and remained until yesterday (Tuesday). He brought Julia with him, and also carried her back. Matters are rapidly coming to the point; whether they will reach it or stop short of so unnatural a battle as that waged between the two sections will be depends upon the action of the President in Washington. I see no prospect of a change in his course, and so fighting will be the order of the day. This whole country is now under arms, and the whole South will soon be one vast camp of brave men, whose rallying cry will be, “Fight for your homes and your firesides." The South is invaded, and all effort for peace must now come from the North.

It is a real disappointment to me to see New York city so ready to engage in this wicked war. We hear the famous seventh regiment has been destroyed ere it reached Washington. And so it will be. I do not think Providence will suffer the unoffending to fall. Rumors, however, that want confirmation do not occupy much our thoughts. I suppose that rumor will prove a false one. "Fuss and Feathers" has distinguished himself. You ought to hear how he is spoken of by his family and State.¹

Col. Lee, a splendid man every inch of him, is in command of the Virginia forces. He married, you remember, the daughter of G. W. Parke Custis. He can only lead to victory, if this shocking war continues.

The President writes me to-day Mrs. Clopton and daughter, from Old Point, were on board the boat yesterday, fleeing from their home. Their furniture will be sent after them in a few days. They said that the Massachusetts company that landed at Old Point for the Fort were the scum of the earth. We have not decided what we shall do about the Villa. The measles has now gone through my family. Aleck, the last to have it, is now rapidly recovering. He was a very sick child for two or three days, but the disease has now left him, and he will leave his bed to-morrow. I have recovered entirely from my cold, and the family are all well. The President is in firmer health than for many past years. He is full of business now.

I would like to write you more freely, but I suppose it would not be prudent. I do not wish to write anything that would excuse a delay of my letters. We are very much concerned as to Robert Tyler; have had threatening letters in regard to him anonymously, and we see in the papers that Southerners are sought for by the mob at Philadelphia. He wrote to his father every few days; the letters have ceased, and I hear to-day that none are found on returning to Richmond. Strange! if there is no foul play, he has found it necessary to be silent and secret. We hear he is in Baltimore, from one of our neighbors, to which place he fled, literally chased by the mob away from his home. What next we shall hear, who can tell? . . .

Your affectionate daughter,

Julia

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¹ "The general-in-chief of the army, in 1860, stood by the Union and made war on his State; and so did other officers, both of the land and sea service; for the soldier's and sailor's household gods commonly are found with his regiment or in his ship."—Fears for Democracy, p. 239.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 647-8

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, August 30, 1861

It is now between two and three months since our regiment went into camp. We have had nearly three hundred cases of measles, with about as many of diarrhoea, dysentery and fever. Not one quarter of the regiment but has been sick in some way, and yet last night every man who left home with the regiment slept in camp-not one death by sickness or accident, none left behind, not one lost by desertion! May we not challenge the armies of the world for a parallel? We are sleeping on our arms every night, in anticipation of an attack on Washington, and it seems to be the general belief that we shall be attacked here. I am no military man, and my opinion here is of no account to the world, but to me, for whose especial benefit it is written, it is worth as much as would be the opinion of a Napoleon. That opinion is, that we shall have no fight here—that the enemy is out-generaling us by feints to induce us to concentrate our forces here, whilst he makes a strike and overpowers us elsewhere.

SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 19-20

John Tyler to Julia Gardiner Tyler, April 18, 1861

RICHMOND, April 17,¹ 1861.

Well, my dearest one, Virginia has severed her connection with the Northern hive of abolitionists, and takes her stand as a sovereign and independent State. By a large vote she decided on yesterday, at about three o'clock, to resume the powers she had granted to the Federal government, and to stand before the world clothed in the full vestments of sovereignty. The die is thus cast, and her future is in the hands of the god of battle. The contest into which we enter is one full of peril, but there is a spirit abroad in Virginia which cannot be crushed until the life of the last man is trampled out. The numbers opposed to us are immense; but twelve thousand Grecians conquered the whole power of Xerxes at Marathon, and our fathers, a mere handful, overcame the enormous power of Great Britain.

The North seems to be thoroughly united against us. The Herald and the Express both give way and rally the hosts against us. Things have gone to that point in Philadelphia that no one is safe in the expression of a Southern sentiment. Poor Robert is threatened with mob violence. I wish most sincerely he was away from there. I attempted to telegraph him to-day, but no dispatch is permitted northward, so that no one knows there, except by secret agent, what has transpired here. At Washington a system of martial law must have been established. The report is that persons are not permitted to pass through the city to the South. I learn that Mrs. Orrick and her children, on her way here to join her husband, who is on the convention, has been arrested and detained. There is another report that General Scott resigned yesterday and was put under arrest. I hope it may be so, but I do not believe it. I have some fear that he will not resign. Reports are too conflicting about it.

Two expeditions are on foot,—the one directed against the Navy Yard at Gosport, the other Harper's Ferry. Several ships are up the river at the Navy Yard, and immense supplies of guns and powder; but there is no competent leader, and they have delayed it so long that the government has now a very strong force there. The hope is that Pickens will send two thousand men to aid in capturing it. From Harper's Ferry nothing is heard. The city is full of all sorts of rumors. To-morrow night is now fixed for the great procession; flags are raised all about town.

If possible I shall visit home on Saturday. Tell Gill that I shall send or bring down the sturgeon twine and six bushels of potatoes, which should be planted as soon as they reach home. I wish much to see you after so long an absence, and the dear children, since they have had the measles. Do, dearest, live as frugally as possible in the household,—trying times are before us.

Kisses to all.

Your devoted,

J. TYLER.

Julia is quite well.

_______________

¹ As the ordinance was passed on the 17th, this date ought to be 18th.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 641-2

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, July 31, 1861

On the 19th of June, 1861, the 5th Regiment of Wisconsin Vols., being partially organized, went into camp at Madison, Wis. Here it remained for a time, perfecting its organization, drilling and preparing itself for the hardships, the dangers, and the responsibilities to be encountered in the battle-field, against a people warlike and chivalric; a people who are taught to regard physical courage, and recklessness of physical danger, as the noblest qualities of the human race, and a people whose chief pride was to win in fight, whether with individuals or in masses; but a people, who, having entrusted their politics to professed politicians, were misled to believe that, by their brothers of the Northern States of this Union, their rights of property were invaded, and their homes were coveted as a prize for distribution amongst the overgrown population of the North. But to enter into a discussion of the merits of this rebellion, now devastating the most beautiful country known to man, carrying in its march a passover of beggary, of destitution, and of death, is not in accordance with the object of this little book. It is therefore passed over, that the reader may at once be permitted to enter into a detail of the subjects indicated in our preface.

From the time of the commencement of the rebellion, by actual war on Fort Sumter, in April of this year, its settlement by rapid and decisive victories over the rebels was subject of merriment, and looked on as matter of course. We were going to war with a people of not half our numbers, without money, without munitions of war, without navy, without anything in fine of those elements which go to make up the ensemble of a people powerful in war, and we were entering into the strife as a short interlude to the hum-drum vocations of life. "How could a people thus situated hope to compete with the parent Government, rich in every element which makes a great people?" This was the reasoning. In vain were our people told of the character of the Southerners. In vain were they referred to the results of our own rebellion and successful revolutionary war with England. "Oh!" was the reply, "Steamships were not known in those days, and England had to cross the ocean to fight us." "But Hungary, with its population of only 3,000,000, and without revenue, withstood the whole power of Austria, till the hordes of Russia had to be called in to aid in their subjugation." "But Austria had become a superannuated and feeble people." No reasoning would answer. The subjugation of the revolted States was to be a pastime, and could be nothing but a pastime. Thus went on matters, drilling as an amusement, preparatory to the enjoyment of a war, all the results of which were to be on our side, and obtained without sacrifice or suffering.

*          *          *          *          *          *

On the afternoon of the 21st July, 1861, the electric wires brought us the intelligence from Bull Run that our army was whipped, was routed, was scattered in flight. The heart of the whole North received a shock of sadness and of disappointment. Soldiers in camp began to realize that war meant work and danger, and the Regiment of which I was a member at once received orders to be in readiness to march at the earliest possible moment, to hurry to the aid of its companions

in arms. It was in sad plight for the exposures of camp life. ’Twas in the heat of summer, when fevers and diarrhoea prevail in their worst forms. The measles had broken out in camp, and one-third of the soldiers were suffering from disease of some kind. Nevertheless, active preparation went on, and on the fourth day after the receipt of the sad news the Regiment was on its way to battle.

On the 27th of July we reached Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and went into Camp Curtin. For months this had been a rendezvous for regiment after regiment. The grounds had not been cleaned—the weather was intensely hot, without a leaf to intercept the scorching rays of the sun. The stench of the camp was intolerable, and the sickness of the troops rapidly increased.¹

On the 29th of July, at night, we received orders to be ready to march at 3 o'clock next morning. Our destination was supposed to be Harper's Ferry, where we were at once to engage the enemy and to "wind up the war." So great was the excitement (these things were all new then) that very few laid down for rest during the night. At 3 A. M., of the 30th, all tents were struck and rolled up; mess chests were packed, and everyone ready for the order to move. But sunrise came and found us sitting on our packages. The day wore on, I think the hottest I ever experienced. The troops remained exposed to the broiling sun till 2 o'clock P. M., when we embarked on open platform cars, without seats, and without covering. We ran down through the city, crossed the Susquehannah Bridge, halted, and remained sitting or standing in the sun till evening. The heat of the day, determining the circulation to the skin, had brought out the eruption in many cases of measles, and the poor fellows had to sit and suffer, without a place to lie down, or even a back to lean against. At dusk we found ourselves again under way; ran down to York, Pa., about forty miles. It had now commenced raining, and the cars were run out from the depot, and the suffering men who had been all day washed with their own perspiration, were compelled to sit all night in the rain. Sick or well, 'twas all the same. None were permitted to leave the open cars and go back into the depot. Towards morning the rain stopped; the wind shifted suddenly to the Northwest, and it was cold as November. After the long tedious night of suffering, the morning came, and we ran down to Baltimore, arriving there at 8 o'clock on the morning of July 31st.

We had anticipated trouble here. We disembarked, marched with muskets loaded, and bayonets fixed, from north to south through the entire length of the city, without molestation, except from the scowls of secessionists, and the welcoming hurrahs of friends.² At the Camden Street depot we remained in the most uncomfortable condition which it is possible to conceive till sunset, when we were ordered for the twentieth time during the day to "fall in." We disembarked, marched about two and a half miles, and camped on an elevated ground to the north of, and overlooking a large part of the city and bay. The regiment did not get settled till midnight, and many were so exhausted that they threw themselves on the ground, with their clothes still wet from the previous night's rain. The medical department, however, succeeded by 10 o'clock in getting up tents to protect the sick, and they were made as comfortable as the circumstances would permit.

Here the regiment remained till the 8th of August, without any occurrences worthy of note, except that sickness continued to increase, and the knowledge I gained as to how little some military commanders cared for the comfort of their sick men. After we had been here five or six days, the Colonel was positively ignorant of the fact that we had a hospital on the ground, though there were three within fifty feet of his quarters, filled to their utmost capacity with the sick and suffering. I was now receiving but little support in my efforts for their health and comfort.

_______________

¹ I made it my business to visit every tent twice a day, to see that they were thoroughly cleaned, and that the sides of the tent were raised so as freely to admit a current of air. But here the air without was so foul as to improve the condition inside but little. I will here say, however, that the Surgeon of a Regiment who does not visit every tent in his encampment at least once a day, to satisfy himself by personal inspection that it is thoroughly cleaned and ventilated, and that at least once a week the tents are all struck, and the sun admitted for several hours to the ground on which they stand, is not deserving of the position which he holds.

² Only two companies were armed. They were placed one in front, the other in the rear of the Regiment, and so marched through the city.

SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 5-9

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, August 12, 1861

Sixteen of my sick have so far recovered that I sent them to-day to join their regiment at Kalorama Heights, near Washington. I have quite recovered from my attack, which was rubeolous fever. I had been so much mixed up with measles that, notwithstanding I had passed through the disease in childhood, the system in some degree yielded to its contagious influence, and I have had all the symptoms of measles, except the eruption. I have termed this rubeoloid, or rubeolous fever. It is common in camp.

SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 13

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, Sunday, January 24, 1863

Our faces were considerably elongated this morning by the report that John Bland, of our company, was taking the small-pox. As John circulates a good deal among the boys, we all expected to take it from him; but, after a thorough examination by Drs. McNelly and Smith, they pronounced it measles, whereupon we all regained our usual composure, except Joel Neece, who slept with Bland last night, and was too badly frightened to get over it in a moment.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 22

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, February 6, 1863

We have had no excitement since we left Vicksburg. Nothing has transpired here to cause a "yell" even. We have lived out the allotted time in quarantine, but have received no orders as yet to go back into the world again. There has been no small-pox for over twenty days, and the boys are suffering more from the confinement than from the pestilence. Last night was the coldest of the season. Ice formed to the thickness of a quarter of an inch. Arch Sloan, of our company, died night before last of measles.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 22

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, February 8, 1863

Yesterday we moved back into civilization, and took up quarters in a swamp near the broad Mississippi. Have a good camping-ground for this country, and if we can get good rations, I think we will have a healthy regiment once more. We have been through the flint-mills since we went into quarantine.

The men have suffered a great deal from bowel complaints, colds, and measles: some have died of small-pox, and but for the promptness of Surgeon McNelly in having us well vaccinated, and the infected sent to the pest-house, we might have had a serious time of it. We are now in better spirits, as we can see what is going on and hear the news, besides having the advantage of the sunshine and facilities for purchasing provisions, etc. While writing, I have been detailed as ship's carpenter on board of a steamboat now fitting out to capture the Federal gunboat Indianola, which passed our batteries at Vicksburg sometime since, and has been annoying our transports between this point and Red River. The attempt will be dangerous, and nothing but the exigency of the case would warrant the undertaking.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 22-3

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Monday, November 25, 1861

It was now very cold, and the ground was frozen hard all day, in consequence of which our wagon train did not get as far as Jamestown. In place of moving with his train, or at least going no further than it could go over the frozen roads, McNairy pressed on through Jamestown, down Cumberland Mountain to Camp McGinnison Wolf River—a march of about a thirty-one miles. The result was his men were without tents and rations one very cold night, and until late in the afternoon the next day.* The following explains itself:

HEADQUARTERS,        

KNOXVILLE, November 26, 1861.

Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of Ilar:

Sir-I have the honor to report that I arrived here on Saturday last, by order of General Zollicoffer, and assumed command of this post on Sunday. I found stationed here Colonel Wood's Battalion and several companies of infantry and cavalry.

. . . There are now in custody here about seventy persons, many of whom, it is believed, were either directly or indirectly connected with the burning of the railroad bridges. Colonel Wood (Sixteenth Alabama), who was in command here before my arrival, had in contemplation a court-martial for the trial of those upon whom proof of guilt seemed to be strong. I concurred with him, and ordered the meeting on the 28th. . . .

It is important that steam power should be secured for the purpose of driving the machinery necessary in the alterations of arms. I therefore took possession of the printing establishment of Brownlow. The steam engine and building are suitable for our purposes, and it was the only one that could be procured here.

Brownlow has left, and no certain information of his whereabouts can be obtained. It is, however, certain that he is aiding and abetting our enemies. . . .

With high respect, your obedient servant,

WM. H. CARROLL,        

Brigadier-General Commanding.1

_______________

* As I was just out of a spell of fever, I did not wish to take the frozen ground that night without even a tent for shelter, so I rode over to my friend Lathan's, with whom I staid while sick of the measles in September (about one mile from Camp McGinnis), to see if I could get to lodge with him another night. As I neared his house, and before I saw him, he called out, “Yes, you may get down.” I yet feel grateful to Mr. Lathan for the comforts of that night.

1 Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., pp. 704 and 705.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 84-5

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Friday, November 8, 1861

In the saddle early that morning, our battalion arrived at Jacksborough late in the afternoon (about twenty-two miles). Zollicoffer had left orders here for McNairy to follow the brigade by a forced march in the direction of Clinton. After allowing his men to halt long enough to feed their horses and take supper, McNairy pressed on thirteen miles further and bivouacked for the rest of the night.¹ Here he was met by a messenger, with orders for him to halt.

Nelson and Bob Smith were sick of the measles at Jacksborough and discharged at Clinton.

The rest of the brigade had also halted, and I shall now endeavor to explain why.

The First Kentucky Infantry, under Colonel Bramlette, and the Fourth, under Colonel Haskins, and Wolford's Cavalry were at that time encamped at or near “Camp Goggin," on the north bank of the Cumberland, some nine miles above Mill Springs and twenty from Monticello, Kentucky.² On the 3d, Colonel Wolford set out from the above named camp with four hundred of his regiment and one piece of artillery on a reconnoitering expedition in the direction of Monticello, and, if necessary, he was to send a messenger back and Colonels Bramlette and Haskins were to follow with all their available force—1,200. Colonel Wolford went as far as Monticello, and, finding no “Rebs” there, he returned to Camp Goggin.

It appears that Madam Rumor had swelled Wolford's four hundred to 6,000 before she delivered her “entirely reliable” report to Lieutenant-Colonel McClellan, for on the next day, the 4th, he wrote the dispatch which has been previously given, under the 7th instant. On the 5th, he moved his battalion down to Camp McGinnis, and sent some of his men out toward Monticello to meet the enemy. They went as far as Monticello, and sent a messenger back, who reported that a few cavalry had been there, but had gone back to Camp Goggin. So, just as Zollicoffer entered the road from Knoxville to Wartburg, within twenty-two miles of the latter place, a messenger met him with a dispatch from Colonel McClellan, stating that the information which he had given on the 4th was founded in error. Therefore, our General decided to fall back to Jacksborough, and completely blockade the two wagon roads through the mountains in that vicinity.³

_______________

¹ I had been on the sick list ever since our battalion left Flat Lick, but had still followed the command until the above night. Not being able to go any further, I put up with one Mr. Bowling, who lived on the Clinton road, six miles south of Jacksborough, the county seat of Campbell County, where I remained for about ten days, and was quite sick with a fever during the time. J. W. Kennedy first stopped with me, but as I continued to grow worse for some days, my brother, B. A. Hancock, resigned as assistant commissary of our battalion and came to see that I was properly cared for. Ben and I rejoined the battalion at Clinton, on the 18th. B. J. Mullinax, P.

² Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., p. 328.

³ Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., p. 530.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 72-4

Brigadier-General Lloyd Tilghman to Lieutenant-Colonel William W. Mackall, October 29, 1861

HEADQUARTERS CAMP, ALCORN,        

Hopkinsville, Ky., October 29, 1861.

Col. W. W. MACKALL,
        Assistant Adjutant-General, &c., Bowling Green:

SIR: I lose not a moment in communicating through you to the general commanding the Western Division the condition of affairs at this post. I had hoped that the picture sketched to me of matters here might not have been realized, but I am compelled to think it not too highly colored. Under all the circumstances, I doubt not General Alcorn has made the best of things, his camp being merely one large hospital, with scarce men enough on duty to care for the sick and maintain a feeble guard around them, with insufficient pickets at prominent points. Over one-half the entire command are on the sick list, with very grave types of different diseases. Those remaining and reported for duty have not enough really well men to do more than first stated. The Kentucky Battalion of Infantry, numbering 547, have only 45 cases reported sick. The measles have made their appearance, and the battalion will average 20 new cases per day, judging from to-day's report. The morning brigade report, herewith inclosed, shows only 716 for duty out of a total of 2,237. Of this number, you will see that the Kentucky Battalion furnishes 376, one-third of whom only are armed, with no equipments.

Of cavalry we have nothing to count on, save Captain Meriwether's company of untutored recruits. Captain Huey's company of cavalry is entirely unarmed. Captain Wilcox's company not yet recovered from the Eddyville affair.

On the score of artillery I have merely to say, that there is not an organized squad for a single gun that could be taken into action. There are five pieces of artillery—two 6-pounders, two 9, one 12—none of which I think fit for service on account of the wretched manner in which they are mounted; a total ignorance of all mechanical principles evidenced in the construction of the carriages. The guns seem to be pretty fair. On the subject of clothing and equipments, equipage, &c., I can only say that I find nothing more encouraging. The commissary department is pretty well supplied; the quartermaster's department entirely deficient.

I have thus fairly sketched the condition of things. Major Hewett will be able to give you some particulars that I have not time now to do, but will write by the next mail. I have commenced at the root of things, and mean to work out the best result I can. I write not thus discouragingly in any spirit of complaint, but to lay before the commanding general the plain facts of the case. They are plainly these: I have no force here available for any purpose save protecting the sick and depot. I have reason to think that the enemy are in full possession of this fact, and are calculating on it. I have no force with which to operate in any direction, and our people are suffering terribly within the lines assigned me for my operations. In front and on my left they need a check. The defenses of the Cumberland cannot I believe be perfected, unmolested, unless my position is strengthened for this purpose.

A movement has taken place at Henderson. A courier reached me to-night with the inclosed paper* from a committee at Henderson. The Union men have been very busy here to-day. They are too open-mouthed, and must be checked. The stage is waiting, and I have not time to say more than this. I deem it absolutely necessary that I should as soon as possible be re-enforced. A cavalry force is indispensably necessary to cover my front and prevent the removal of a large amount of wheat, flour, corn, and hogs, now drafted daily on heavily by scouting parties. Of the latter item, there are not less than 50,000 hogs. This service would require the whole time of not less than 500 cavalry. For practical purposes I am without infantry and artillery, and desire that a due proportion of both be at once sent. I beg you to say to General Johnston that I need the assistance of some graduates, for artillery especially. Could I not have the services of the two young men mentioned by General Buckner? (See him.) I will prepare full estimates for all my wants and forward them.

I beg you to pardon this hurried communication. I have not had time to read it over. Major Hewett will give you facts as to a landing at Eddyville by our people.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

LLOYD TILGHMAN,        

Brigadier-General, C. S. Army, Commanding.

_______________

* Not found.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 4 (Serial No. 4), p. 485-6

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Wednesday, October 2, 1861

Several of Allison's Company who had been home returned to camp, brother Will (W. C. Hancock) and J. C. McAdoo, who were sick of the measles at Camp Schuyler, last August, and went home from there, were among the number.

Companies B and C (they had been at Barboursville since the 29th ultimo) rejoined the battalion at Camp Buckner.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 51

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Thursday, August 15, 1861

Seventy-five of our battalions set out from Camp Schuyler to go to Knoxville, about forty miles east, with some prisoners. They returned the 17th.

The measles broke out in camp while at Camp Schuyler.*

_______________

* J. C. McAdoo and brother Will (Company E) had the measles, and went home from this camp. Brother Ben went with them.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 36

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Monday, September 2, 1861

 Passing down Cumberland Mountain, the three companies bivouacked at Camp McGinnis, on Wolf River, some ten miles north of Jamestown.

As I was sick of the measles, I remained for a week with one Mr. Lathan, who lived one mile from Camp McGinnis. One of my comrades, J. L. Thomas, remained with me.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 37-8

Major-General William T. Sherman to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, June 2, 1863

HEADQUARTERS FIFTEENTH ARMY CORPS,        

Walnut Hill, June 2, 1863.

Major-General GRANT,
        Present:

DEAR GENERAL: I would most respectfully suggest that you use your personal influence with President Lincoln to accomplish a result on which it may be the ultimate peace and security of our country depends. I mean to his use of the draft to fill up our old regiments.

I see by the public journals that a draft is to be made, and that 100,000 men are to be assigned to fill up the old regiments, and 200,000 to be organized as new troops. I do not believe that Mr. Lincoln, or any man, would at this critical period of our history repeat the fatal mistakes of last year. Taking this army as a fair sample of the whole, what is the case? The regiments do not average 300 men, nor did they exceed that strength last fall when the new regiments joined us in November and December. Their rolls contained about 900 names, whereas now their ranks are even thinner than the older organizations. All who deal with troops in fact instead of theory know that the knowledge of the little details of camp life is absolutely necessary to keep men alive. New regiments for want of this knowledge have measles, mumps, diarrhea, and the whole catalogue of infantile diseases, whereas the same number of men distributed among the older regiments would learn from the sergeants and corporals and privates the art of taking care of themselves, which would actually save their lives and preserve their health against the host of diseases that invariably attack the new regiments. Also, recruits distributed among older companies catch up, from close and intimate contact, a knowledge of drill, the care and use of arms, and all the instruction which otherwise it would take months to impart. The economy, too, should recommend the course of distributing all the recruits as privates to the old regiments, but these reasons appear to me so plain that it is ridiculous for me to point them out to you, or even to suggest them to an intelligent civilian.

I am assured by many that the President does actually desire to support and sustain the Army, and that he desires to know the wishes and opinions of the officers who serve in the wood instead of the "salon." If so, you would be listened to.

It will take at least 600 good recruits per regiment to fill up the present army to the proper standard. Taking 1,000 as the number of regiments in actual existence, this would require 600,000 recruits. It may be the industrial interests of the country will not authorize such a call, but how much greater the economy to make an army and fight out this war at once. See how your success is checked by the want of prompt and adequate enforcement to guard against a new enemy gathering to the rear. Could your regiments be filled up to even the standard of 700 men for duty, you would be content to finish quick and well the work so well begun. If a draft be made, and the men be organized into new regiments instead of filling up the old, the President may satisfy a few aspiring men, but will prolong the war for years and allow the old regiments to die of natural exhaustion. I have several regiments which have lost honestly in battle and by disease more than half their original men, and the wreck or remainder, with colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, ten captains, lieutenants, &c., and a mere squad of men, remind us of the army of Mexico—all officers and no men. It would be an outrage to consolidate these old, tried, and veteran regiments and bring in the new and comparatively worthless bodies. But fill up our present ranks, and there is not an officer or man of this army but would feel renewed hope and courage to meet the struggles before us.

I regard this matter as more important than any other that could possibly arrest the attention of President Lincoln, and it is for this reason that I ask you to urge it upon him at this auspicious time. If adopted, it would be more important than the conquest of Vicksburg and Richmond together, as it would be a victory of common sense over the popular fallacies that have ruled and almost ruined our country.

With great respect, your friend and servant,

W. T. SHERMAN,        

Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 3 (Serial No. 124), p. 386-8

Diary of Caroline Cowles Richards: December 1862

Hon. William H. Lamport went down to Virginia to see his son and found that he had just died in the hospital from measles and pneumonia. Their only son, only eighteen years old!

SOURCE: Caroline Cowles Richards, Village Life in America, 1852-1872, p. 147

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 179. Report of Brig. Gen. Charles Cruft, U. S. Army, commanding Provisional Division, of operations November 29, 1864--January 13, 1865.

No. 179.

Report of Brig. Gen. Charles Cruft, U. S. Army, commanding Provisional Division,

of operations November 29, 1864—January 13, 1865.

HEADQUARTERS PROVISIONAL DIVISION,             

ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND, 

Chattanooga, Tenn., January 20, 1865.

The following report of the recent campaign is respectfully submitted: I had been ordered by Major-General Thomas to organize the troops belonging to Major-General Sherman's field command within this department and report them to Major-General Steedman, commanding District of the Etowah. On the 29th day of November, 1864, while on the above duty at Chattanooga, Tenn., an order was received from Major-General Steedman to move that day by rail all available force. A portion of the garrison at Tunnel Hill was withdrawn, and, with the Eighteenth Ohio Volunteers from this post, was added to my command. The following statement exhibits the number of officers and men comprising the command on leaving Chattanooga, and the formation of battalions and brigades, temporarily made, to wit:

Command.	Officers	Men	Aggregate	Total
FOURTEENTH ARMY CORPS. Col. J. G. MITCHELL, commanding.
First Battalion, Lieut. Col. F. W. Lister	8	526	534
Second Battalion, Lieut. Col. William O'Brien	4	256	260	794
TWENTIETH ARMY CORPS. Col. BENJAMIN HARRISON, commanding.
First Battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel McManus	8	399	407
Second Battalion, Major Hoskins	6	304	310	717
TWENTIETH ARMY CORPS. Lieutenant-Colonel BANNING, commanding.
Eighteenth Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Captain Henderson.	9	316	325
Third Battalion, Fourteenth Army Corps, Major Roatch	8	311	319	644
SEVENTEENTH ARMY CORPS. Col. A. G. MALLOY, commanding.
Field and staff	3		3
Twentieth Illinois Battalion, Capt. C. C. Cox	1	126	127
Thirtieth Illinois Battalion, Capt. J. Kemnitzer	1	208	209
Thirteenth Iowa Infantry, Capt. C. H. Haskin	1	186	187
Third Battalion, Twentieth Army Corps, Captain Hulbert	6	290	296	822
Total	55	2,922	2,977

November 30, 1864, reached Cowan Station at 8 a.m., disembarked the command, and bivouacked.

December 1, shipped the command by rail during the night, and left Cowan about daylight. Reached Nashville at 5 p.m. and went into camp in the eastern suburbs of the city. December 2, moved to the hill near Rains' house and built a strong line of fortifications, and a redoubt for the Twentieth Indiana Battery (Captain Osborne commanding), which was upon service with my command this day. December 3, in compliance with orders from Major-General Steedman, abandoned the works built the day previous, and fell back to a line indicated nearer the city. In the new position the right rested at Judge Trimble's house, and the line extending northward across the Murfreesborough pike, the left rested near Major Lewis' house. A substantial line of earth-works, with a protecting line of palisades, and an abatis of brush in front, was speedily constructed. During the day the Eighteenth Ohio Battery (Captain Aleshire commanding) was assigned to me for duty. A strong redoubt was built for the artillery at a point where the line crossed the Murfreesborough turnpike. My command occupied this line until the general assault upon the enemy. The position was materially strengthened from day to day by the construction and raising of a dam across Brown's Creek, at the bridge below, on the Lebanon turnpike. The creek ran nearly parallel to the line of works and about 200 yards in front of the abatis. It became--as the depth of water increased--a material impediment in the way of an assault. My command performed about 4,500 days' work in the construction of this dam. Lieutenant-Colonel Grosvenor principally superintended its construction, in obedience to orders from district headquarters. Major Roatch, commanding battalion Fourteenth Army Corps, was seriously wounded while superintending a fatigue party at the dam, and the services of this meritorious officer were thereby lost to his command during the residue of the campaign.

December 11. My command was increased on and after the 6th instant by the assignment of recruits arriving from the rear, amounting in the aggregate to 2,327 enlisted men, who were properly armed and distributed to their respective battalions and brigades. The Sixty-eighth Indiana Volunteers, Lieutenant-Colonel Espy commanding, was also added. These re-enforcements brought the effective strength of the division up to 5,249. This day orders were received directing a reconnaissance in force upon the enemy occupying our old line of works, near Rains' house. Col. J. G. Mitchell, commanding the brigade of detachments from Fourteenth Army Corps, was assigned to that duty. He moved his brigade on the Murfreesborough turnpike for about half a mile, then made a detour to the right, where he formed his lines behind a small ridge and sent his skirmishers to the front; drove in the skirmishers of the enemy, advanced upon his works, and thoroughly reconnoitered his position. The casualties of Colonel Mitchell's command were trifling, having none killed and but 3 or 4 slightly wounded.

December 12, the command was put in shape to move at 6 a.m. on the following morning. December 13, in obedience to orders another reconnaissance was made on the enemy's line near Rains' house. This duty was assigned to Col. A. G. Malloy, commanding brigade of detachment of Fifteenth and Seventeenth Army Corps. Colonel Malloy, with 1,200 men of his command, advanced upon the enemy's line at the point indicated. Some sharp skirmishing ensued, but the objects of the reconnaissance were attained. Colonel Malloy's casualties were as follows: Killed, 1; wounded, 6; missing, 1; making a total of 8 enlisted men.

December 14, the effective force of the division was 5,359, as shown by the following statement:

Command.	Officers.	Men.	Aggregate.
Division headquarters :	6	20	26
First Brigade, Colonel Harrison	26	1,033	1,059
Second Brigade, Colonel Mitchell	24	1,104	1,128
Third Brigade, Colonel Grosvenor	39	852	891
Second Brigade (Army of the Tennessee), Colonel Malloy	22	1,925	1,947
Miscellaneous Camp, Captain Eaton	4	304	308
Total	121	5,238	5,359

Orders were again received to be ready to march at 6 a.m. of the next day. Arms were issued to the portion of troops that were unarmed, and command was put in readiness to comply with the order. In the evening orders were received from Major-General Steedman to detail one of the brigades to report for duty to Colonel Morgan, commanding colored brigade, on my left.. Lieut. Col, C. H. Grosvenor (who had succeeded Lieutenant-Colonel Banning in command of the brigade) was ordered to report to Colonel Morgan. This order detached Colonel Grosvenor's brigade from my immediate control during the operations before Nashville, and it did not again rejoin its command until it reached Murfreesborough, marching by way of Franklin, Tenn.

December 15, according to directions from the major-general commanding, the division moved at 4 a.m., and, abandoning its line of defenses, relieved a portion of the troops of the Fourth Army Corps, Brigadier-General Wood commanding, and Twenty-third Army Corps, Major-General Schofield commanding, and held their exterior line of works, picketing also the front from the Acklen place to a point north of Fort Negley, and commanding the approaches to the city by the Granny White, Franklin, Nolensville, and Murfreesborough turnpikes. Details were furnished to support the batteries of artillery in the lines and to garrison Fort Morton, and Redoubt Casino. The brigade of Lieutenant-Colonel Grosvenor (temporarily reporting to Colonel Morgan) was engaged during the day in the assault on the enemy's works near Rains' house, and was the only portion of the division in the fight. It suffered considerably in killed and wounded, and behaved creditably. The Twenty-fourth [Twenty-fifth?] Indiana Battery (Captain Sturm), in position on the right of the line, near the Acklen place, was ordered by me, near night-fall, to fire upon a retreating line of rebels which came in sight, passing parallel to my right, from left of the Fourth Corps. The fire was opened with good effect (though at long range) and the rebel line was dispersed in great confusion. Captain Sturm and his officers and artillerists deserve great credit for the precision with which they worked their guns and the good results that followed.

December 16, the command remained in position as of yesterday. The brigade commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Grosvenor was engaged on the left during the day and contributed its share in the work achieved by Major-General Steedman in that quarter. The assault made upon the enemy's lines and works in the afternoon of this day was under the immediate sight and direction of Major-General Steedman, and the brigade will, without doubt, receive due credit from him. All accounts that reach me speak well of the conduct of the troops in this action. During the afternoon Colonel Mitchell's brigade was moved rapidly out from the works and occupied the hills beyond Rains' house, in compliance with orders, pushing a strong line of skirmishers to Riddle's Hill beyond. The brigade held this position firmly and in shape to repel any attack on the part of the enemy's cavalry to turn the left of the general line, and protected all approaches from the east during the residue of the time this command remained at Nashville.

Monday, December 19, received orders to march to Murfreesborough; moved the command at 6.30 a.m., leaving behind those sick and unable to march, in all, say, 500. Reached La Vergne, fifteen miles, and encamped at night-fall. Tuesday, December 20, marched to Murfreesborough and encamped. Wednesday, December 21, shipped the command on cars, without rations, and started on the morning of 22d for Stevenson. Remained on cars four days. Sunday, December 25, reached Limestone Creek, eight miles beyond Huntsville, and bivouacked. Monday, December 26, marched to bayou near mouth of Limestone Creek, say ten miles, and bivouacked; sent back by train those sick and unable to march, say 400 men.

Tuesday, December 27, waded bayou at 4 a.m., and marched down on north side of Tennessee, nearly opposite mouth of Flint River, and awaited orders. The enemy shelled the transports sent to convey my command over, but no casualties resulted therefrom. Signaled General Steedman information of the enemy's strength, &c., at Decatur, obtained from Colonel Prosser and one of my staff officers. Crossed the river and lagoon beyond, and halted to receive rations from the transports at 4 p.m., as directed by Major-General Steedman. Soon received orders from him to move up to support Colonel Thompson's division, which had been advanced toward Decatur and had been engaged during the afternoon in skirmishing with the enemy. The command was brought up as rapidly as possible and formed in line on Colonel Thompson's right. The enemy opened fire with two pieces of artillery. Some of the shots fell near my line, but without damage. An advance was ordered, and both divisions moved rapidly on the town. The enemy ran away before we reached it, taking his two pieces of artillery, and our troops occupied the place. Marched back to the woodland near Decatur, and encamped for the night.

Wednesday, December 28, marched at 5 p.m., on Courtland road, to Moseley's farm, say three miles west of Decatur, and bivouacked, Thursday, December 29, marched thirteen miles and a half, to Swope's place, and bivouacked. Friday, December 30, marched at 7 a.m. to Courtland, four miles, and encamped. Remained at Courtland five days.

Wednesday, January 4, 1865, left Courtland at 2 p.m.; marched back to Swope's, and bivouacked. Thursday, January 5, marched at dawn of day; made thirteen miles and a half, and encamped at Moseley's. Here orders were received from Major-General Steedman, advising of his departure, by transports, with the artillery, and turning over the entire infantry command to me. Friday, January 6, crossed the Tennessee at the Decatur pontoon, and sent forward one division to Huntsville, which arrived about dark, the transportation doubling back for the other. It was designed to remain at Huntsville until 1 p.m. of the next day to bring up the residue of the command and to await transportation and the completion of the Paint Rock bridge, which had been destroyed by the enemy. At an interview with Brigadier-General Wood, commanding Fourth Corps, then at Huntsville, he requested me strongly to press forward a brigade to Larkinsville, apprehending that the rebel General Lyon might be in the vicinity. Colonel Mitchell's brigade was sent forthwith (at 11.30 p.m.), with instructions to get over Paint Rock Creek in some manner, and reach Larkinsville by march, patrol the country thoroughly, and engage Lyon, if he could be found. Colonel Mitchell used every possible effort to carry out his instructions. He reached Larkinsville on the morning of the 7th, and made an extensive patrol of the surrounding country, and reported that he could hear nothing of Lyon. Saturday, January 7, General Wood advised, at an interview during the morning, that I should personally go to Larkinsville, with all the troops for which transportation could be had. The condition of the troops and the orders of General Steedman, &c., were explained to General Wood. In the emergency, however, I followed his advice. There could be but one train made up at Huntsville; on this Colonel Harrison's brigade was loaded at 12 m. and the train run to Paint Rock Station. Here the railway managers kept the troops until, say, 2 a.m., waiting on westward bound trains, and for repairs of the bridge. A telegraphic instrument was put in operation and communication had with Brigadier-General Wood and Major-General Steedman. Here an order from General Wood reached me by telegraph, based upon instructions from the department commander “to stop the return of Major-General Steedman's troops.” The telegraphic message directed me to “disembark the forces that are on the cars immediately, scour the country thoroughly, and find out, if possible, where Lyon is, and get in pursuit of him; he must be found, and either captured or driven across the Tennessee River. General Thomas' orders on this subject are emphatic, and he says you must not go on your way until this work is finished.” Here intelligence was received that all the troops on trains following me—Colonels Thompson's, Morgan's, and Salm's brigades—had been stopped and unloaded at Brownsborough, by orders from Brigadier-General Wood; that a portion of these were ordered to New Market by his direction; and that the arrangements for shipping Colonel Malloy's troops had not been carried out. The men were out of rations, the weather now cold, rainy, and disagreeable, and the roads well-nigh impassable for infantry. On reaching Larkinsville a telegraphic message was sent to Colonel Krzyzanowski, commanding at Stevenson, asking a supply of rations; he promptly promised them. Owing to delays on the railways, however, they did not reach the troops in time. The garrison at Larkinsville consisted of Company M, Eleventh Indiana Cavalry, Captain Givens commanding, numbering probably sixty men, and a sort of amateur gathering of mounted men, who styled themselves “Alabama Scouts,” under Captain Sparks, say thirty or forty in number. At 7 a.m. all the cavalry and the anomalous scouts were sent to patrol the roads in the direction of Winchester, New Nashville, Robinson's farm, &c., with instructions to keep a strong vedette post at Colonel Province's. Infantry patrols were sent out to watch the approaches leading through the coves, in the direction of Bellefonte, Scottsborough, and Larkinsville. The intelligence which reached my headquarters from all these parties, and from citizens during the day, showed that no enemy was in the vicinity, except the “bushwhacking gangs of Russell, Hayes, Mead, and Wilson, which constantly infest the mountains in the vicinity. Lyon could not be heard of. At 2.55 p.m. a dispatch was received from Colonel Krzyzanowski reciting a dispatch from Major-General Milroy, as follows:

General Lyon crossed the mountain last night, going toward Bellefonte. Has 500 men; many of them dressed in Federal overcoats. He has one howitzer.

Colonel Harrison's brigade was immediately loaded on the only train at Larkinsville and started before 4 p.m. to Bellefonte, with instructions to patrol the road from there west to Scottsborough and place a battalion at Bellefonte landing; engage Lyon, if possible, and pursue him at all hazards. He was directed to inform the officer commanding at Scottsborough of the intelligence received; to direct him to make stalwart resistance, and to re-enforce him if he heard firing at Scottsborough. The garrison at Scottsborough consisted of two lieutenants (whose names have been mislaid), and, say, fifty-four colored soldiers of the One hundred and tenth (unorganized) U.S. Colored Volunteers, supposed to be in a substantial earth-work at the place. At about 5.30 p.m. train arrived from the west, the last one bringing Colonel Halley's brigade. This was immediately sent forward to Scottsborough by rail, at, say, 8 p.m., as soon as the road was clear, with proper instructions. Shortly after Colonel Malloy left, a few single discharges of artillery were heard at long intervals in what citizens said was the direction of Bellefonte. It seemed possible that Harrison had fallen in with Lyon, or that the gun-boats were shelling his river detachment; however, as Colonel Malloy was rapidly nearing Scottsborough and the firing soon ceased, it seemed to demand no special attention. The commanding officer at Scottsborough erred in leaving the earth-works and betaking himself and command to the brick depot building; he made, however, from the latter place a sturdy resistance to the attack of the skirmishers and held out well (as the enemy's prisoners admit), and forced Lyon to dismount and form line of battle, bring up his artillery and use it, thus consuming considerable time. In the meanwhile the two sections preceding Colonel Malloy dashed past the troops on the trains, firing on the enemy, confusing him, and stopping his attack on the garrison. In this confusion and cessation of fire the garrison escaped and came to Colonel Malloy, who was unloading and forming his lines at the water-tank in the edge of the town. A re-enforcement from Colonel Harrison, at Bellefonte, arrived at this time on the east of the place, and the enemy ran away rapidly. Colonel Malloy sent back one of his sections, with one of the lieutenants of the colored troops, to report, reaching headquarters about midnight. This lieutenant was badly stampeded; his statements were miserably incongruous, childish, and improbable; a complete physical terror seemed to possess him, and nothing he stated could be relied on. Colonel Mitchell's brigade was immediately ordered from Larkinsville, in the direction of the river, to try and intercept Lyon at Perry's house, the junction of the Larkin's Ferry and Gunter's Landing roads. Colonel Mitchell moved at about 2 a.m. Colonel Thompson, arriving from west with his brigade, was sent forward to join Colonel Malloy and press on in pursuit. Colonel Salm's brigade, arriving in the night, was rationed, and soon after day left to follow up Colonel Mitchell by a line more to the right. At daylight the troops were disposed as follows: Colonel Malloy and Colonel Thompson in direct pursuit of Lyon and close on him; Colonel Harrison to his left, pressing down the river and feeling into Bellefonte, Sublett's, McGinn's, and Larkin's Landings, and preventing retreat up the river; Colonels Mitchell and Salm trying to cut him off, by shorter lines to the river, at Roman's and Law's Landings, and to strike the Gunter's Landing road below him. Colonel Mitchell pushed his column rapidly forward. Soon after dawn of day he came upon a detachment of the enemy attempting to burn the bridge across Santa Creek, while the main portion of his forces had swum the creek some three miles below and were passing the junction of the roads at Perry's, say four miles down the Gunter's Landing road. Colonel Mitchell drove off the enemy, extinguished the fire on the bridge, and pushed on after him. He was only about an hour behind him at Perry's Cross-Roads. Colonel Malloy was compelled to delay his pursuit at the creek below for some three hours to construct a crossing for his men. The streams were all flooded, the mud deep, the rain pouring down, and the men (except Colonels Mitchell's and Salm's commands) without rations. I accompanied Colonel Mitchell's column; Colonel Malloy joined this during the afternoon. Pursuit was made vigorously till near night-fall, when the troops were so exhausted that they were bivouacked as an act of humanity. I rode back to Larkinsville, and during [the] evening informed Brigadier-General Wood and Major-General Steedman by telegraph of the condition of affairs, and tried to get at Colonel Morgan's command, to send it from Woodville to strike the Tennessee at mouth of Paint Rock. It was impossible to reach Colonel Morgan, the telegraphic station having been removed from Brownsborough. He came up during the night with his own regiment and Colonel Shafter's. Colonel Morgan was unloaded at Larkinsville to get rations and rest, and Colonel Shafter sent on to Scottsborough to protect that place from guerrillas, who were reported to have been firing at the small guard there during the afternoon. Efforts were again made to have rations at Gunter's Landing by transport, and a message was received from Major-General Steedman announcing their shipment.

Tuesday, January 10, Colonels Mitchell, Malloy, Salm, and Thompson were in motion at 4.30 a.m., continuing the pursuit. I reached the column of Colonel Mitchell soon after dawn of day. Colonel Thompson's command was thrown off to the left to Law's Landing. About eight miles from Guntersville the head of Colonel Mitchell's column struck quite a force of the enemy; probably 100 were in sight. Two battalions were thrown into line, and with the small cavalry force (which was taken from Larkinsville) was pushed for them. They broke to small squads and ran away to the hills and woods on each side and down the road in great confusion; but few shots were fired. The gunboats on the river were at this time shelling the woods on the north side, near Gunter's Landing, and below. The enemy could be seen running about in small detachments in almost every direction and without any order, but, being well mounted, kept beyond musket-range. The column was pressed steadily toward Gunter's Landing, with patrol parties in every direction on the flanks, and the enemy chased in toward the river. They all, however, that were on the left of the road crossed it in advance of the column, and with those on the right, left rapidly by the roads running down the river. Some were driven into the riverbank, but being mounted could swim the lagoons in the bottom that could not be waded by infantry; here they encountered the gun-boats; a few abandoned their horses, and they were captured by the boats. General Lyon had reached Claysville, opposite Gunter's Landing, the evening before, with the greater portion of his command and the piece of artillery. Citizens reported that he had abandoned his command during the night, and had crossed the river by a scow with the piece of artillery and a portion of his staff. It is probable that about 200 of his command crossed during the night at Law's Landing, and at a point about one mile and a half above Claysville, in canoes and by swimming their horses. The rest of his command at Claysville was collected at the head of the island above on the 11th, attempting to cross, and was alarmed by the coming down of a gun-boat and dispersed; a portion of the command, under Colonel Chenoweth, left Claysville about 12 m. in direction of Deposit. My advance reached Claysville at 2 p.m. Colonel Salm, leaving his men who were barefooted, was sent on immediately toward Deposit, with instructions to make that point or the creek and beyond, if possible, by daylight. He marched his Command vigorously, pursuing the enemy retreating as squads, and making the points ordered. The ambulance wagon and artillery harness which General Lyon had with him were captured, as well as those wounded at Scottsborough, viz, 1 captain and 3 soldiers. Patrol parties were sent from Colonels Mitchell's, Malloy's, and Thompson's commands to scour the woods along the river and to watch the various ferrying places in the vicinity. Lieutenant-Colonel O'Brien's battalion of the Fourteenth Corps detachment was placed opposite Gunter's Landing. The few cattle and sheep the country afforded were collected by the commissary and distributed to the command. The gun-boats on the river had no co-operation with me. I was able to get on board but one of them, the U.S. Grant, I think. The commanding officer was informed of the nature of my dispositions and all the intelligence that had been obtained. By some mistake one of the gun-boats (as Colonel Thompson reported) threw some shells into his camp at Law's Landing, fortunately without hurting anybody. The rebels were much alarmed by the shells of the gun-boats, but there were no casualties from them that could be heard of. Being satisfied that none of the rebel squads had gone up the river Colonel Harrison was ordered to march to the railway, at the nearest point, and load his command for Chattanooga.

Wednesday, January 11, no rations arriving by river, Colonel Malloy's and Colonel Thompson's commands were ordered back to the railway at Larkinsville, by different routes, with instructions to subsist on the country. Colonel Mitchell remained at Claysville, patrolling the country in the vicinity. Colonel Salm pushed his march toward mouth of Paint Rock Creek. On arriving at Honey Comb Creek it was found to be impassable. The few mounted men of the Eleventh Indiana with the command swam the creek and patrolled the country to Paint Rock during the day. It was impossible, however, to catch the small parties of rebels to be seen without a cavalry force. The high waters and impossibility of procuring rations rendered it out of the question to push forward infantry farther. The pursuit was abandoned, therefore, toward night-fall, confirming the experience of all time that troops of the line cannot run down cavalry.

Thursday, January 12, orders were issued to Colonel Salm to march to the railway at Woodville by Honey Comb Valley, and to Colonel Mitchell to make the same point by the mountain road from Claysville. They reached Woodville at dark, obtained rations sent there for them, and were shipped in the night to their former camps at Bridgeport and Chattanooga. One captain (Murray) and 2 soldiers were captured, in addition to those mentioned heretofore, making a total of 2 captains and 5 soldiers. Friday, January 14, the residue of the troops along the railway were rationed, provided with transportation, and returned to the places indicated in Major-General Steedman's orders.

The total casualties of the division in battle on the entire campaign cannot be given with exact accuracy as to names and regiments at this time. It was impossible to prepare correct lists of the recruits received during the last few days at Nashville before starting upon the march, and in some instances, in the haste of arming and equipping the men, this important matter was improperly neglected. It is probable that a number of worthy men have fallen in battle and by disease of whom there is no record. The following statement is made up from the reports of commanding officers, to wit:

Command	Killed.			Wounded.			Missing.			Aggregate.
	O	M	T	O	M	T	O	M	T
Colonel Malloy's brigade		4	4		7	7		6	6	17
Colonel Grosvenor's brigade.	3	25	28	5	108	113		33	33	174
Colonel Mitchell's brigade					4	4		3	3	7
Total	3	29	32	5	119	124		42	42	198

[O = Officers     M = Men]

Among the officers killed was Capt. E. Grosvenor and First Lieut. Samuel W. Thomas, Eighteenth Ohio Volunteers. They fell gallantly leading their commands on the 15th of December, in the assault upon the enemy's works; they held high characters in the service for manly and soldierly qualities. A lieutenant of Second Battalion, Fourteenth Corps, was also killed, whose name and regiment have not yet been obtained. Among the officers wounded were Captains Benedict, Eighteenth Ohio Volunteers, Henderson, One hundred and twenty-first Ohio Volunteers, Brown, Twenty-seventh Ohio Volunteers, and J. B. Emery, Eighteenth Ohio Volunteers.

The number of men who were left at Nashville by direction of the surgeon and from various points sent to hospitals in rear was large, owing to the material of the command reached 1,100 during the campaign. Those left at Nashville were reported at 500; the number sent back by trains from Limestone Creek reached 400, and those from Decatur, by transports, say 200. Several officers were sent back also from these points (and among them some of the best officers in the command), suffering from disease and former wounds. In addition to these a few men were left upon the march at houses, sick and unable to be moved. These were as well cared for as possible, and measures have since been taken to bring them up. The number of deaths from disease among the men since leaving Chattanooga is reported at eleven.

In closing this sketch of the late campaign it is due to the officers and troops of my command to bear unequivocal testimony to the patience, cheerfulness, and pluck with which they endured the fatigue of forty-six days continued field service in midwinter. The command was hastily thrown together; it consisted of detachments from more than 200 regiments; it was rapidly armed, and from its very composition could be but illy provided with the ordinary appliances which render field service endurable. About one-fourth of the command consisted of soldiers recently from hospital, scarcely convalescent, another fourth of soldiers returned from furlough, and the remaining half of raw recruits of every nationality, without drill or experience of any kind, but earnest and worthy men. The officers as a class were good, and perhaps superior to the average of the army, but they were separated from their regular commands, without their personal baggage, camp furniture, servants, change of clothing, stationery, &c., and many of them without money or time to procure any supply of these necessities. The command left without ambulances or wagons. The medical department had not adequate supplies. Measles, small-pox, and camp disorders were constantly appearing among the new men, and often at points beyond the reach of hospitals. The weather was bitter cold at times, and during the coldest days there was much suffering by transportation on the railway. In spite of all such difficulties, however, the division performed its share of military and fatigue duty during the campaign; it built its share of defenses at Nashville, and not only held them but participated to some extent in the general assault; it moved by rail 451 miles and marched 155 miles, wading streams and laboring through mud and rain; it was from necessity out of rations sometimes for days. These sufferings are incident to a soldier's life, but they are much lessened by experience and thorough organization, neither of which this division had. It is simple justice to both the soldiers and officers of this provisional division that the services they have rendered should be thoroughly understood, and that their individual reputations shall not suffer in their commands with charges of idleness or shirking during their absence.

The officers necessarily were compelled to become responsible for arms, equipments, ordnance stores, clothing, &c., and to issue them irregularly in the exigency to men of all regiments, and many who did not know their assignments. A liberal course of settlement should be adopted by the supervising authorities of the various departments with regard to these officers.

Hereto are appended the reports of Colonels Harrison, Mitchell, Malloy, and Grosvenor, commanding brigades of this division, also that of Colonel Salm (covering his services in pursuit of Lyon), marked, respectively, A, B, C, D, and E.* Reports from the other brigade commanders of the part taken by their brigades in the “tramp” after Lyon have not been as yet received.

It affords me pleasure to say of Colonels Harrison, Seventieth Indiana Volunteers, Mitchell, One hundred and thirteenth Ohio Volunteer Infantry, and Malloy, Seventeenth Wisconsin Volunteers, who commanded, each, one of the brigades of the division, that throughout the campaign they performed their duties and handled their commands in a creditable and soldierly manner. They are brigade commanders of much experience and reputation in the army, and deserve well for long and faithful services and for their management of their respective commands on the recent campaign. Col. Felix Prince Salm, commanding Sixty-eighth New York, who served with me in command of a temporary brigade (after leaving Decatur), is an officer of experience in European armies, and is commended for the zeal, energy, and good sense which he brings to the service of the Government. Lieutenant-Colonels Banning, One hundred and twenty-first Ohio, and Grosvenor, of Eighteenth Ohio, each commanded for a short while a brigade of the division; they are good officers, and rendered the country service which should be remembered. Colonels Thompson, Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry, and Morgan, Fourteenth U.S. Colored Infantry, commanded brigades' of colored soldiers for a short while with me. Their troops were disciplined and behaved uniformly well. These officers are entitled to the consideration of the Government for their personal efforts on the late campaign, and for the good results flowing from their labors in demonstration of the problem that colored men can be made soldiers. It is impossible to note all the deserving officers in command of battalions or companies of the division. The reports of the brigade commanders contain general and special notices of these officers, and the attention of the major-general commanding is directed particularly to them. The cheerful manner in which Captain Givens (Company M, Eleventh Indiana Cavalry)? commanding garrison at Larkinsville, responded to all orders from my headquarters, and the valuable service which his command rendered from thorough knowledge of the surrounding country, is entitled to creditable mention.

My staff consisted of the following officers, viz: Capt. John A. Wright, assistant adjutant-general; Capt. G. W. Marshall, assistant quartermaster; Capt. A. C. Ford (Thirty-first Indiana), acting commissary of subsistence; Capt. A. Vallendar (One hundred and twenty-fifth Ohio Volunteer Infantry), acting assistant inspector-general; Capt. L. S. Windle (One hundred and thirteenth Ohio Volunteer Infantry), ordnance officer; Surg. J. D. Cotton (Ninety-second Ohio Volunteer Infantry), medical director; First Lieut. I. N. Leonard (Ninth Indiana Volunteers), acting aide-de-camp. Each of these officers merits my thanks for the satisfactory manner in which he discharged his duties, and they are all worthy of higher positions than they hold.

With my regards to the major-general commanding district, I am, very respectfully, yours, &c.,

CHARLES CRUFT, 

Brigadier-General, U.S. Volunteers.

Maj. S. B. MOE,

Assistant Adjutant-General, District of the Etowah.

______________

* See pp. 519, 524, 532, 532, 526, 801.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 509-19