Diary of Corporal Lawrence Van Alstyne: December 11, 1862

In the Gulf of Mexico. Flying fish and porpoises are in sight. The sailors say the porpoises are after the flying fish, and they skip out of the water and go as far as they can and then drop in again. It is a beautiful morning, and the water is smooth as glass on top. Under it, however, there seems to be a commotion, for the surface is up and down like hills and hollows on land. Ground swells, the sailors call it. In spite of the nice weather a great many are yet seasick. Three cases of measles are reported this morning. Every one who has never had them seems to be having them now. Only a few new cases of fever were reported. A big shark is following the vessel, after anything that is thrown overboard. It keeps up easily and as far as I can discover makes very little effort to do so.

SOURCE:  Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 70

Diary of Corporal Lawrence Van Alstyne: December 16, 1862

The U. S. surgeon from the Marine Hospital has been on board looking us over. Found only four diseases, measles, scurvy, typhoid fever and jaundice. He did not put down the graybacks that keep us scratching all the time. For a long time after they appeared they left me alone, but one morning as I lay on my back in bed writing in my diary one came crawling up over my knee and looked me straight in the face; from that on they have seemed to like me as well as anyone.

SOURCE:  Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 72

Diary of Corporal Lawrence Van Alstyne: Monday, November 17, 1862

On shore again. The well ones are drilling and the sick are enjoying themselves any way they can. Mail came to-day and I have a long letter from home. Every mail out takes one from me and often more. I have so many correspondents, I seldom fail to get one or more letters by each mail. On the bank or shore, up and down as far as I have seen, are negro shanties which look as if put up for a few days only. They dig oysters and find a ready sale to the thousands upon thousands of soldiers that are encamped on the plains as far as the eye can reach. This gathering means something, but just what, we none of us know, A case of black measles is reported on board ship and if true we may be in for a siege of it. I hope I may get entirely well before it hits me. Jaundice is quite common too, and many men I see are as yellow as can be and look much worse than they appear to feel.

SOURCE:  Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 62-3

Diary of Elvira J. Powers: Thursday, April 7, 1864

Nashville, Tenn., Thursday Evening, April 7.

The present week, thus far, has been to me, full of new and thrilling experiences.

On Sabbath, the day after our arrival, I entered an ambulance and visited a camp for the first time. The company consisted of three, besides myself—Rev. Dr. D., a young theological student who is passing vacation here, and Miss T. The day was warm and springlike; the hyacinths, crocuses, and peach trees in blossom. It was the camp of the 7th Pennsylvania Cavalry, and situated upon one of the hights overlooking the City. The tents were white, the soldiers well-dressed, the uniform bright and everything tidy. A new and gaily painted banner pointed out the tent of the Colonel. As we entered the grounds, that gentleman, with the Major, met us cordially, a seat was prepared for the ladies at the opening of the Colonel's tent, while a huge box in front served for a speaker's stand. The bugle then summoned such as wished to listen, and service was held by the two gentlemen of our party. Books and papers were afterward distributed, for which the soldiers seemed eager. The Colonel informed us that the Regiment had just been reorganized, and new recruits filled the vacant places in the ranks, made so by the heroes, who fell at such battles as Lookout Mountain, Mission Ridge, and Chickamauga. There is a long list of such inscribed upon this banner, of which they are justly proud.

On Monday, visited a hospital for the first time. Was accompanied by Mrs. E. P. Smith, Mrs. Dr. F. and my travelling companion Miss O, beside the driver. As the ambulance halted, we saw through the open door and windows the homesick, pallid faces raised from the sick beds to greet us with a look of pleasure. Upon entering, almost the first object was that of a dying boy. His name was John Camplin, of Co. G. 49th Illinois Vols. He was a new recruit of only seventeen, and the victim of measles. He "did'nt want to die," but, after the singing of such hymns as "Rock of Ages," and "Jesus lover of my soul," he grew more resigned. I took the card which hung in a little tin case at the head of his bed, and copied the name and address of his father. The dying boy had been watching, and he then with difficult speech asked me to write to his people and tell them "good bye,” and that he was "going home." I tried to obtain a more lengthy message to comfort them, but speech was soon denied nd reason wandered. He died a few hours after, and the sad tidings was sent next day.

Found another poor boy quite low, with pneumonia. He knew his condition, but with an heroic smile upon his wasted features said, that "if" his "life would do his dear country any good" he was "willing to give it."

The Masonic Hall and First Presbyterian Church constitute Hospital, No. 8. We visited that on Tuesday.

As we enter the Hall, past the guard, we find a broad flight of stairs before us, and while ascending, perceive this caution inscribed upon the wall in evergreen.

"Remember you are in a hospital and make no noise." Up this flight, and other cautions meet us, such as "No smoking here"—" Keep away from the wall," &c. We here pause at a door, and are introduced to the matron who is fortunately just now going through the wards. It is Miss J-tt, of Ann Arbor, Michigan.

Ascending another broad flight, and asking in the meantime of her duties, she throws open the door of the linen room where are two clerks, and says:

"This department comprises all the work assigned to me whatever else I do is voluntary and gratuitous. "But today," she adds laughingly, "it would be difficult to define my duties. I think I might properly be called 'Commandant of the Black Squad,' or Chief of the Dirty Brigade;" and she explained by saying that she had seven negro women and two men, subject to her orders, who were cleaning the building. She next throws open the door of a ward which contains but a few patients, and has a smoky appearance. She tells us, they are fumigating it, having had some cases of small pox, most of which have been sent to the proper Hospital.

We pass to another, where she tells us, previous to entering, is one very sick boy. He is of a slight form, only fifteen, and with delicate girlish features. His disease is typhoid fever, from the effects of which he is now quite deaf. As we approach, he says to her faintly, "Sit down here, mother, on the side of my bed.”

She does so, when he asks her to "to bend her head down so he can tell her something." This she does, when he says, quite loud, but with difficulty;—“There's some money under my pillow, I want you to get it, and buy me some dried peaches."

"I don't want your money," she says, "but you shall have the peaches if I can get them," and she writes a note and dispatches it to the sanitary rooms for them." "This boy always calls me mother," she says, "and the first day he was brought here, he sent his nurse to ask if I would come up and kiss him. He has always been his mother's pet, and I now correspond with her on his account."

His fever is very high, and we pass our cold hand soothingly over his forehead and essay to speak words of cheer, and as we turn to leave, he looks up pleadingly and says:

"Can't you kiss me?"

"Yes, indeed, I can—am glad to do so," and we press our own to his burning lips and receive his feverish, unpleasant breath, not a disagreeable task though, for all, when we remember that he is the pet of his mother, who misses him so very much, and who may never look upon her boy again.

Of one-a middle-aged, despondent looking man we ask cheerily, how he is to-day.

"About the same," he replies coldly, but with a look which is the index of a thought like this:

Oh, you don't care for us or our comfort,—you are well, and have friends, and home, probably near you, and you cannot appreciate our suffering, and only come here to satisfy an idle curiosity."

He does not say this, but he thinks it, and we read the thought in the voice, manner, and countenance. We determine to convince him of his mistake, if possible, notwithstanding he looks as if he prefers we should walk along and leave him alone.

"Were you wounded?" we ask.

"No-sick," was the short gruff answer.

"Your disease was fever was'nt it?" we persist," your countenance looks like it."

"Yes, fever and pneumonia,” he replies in the same cold, but despairing tone.

"Ah-but you're getting better now."

"Don't know about it—reckon not."

"Well, how is it about getting letters from home?"

His countenance, voice and manner undergo a sudden change now, and his eyes overrun with tears, at the simple words "letters from home."

And as he raises his hand to his mouth, to conceal its quivering, he tells us with tremulous voice that he has sent three letters to his wife and can get no answer. She has left the place where they used to live, and he does not know certainly where to direct. We ask who we can write to, to find out, and learn that a sister would know. We take the probable address of the wife, and that of the sister, and after some farther conversation leave him looking quite like another man as we promise to write to each in the evening. (Subsequently, we learned that he received a reply to both, and was comparatively cheerful and very grateful.)

Down stairs, and we enter a ward on the first floor. Here is a thin sallow visage, the owner of which piteously asks if we "have any oranges," "No," but we provide means, by which he can purchase.

"I'm from North Carolina," he says, "I hid in the woods and mountains and lived on roots and berries for weeks, before I could get away."

In reply to our query as to whether he would like a letter written home, he informs us that his wife and father arrived in town only a few days ago,

"Then you have seen them," we say.

"Yes, they both visit me, but my wife comes oftenest."

Just now, his nurse, a young man who should know better, interrupts him by telling us that "it isn't so, and his family are all in North Carolina."

"That's just the way," said the sick man, turning to me with a flushed and angry look, "that they're talking to me all the time, and trying to make everybody think I'm crazy. I reckon I know whether I've seen my wife or not!"

"Of course you do," we say quietingly; "does she bring you anything nice to eat?" and we add that we wish she would come while we were there, so we could see her.

"Well, she don't bring me much to eat," he says in a weak, hollow voice, but earnestly, "she don't understand fixin' up things nice for sick folks, and then she's weakly like, but she does all she can, for she's a right gude heart. She doesn't fix up, and look like you folks do, you know," he added, “for she's sort o' torn to pieces like by this war."

“Yes, we can understand it."

Upon inquiring about this man a few moments after of the Ward-Master, we find that he is really a monomaniac upon this subject, persisting in the declaration that his wife and father visit him often though no one sees them.

"He can't live," said the Ward-Master, "he has lost all heart and is worn out. The chance of a Southerner to live after going to a hospital is not over a fourth as good as for one of our Northern boys. They can do more fighting with less food while in the field, but when the excitement is over they lose heart and die.”

We find upon several subsequent visits that he is growing weaker, and at the last when his countenance indicates that death is near, we are thankful that he is still comforted by these imaginary visits from father and wife.

We crossed the street and entered the First Presbyterian Church, which constitutes a part of the hospital. This place is notable for the promulgation of secession sentiments from its pulpit in other days. A specimen of the style was given here a short time before the entrance of our troops, by Prof. Elliott of the Seminary, who in a prayer besought the Almighty that he would so prosper the arms of the Confederates and bring to naught the plans of the Federals, that every hill-top, plain and valley around Nashville should be white with the bones of the hated Yankees!”

“After hearing this it was doubly a pleasure, in company with Miss J., another "Northern vandal," to make the walls of the old church echo to the words of "The Star Spangled Banner," with an accompaniment from the organ; and it would have done any loyal heart good to see how much pleasure it gave to the sick and wounded soldiers.

SOURCE: Elvira J. Powers, Hospital Pencillings: Being a Diary While in Jefferson General Hospital, Jeffersonville, Ind., and Others at Nashville, Tennessee, as Matron and Visitor, p. 13-19

Diary of Private Edward W. Crippin, Friday, October 4, 1861

Battalion Drill as usual this afternoon. Lt. William taken sick with the measles to day nothing of importance transpiring to day.

SOURCE: Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society for the Year 1909, p. 228

Julia Gardiner Tyler to Julianna MacLachlan Gardiner, April 25, 1861

SHERWOOD FOREST, CHARLES CITY CO., April 25, 1861.

In these times you must write often, if only a few words. I have no letters to-day from you, but if I continue to be disappointed, I will consider it owing to the mail obstructions, and not torture myself with doubts of your health and safety. I want you to write me what the people of Staten Island are doing, and whether they think themselves in danger of the mob, which I should think might well be feared in New York.

The President came down on Saturday and remained until yesterday (Tuesday). He brought Julia with him, and also carried her back. Matters are rapidly coming to the point; whether they will reach it or stop short of so unnatural a battle as that waged between the two sections will be depends upon the action of the President in Washington. I see no prospect of a change in his course, and so fighting will be the order of the day. This whole country is now under arms, and the whole South will soon be one vast camp of brave men, whose rallying cry will be, “Fight for your homes and your firesides." The South is invaded, and all effort for peace must now come from the North.

It is a real disappointment to me to see New York city so ready to engage in this wicked war. We hear the famous seventh regiment has been destroyed ere it reached Washington. And so it will be. I do not think Providence will suffer the unoffending to fall. Rumors, however, that want confirmation do not occupy much our thoughts. I suppose that rumor will prove a false one. "Fuss and Feathers" has distinguished himself. You ought to hear how he is spoken of by his family and State.¹

Col. Lee, a splendid man every inch of him, is in command of the Virginia forces. He married, you remember, the daughter of G. W. Parke Custis. He can only lead to victory, if this shocking war continues.

The President writes me to-day Mrs. Clopton and daughter, from Old Point, were on board the boat yesterday, fleeing from their home. Their furniture will be sent after them in a few days. They said that the Massachusetts company that landed at Old Point for the Fort were the scum of the earth. We have not decided what we shall do about the Villa. The measles has now gone through my family. Aleck, the last to have it, is now rapidly recovering. He was a very sick child for two or three days, but the disease has now left him, and he will leave his bed to-morrow. I have recovered entirely from my cold, and the family are all well. The President is in firmer health than for many past years. He is full of business now.

I would like to write you more freely, but I suppose it would not be prudent. I do not wish to write anything that would excuse a delay of my letters. We are very much concerned as to Robert Tyler; have had threatening letters in regard to him anonymously, and we see in the papers that Southerners are sought for by the mob at Philadelphia. He wrote to his father every few days; the letters have ceased, and I hear to-day that none are found on returning to Richmond. Strange! if there is no foul play, he has found it necessary to be silent and secret. We hear he is in Baltimore, from one of our neighbors, to which place he fled, literally chased by the mob away from his home. What next we shall hear, who can tell? . . .

Your affectionate daughter,

Julia

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¹ "The general-in-chief of the army, in 1860, stood by the Union and made war on his State; and so did other officers, both of the land and sea service; for the soldier's and sailor's household gods commonly are found with his regiment or in his ship."—Fears for Democracy, p. 239.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 647-8

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, August 30, 1861

It is now between two and three months since our regiment went into camp. We have had nearly three hundred cases of measles, with about as many of diarrhoea, dysentery and fever. Not one quarter of the regiment but has been sick in some way, and yet last night every man who left home with the regiment slept in camp-not one death by sickness or accident, none left behind, not one lost by desertion! May we not challenge the armies of the world for a parallel? We are sleeping on our arms every night, in anticipation of an attack on Washington, and it seems to be the general belief that we shall be attacked here. I am no military man, and my opinion here is of no account to the world, but to me, for whose especial benefit it is written, it is worth as much as would be the opinion of a Napoleon. That opinion is, that we shall have no fight here—that the enemy is out-generaling us by feints to induce us to concentrate our forces here, whilst he makes a strike and overpowers us elsewhere.

SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 19-20

John Tyler to Julia Gardiner Tyler, April 18, 1861

RICHMOND, April 17,¹ 1861.

Well, my dearest one, Virginia has severed her connection with the Northern hive of abolitionists, and takes her stand as a sovereign and independent State. By a large vote she decided on yesterday, at about three o'clock, to resume the powers she had granted to the Federal government, and to stand before the world clothed in the full vestments of sovereignty. The die is thus cast, and her future is in the hands of the god of battle. The contest into which we enter is one full of peril, but there is a spirit abroad in Virginia which cannot be crushed until the life of the last man is trampled out. The numbers opposed to us are immense; but twelve thousand Grecians conquered the whole power of Xerxes at Marathon, and our fathers, a mere handful, overcame the enormous power of Great Britain.

The North seems to be thoroughly united against us. The Herald and the Express both give way and rally the hosts against us. Things have gone to that point in Philadelphia that no one is safe in the expression of a Southern sentiment. Poor Robert is threatened with mob violence. I wish most sincerely he was away from there. I attempted to telegraph him to-day, but no dispatch is permitted northward, so that no one knows there, except by secret agent, what has transpired here. At Washington a system of martial law must have been established. The report is that persons are not permitted to pass through the city to the South. I learn that Mrs. Orrick and her children, on her way here to join her husband, who is on the convention, has been arrested and detained. There is another report that General Scott resigned yesterday and was put under arrest. I hope it may be so, but I do not believe it. I have some fear that he will not resign. Reports are too conflicting about it.

Two expeditions are on foot,—the one directed against the Navy Yard at Gosport, the other Harper's Ferry. Several ships are up the river at the Navy Yard, and immense supplies of guns and powder; but there is no competent leader, and they have delayed it so long that the government has now a very strong force there. The hope is that Pickens will send two thousand men to aid in capturing it. From Harper's Ferry nothing is heard. The city is full of all sorts of rumors. To-morrow night is now fixed for the great procession; flags are raised all about town.

If possible I shall visit home on Saturday. Tell Gill that I shall send or bring down the sturgeon twine and six bushels of potatoes, which should be planted as soon as they reach home. I wish much to see you after so long an absence, and the dear children, since they have had the measles. Do, dearest, live as frugally as possible in the household,—trying times are before us.

Kisses to all.

Your devoted,

J. TYLER.

Julia is quite well.

_______________

¹ As the ordinance was passed on the 17th, this date ought to be 18th.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 641-2

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, July 31, 1861

On the 19th of June, 1861, the 5th Regiment of Wisconsin Vols., being partially organized, went into camp at Madison, Wis. Here it remained for a time, perfecting its organization, drilling and preparing itself for the hardships, the dangers, and the responsibilities to be encountered in the battle-field, against a people warlike and chivalric; a people who are taught to regard physical courage, and recklessness of physical danger, as the noblest qualities of the human race, and a people whose chief pride was to win in fight, whether with individuals or in masses; but a people, who, having entrusted their politics to professed politicians, were misled to believe that, by their brothers of the Northern States of this Union, their rights of property were invaded, and their homes were coveted as a prize for distribution amongst the overgrown population of the North. But to enter into a discussion of the merits of this rebellion, now devastating the most beautiful country known to man, carrying in its march a passover of beggary, of destitution, and of death, is not in accordance with the object of this little book. It is therefore passed over, that the reader may at once be permitted to enter into a detail of the subjects indicated in our preface.

From the time of the commencement of the rebellion, by actual war on Fort Sumter, in April of this year, its settlement by rapid and decisive victories over the rebels was subject of merriment, and looked on as matter of course. We were going to war with a people of not half our numbers, without money, without munitions of war, without navy, without anything in fine of those elements which go to make up the ensemble of a people powerful in war, and we were entering into the strife as a short interlude to the hum-drum vocations of life. "How could a people thus situated hope to compete with the parent Government, rich in every element which makes a great people?" This was the reasoning. In vain were our people told of the character of the Southerners. In vain were they referred to the results of our own rebellion and successful revolutionary war with England. "Oh!" was the reply, "Steamships were not known in those days, and England had to cross the ocean to fight us." "But Hungary, with its population of only 3,000,000, and without revenue, withstood the whole power of Austria, till the hordes of Russia had to be called in to aid in their subjugation." "But Austria had become a superannuated and feeble people." No reasoning would answer. The subjugation of the revolted States was to be a pastime, and could be nothing but a pastime. Thus went on matters, drilling as an amusement, preparatory to the enjoyment of a war, all the results of which were to be on our side, and obtained without sacrifice or suffering.

*          *          *          *          *          *

On the afternoon of the 21st July, 1861, the electric wires brought us the intelligence from Bull Run that our army was whipped, was routed, was scattered in flight. The heart of the whole North received a shock of sadness and of disappointment. Soldiers in camp began to realize that war meant work and danger, and the Regiment of which I was a member at once received orders to be in readiness to march at the earliest possible moment, to hurry to the aid of its companions

in arms. It was in sad plight for the exposures of camp life. ’Twas in the heat of summer, when fevers and diarrhoea prevail in their worst forms. The measles had broken out in camp, and one-third of the soldiers were suffering from disease of some kind. Nevertheless, active preparation went on, and on the fourth day after the receipt of the sad news the Regiment was on its way to battle.

On the 27th of July we reached Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and went into Camp Curtin. For months this had been a rendezvous for regiment after regiment. The grounds had not been cleaned—the weather was intensely hot, without a leaf to intercept the scorching rays of the sun. The stench of the camp was intolerable, and the sickness of the troops rapidly increased.¹

On the 29th of July, at night, we received orders to be ready to march at 3 o'clock next morning. Our destination was supposed to be Harper's Ferry, where we were at once to engage the enemy and to "wind up the war." So great was the excitement (these things were all new then) that very few laid down for rest during the night. At 3 A. M., of the 30th, all tents were struck and rolled up; mess chests were packed, and everyone ready for the order to move. But sunrise came and found us sitting on our packages. The day wore on, I think the hottest I ever experienced. The troops remained exposed to the broiling sun till 2 o'clock P. M., when we embarked on open platform cars, without seats, and without covering. We ran down through the city, crossed the Susquehannah Bridge, halted, and remained sitting or standing in the sun till evening. The heat of the day, determining the circulation to the skin, had brought out the eruption in many cases of measles, and the poor fellows had to sit and suffer, without a place to lie down, or even a back to lean against. At dusk we found ourselves again under way; ran down to York, Pa., about forty miles. It had now commenced raining, and the cars were run out from the depot, and the suffering men who had been all day washed with their own perspiration, were compelled to sit all night in the rain. Sick or well, 'twas all the same. None were permitted to leave the open cars and go back into the depot. Towards morning the rain stopped; the wind shifted suddenly to the Northwest, and it was cold as November. After the long tedious night of suffering, the morning came, and we ran down to Baltimore, arriving there at 8 o'clock on the morning of July 31st.

We had anticipated trouble here. We disembarked, marched with muskets loaded, and bayonets fixed, from north to south through the entire length of the city, without molestation, except from the scowls of secessionists, and the welcoming hurrahs of friends.² At the Camden Street depot we remained in the most uncomfortable condition which it is possible to conceive till sunset, when we were ordered for the twentieth time during the day to "fall in." We disembarked, marched about two and a half miles, and camped on an elevated ground to the north of, and overlooking a large part of the city and bay. The regiment did not get settled till midnight, and many were so exhausted that they threw themselves on the ground, with their clothes still wet from the previous night's rain. The medical department, however, succeeded by 10 o'clock in getting up tents to protect the sick, and they were made as comfortable as the circumstances would permit.

Here the regiment remained till the 8th of August, without any occurrences worthy of note, except that sickness continued to increase, and the knowledge I gained as to how little some military commanders cared for the comfort of their sick men. After we had been here five or six days, the Colonel was positively ignorant of the fact that we had a hospital on the ground, though there were three within fifty feet of his quarters, filled to their utmost capacity with the sick and suffering. I was now receiving but little support in my efforts for their health and comfort.

_______________

¹ I made it my business to visit every tent twice a day, to see that they were thoroughly cleaned, and that the sides of the tent were raised so as freely to admit a current of air. But here the air without was so foul as to improve the condition inside but little. I will here say, however, that the Surgeon of a Regiment who does not visit every tent in his encampment at least once a day, to satisfy himself by personal inspection that it is thoroughly cleaned and ventilated, and that at least once a week the tents are all struck, and the sun admitted for several hours to the ground on which they stand, is not deserving of the position which he holds.

² Only two companies were armed. They were placed one in front, the other in the rear of the Regiment, and so marched through the city.

SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 5-9

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, August 12, 1861

Sixteen of my sick have so far recovered that I sent them to-day to join their regiment at Kalorama Heights, near Washington. I have quite recovered from my attack, which was rubeolous fever. I had been so much mixed up with measles that, notwithstanding I had passed through the disease in childhood, the system in some degree yielded to its contagious influence, and I have had all the symptoms of measles, except the eruption. I have termed this rubeoloid, or rubeolous fever. It is common in camp.

SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 13

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, Sunday, January 24, 1863

Our faces were considerably elongated this morning by the report that John Bland, of our company, was taking the small-pox. As John circulates a good deal among the boys, we all expected to take it from him; but, after a thorough examination by Drs. McNelly and Smith, they pronounced it measles, whereupon we all regained our usual composure, except Joel Neece, who slept with Bland last night, and was too badly frightened to get over it in a moment.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 22

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, February 6, 1863

We have had no excitement since we left Vicksburg. Nothing has transpired here to cause a "yell" even. We have lived out the allotted time in quarantine, but have received no orders as yet to go back into the world again. There has been no small-pox for over twenty days, and the boys are suffering more from the confinement than from the pestilence. Last night was the coldest of the season. Ice formed to the thickness of a quarter of an inch. Arch Sloan, of our company, died night before last of measles.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 22

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, February 8, 1863

Yesterday we moved back into civilization, and took up quarters in a swamp near the broad Mississippi. Have a good camping-ground for this country, and if we can get good rations, I think we will have a healthy regiment once more. We have been through the flint-mills since we went into quarantine.

The men have suffered a great deal from bowel complaints, colds, and measles: some have died of small-pox, and but for the promptness of Surgeon McNelly in having us well vaccinated, and the infected sent to the pest-house, we might have had a serious time of it. We are now in better spirits, as we can see what is going on and hear the news, besides having the advantage of the sunshine and facilities for purchasing provisions, etc. While writing, I have been detailed as ship's carpenter on board of a steamboat now fitting out to capture the Federal gunboat Indianola, which passed our batteries at Vicksburg sometime since, and has been annoying our transports between this point and Red River. The attempt will be dangerous, and nothing but the exigency of the case would warrant the undertaking.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 22-3

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Monday, November 25, 1861

It was now very cold, and the ground was frozen hard all day, in consequence of which our wagon train did not get as far as Jamestown. In place of moving with his train, or at least going no further than it could go over the frozen roads, McNairy pressed on through Jamestown, down Cumberland Mountain to Camp McGinnison Wolf River—a march of about a thirty-one miles. The result was his men were without tents and rations one very cold night, and until late in the afternoon the next day.* The following explains itself:

HEADQUARTERS,        

KNOXVILLE, November 26, 1861.

Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of Ilar:

Sir-I have the honor to report that I arrived here on Saturday last, by order of General Zollicoffer, and assumed command of this post on Sunday. I found stationed here Colonel Wood's Battalion and several companies of infantry and cavalry.

. . . There are now in custody here about seventy persons, many of whom, it is believed, were either directly or indirectly connected with the burning of the railroad bridges. Colonel Wood (Sixteenth Alabama), who was in command here before my arrival, had in contemplation a court-martial for the trial of those upon whom proof of guilt seemed to be strong. I concurred with him, and ordered the meeting on the 28th. . . .

It is important that steam power should be secured for the purpose of driving the machinery necessary in the alterations of arms. I therefore took possession of the printing establishment of Brownlow. The steam engine and building are suitable for our purposes, and it was the only one that could be procured here.

Brownlow has left, and no certain information of his whereabouts can be obtained. It is, however, certain that he is aiding and abetting our enemies. . . .

With high respect, your obedient servant,

WM. H. CARROLL,        

Brigadier-General Commanding.1

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* As I was just out of a spell of fever, I did not wish to take the frozen ground that night without even a tent for shelter, so I rode over to my friend Lathan's, with whom I staid while sick of the measles in September (about one mile from Camp McGinnis), to see if I could get to lodge with him another night. As I neared his house, and before I saw him, he called out, “Yes, you may get down.” I yet feel grateful to Mr. Lathan for the comforts of that night.

1 Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., pp. 704 and 705.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 84-5

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Friday, November 8, 1861

In the saddle early that morning, our battalion arrived at Jacksborough late in the afternoon (about twenty-two miles). Zollicoffer had left orders here for McNairy to follow the brigade by a forced march in the direction of Clinton. After allowing his men to halt long enough to feed their horses and take supper, McNairy pressed on thirteen miles further and bivouacked for the rest of the night.¹ Here he was met by a messenger, with orders for him to halt.

Nelson and Bob Smith were sick of the measles at Jacksborough and discharged at Clinton.

The rest of the brigade had also halted, and I shall now endeavor to explain why.

The First Kentucky Infantry, under Colonel Bramlette, and the Fourth, under Colonel Haskins, and Wolford's Cavalry were at that time encamped at or near “Camp Goggin," on the north bank of the Cumberland, some nine miles above Mill Springs and twenty from Monticello, Kentucky.² On the 3d, Colonel Wolford set out from the above named camp with four hundred of his regiment and one piece of artillery on a reconnoitering expedition in the direction of Monticello, and, if necessary, he was to send a messenger back and Colonels Bramlette and Haskins were to follow with all their available force—1,200. Colonel Wolford went as far as Monticello, and, finding no “Rebs” there, he returned to Camp Goggin.

It appears that Madam Rumor had swelled Wolford's four hundred to 6,000 before she delivered her “entirely reliable” report to Lieutenant-Colonel McClellan, for on the next day, the 4th, he wrote the dispatch which has been previously given, under the 7th instant. On the 5th, he moved his battalion down to Camp McGinnis, and sent some of his men out toward Monticello to meet the enemy. They went as far as Monticello, and sent a messenger back, who reported that a few cavalry had been there, but had gone back to Camp Goggin. So, just as Zollicoffer entered the road from Knoxville to Wartburg, within twenty-two miles of the latter place, a messenger met him with a dispatch from Colonel McClellan, stating that the information which he had given on the 4th was founded in error. Therefore, our General decided to fall back to Jacksborough, and completely blockade the two wagon roads through the mountains in that vicinity.³

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¹ I had been on the sick list ever since our battalion left Flat Lick, but had still followed the command until the above night. Not being able to go any further, I put up with one Mr. Bowling, who lived on the Clinton road, six miles south of Jacksborough, the county seat of Campbell County, where I remained for about ten days, and was quite sick with a fever during the time. J. W. Kennedy first stopped with me, but as I continued to grow worse for some days, my brother, B. A. Hancock, resigned as assistant commissary of our battalion and came to see that I was properly cared for. Ben and I rejoined the battalion at Clinton, on the 18th. B. J. Mullinax, P.

² Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., p. 328.

³ Rebellion Records, Vol. IV., p. 530.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 72-4

Brigadier-General Lloyd Tilghman to Lieutenant-Colonel William W. Mackall, October 29, 1861

HEADQUARTERS CAMP, ALCORN,        

Hopkinsville, Ky., October 29, 1861.

Col. W. W. MACKALL,
        Assistant Adjutant-General, &c., Bowling Green:

SIR: I lose not a moment in communicating through you to the general commanding the Western Division the condition of affairs at this post. I had hoped that the picture sketched to me of matters here might not have been realized, but I am compelled to think it not too highly colored. Under all the circumstances, I doubt not General Alcorn has made the best of things, his camp being merely one large hospital, with scarce men enough on duty to care for the sick and maintain a feeble guard around them, with insufficient pickets at prominent points. Over one-half the entire command are on the sick list, with very grave types of different diseases. Those remaining and reported for duty have not enough really well men to do more than first stated. The Kentucky Battalion of Infantry, numbering 547, have only 45 cases reported sick. The measles have made their appearance, and the battalion will average 20 new cases per day, judging from to-day's report. The morning brigade report, herewith inclosed, shows only 716 for duty out of a total of 2,237. Of this number, you will see that the Kentucky Battalion furnishes 376, one-third of whom only are armed, with no equipments.

Of cavalry we have nothing to count on, save Captain Meriwether's company of untutored recruits. Captain Huey's company of cavalry is entirely unarmed. Captain Wilcox's company not yet recovered from the Eddyville affair.

On the score of artillery I have merely to say, that there is not an organized squad for a single gun that could be taken into action. There are five pieces of artillery—two 6-pounders, two 9, one 12—none of which I think fit for service on account of the wretched manner in which they are mounted; a total ignorance of all mechanical principles evidenced in the construction of the carriages. The guns seem to be pretty fair. On the subject of clothing and equipments, equipage, &c., I can only say that I find nothing more encouraging. The commissary department is pretty well supplied; the quartermaster's department entirely deficient.

I have thus fairly sketched the condition of things. Major Hewett will be able to give you some particulars that I have not time now to do, but will write by the next mail. I have commenced at the root of things, and mean to work out the best result I can. I write not thus discouragingly in any spirit of complaint, but to lay before the commanding general the plain facts of the case. They are plainly these: I have no force here available for any purpose save protecting the sick and depot. I have reason to think that the enemy are in full possession of this fact, and are calculating on it. I have no force with which to operate in any direction, and our people are suffering terribly within the lines assigned me for my operations. In front and on my left they need a check. The defenses of the Cumberland cannot I believe be perfected, unmolested, unless my position is strengthened for this purpose.

A movement has taken place at Henderson. A courier reached me to-night with the inclosed paper* from a committee at Henderson. The Union men have been very busy here to-day. They are too open-mouthed, and must be checked. The stage is waiting, and I have not time to say more than this. I deem it absolutely necessary that I should as soon as possible be re-enforced. A cavalry force is indispensably necessary to cover my front and prevent the removal of a large amount of wheat, flour, corn, and hogs, now drafted daily on heavily by scouting parties. Of the latter item, there are not less than 50,000 hogs. This service would require the whole time of not less than 500 cavalry. For practical purposes I am without infantry and artillery, and desire that a due proportion of both be at once sent. I beg you to say to General Johnston that I need the assistance of some graduates, for artillery especially. Could I not have the services of the two young men mentioned by General Buckner? (See him.) I will prepare full estimates for all my wants and forward them.

I beg you to pardon this hurried communication. I have not had time to read it over. Major Hewett will give you facts as to a landing at Eddyville by our people.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

LLOYD TILGHMAN,        

Brigadier-General, C. S. Army, Commanding.

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* Not found.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 4 (Serial No. 4), p. 485-6

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Wednesday, October 2, 1861

Several of Allison's Company who had been home returned to camp, brother Will (W. C. Hancock) and J. C. McAdoo, who were sick of the measles at Camp Schuyler, last August, and went home from there, were among the number.

Companies B and C (they had been at Barboursville since the 29th ultimo) rejoined the battalion at Camp Buckner.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 51

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Thursday, August 15, 1861

Seventy-five of our battalions set out from Camp Schuyler to go to Knoxville, about forty miles east, with some prisoners. They returned the 17th.

The measles broke out in camp while at Camp Schuyler.*

_______________

* J. C. McAdoo and brother Will (Company E) had the measles, and went home from this camp. Brother Ben went with them.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 36

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Monday, September 2, 1861

 Passing down Cumberland Mountain, the three companies bivouacked at Camp McGinnis, on Wolf River, some ten miles north of Jamestown.

As I was sick of the measles, I remained for a week with one Mr. Lathan, who lived one mile from Camp McGinnis. One of my comrades, J. L. Thomas, remained with me.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 37-8

Major-General William T. Sherman to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, June 2, 1863

HEADQUARTERS FIFTEENTH ARMY CORPS,        

Walnut Hill, June 2, 1863.

Major-General GRANT,
        Present:

DEAR GENERAL: I would most respectfully suggest that you use your personal influence with President Lincoln to accomplish a result on which it may be the ultimate peace and security of our country depends. I mean to his use of the draft to fill up our old regiments.

I see by the public journals that a draft is to be made, and that 100,000 men are to be assigned to fill up the old regiments, and 200,000 to be organized as new troops. I do not believe that Mr. Lincoln, or any man, would at this critical period of our history repeat the fatal mistakes of last year. Taking this army as a fair sample of the whole, what is the case? The regiments do not average 300 men, nor did they exceed that strength last fall when the new regiments joined us in November and December. Their rolls contained about 900 names, whereas now their ranks are even thinner than the older organizations. All who deal with troops in fact instead of theory know that the knowledge of the little details of camp life is absolutely necessary to keep men alive. New regiments for want of this knowledge have measles, mumps, diarrhea, and the whole catalogue of infantile diseases, whereas the same number of men distributed among the older regiments would learn from the sergeants and corporals and privates the art of taking care of themselves, which would actually save their lives and preserve their health against the host of diseases that invariably attack the new regiments. Also, recruits distributed among older companies catch up, from close and intimate contact, a knowledge of drill, the care and use of arms, and all the instruction which otherwise it would take months to impart. The economy, too, should recommend the course of distributing all the recruits as privates to the old regiments, but these reasons appear to me so plain that it is ridiculous for me to point them out to you, or even to suggest them to an intelligent civilian.

I am assured by many that the President does actually desire to support and sustain the Army, and that he desires to know the wishes and opinions of the officers who serve in the wood instead of the "salon." If so, you would be listened to.

It will take at least 600 good recruits per regiment to fill up the present army to the proper standard. Taking 1,000 as the number of regiments in actual existence, this would require 600,000 recruits. It may be the industrial interests of the country will not authorize such a call, but how much greater the economy to make an army and fight out this war at once. See how your success is checked by the want of prompt and adequate enforcement to guard against a new enemy gathering to the rear. Could your regiments be filled up to even the standard of 700 men for duty, you would be content to finish quick and well the work so well begun. If a draft be made, and the men be organized into new regiments instead of filling up the old, the President may satisfy a few aspiring men, but will prolong the war for years and allow the old regiments to die of natural exhaustion. I have several regiments which have lost honestly in battle and by disease more than half their original men, and the wreck or remainder, with colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, ten captains, lieutenants, &c., and a mere squad of men, remind us of the army of Mexico—all officers and no men. It would be an outrage to consolidate these old, tried, and veteran regiments and bring in the new and comparatively worthless bodies. But fill up our present ranks, and there is not an officer or man of this army but would feel renewed hope and courage to meet the struggles before us.

I regard this matter as more important than any other that could possibly arrest the attention of President Lincoln, and it is for this reason that I ask you to urge it upon him at this auspicious time. If adopted, it would be more important than the conquest of Vicksburg and Richmond together, as it would be a victory of common sense over the popular fallacies that have ruled and almost ruined our country.

With great respect, your friend and servant,

W. T. SHERMAN,        

Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 3 (Serial No. 124), p. 386-8