Showing posts with label Belmont Mansion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Belmont Mansion. Show all posts

Saturday, April 4, 2026

Diary of Elvira J. Powers, Tuesday, April 12, 1864

Have visited Hospital, No. 8, as well as No. 1, several times since I have been here, and am priviledged to carry some delicacies, and write letters for its inmates.

I yesterday visited Hospital, No. 1, for the last time probably, while those remain in whom I have become specially interested. But have made such arrangements that William and the Alabamian, who were given to my care, shall have whatever is needed. They seem to regret my departure, but William is decidedly better. Carried a large bottle of lemonade, some oranges, and blackberry sirup.

Found a poor old Norwegian suffering terribly from the application of bromine to the gangrenous wound in his arm. He was very thankful for an orange and some lemonade—had eaten nothing for two days. His face and bald, venerable head were covered with a red silk handkerchief, to hide the great tears which were pressed out by the pain; but his nurse said he never gave a word of complaint.

The German with amputated limb is easier—the blind man hopeful of sight, and the little fellow improving, who "enlisted to fight, and not to be sick."

While in ward 3, yesterday, I was beckoned to, from a sick bed, whose occupant wished me to come and "rejoice with him." Upon going there he assured me with a mysterious air, that he "isn't going to tell everybody, but as I was a particular friend of his, and he had always thought right smart of me, he would tell me something greatly surprising."

Upon expressing my willingness to be surprised, he confidently and joyfully assured me that though very few people knew it, yet he was "The veritable man who killed Jeff. Davis, President of the Confederate States!"

He waited a moment to note the effect upon me of this pleasing intelligence, when I quietly told him I didn't know before that Jeff. Davis was dead, but that if he was, and he was the one who killed him, they ought to give him a discharge and let him go home, as he has done his share of the work. Then he joyfully assured me, that "they have promised to do so, and that his papers are to be made out to-morrow." But more serious thoughts came to me then, for I saw written upon his countenance, in unmistakable characters, the signature of the Death angel, marking his chosen, and though I knew not how soon his papers would be made out, was certain that before long they would be, and that he would receive a full and free discharge from all earthly toil and battle from the Great Medical Director of us all!

While passing through the aisles of wounded men, and hearing their stories, many of them intensely graphic, I seemed to hear something like the following, which, may the author whose name I do not know, pardon me for copying:*

"Let me lie down,

Just here in the shade of this cannon-torn tree,—

Here, low on the trampled grass, where I may see

The surge of the combat; and where I may hear

The glad cry of victory, cheer upon cheer:

Let me lie down.

 

Oh, it was grand!

Like the tempest we charged, in the triumph to share;

The tempest—its fury and thunder were there;

On, on, o'er intrenchments, o'er living and dead,

With the foe under foot, and our flag overhead,—

Oh, it was grand!

 

Weary and faint,

Prone on the soldier's couch, ah! how can I rest

With this shot shattered head and sabre-pierced breast ?

Comrades, at roll-call, when I shall be sought,

Say I fought till I fell, and fell where I fought,

Wounded and faint.

 

Oh, that last charge!

Right through the dread hell-fire of shrapnel and shell,—

Through without faltering, clear through with a yell,

Right in their midst, in the turmoil and gloom,

Like heroes we dashed at the mandate of doom!

Oh, that last charge!

 

It was duty!

Some things are worthless, and some others so good,

That nations who buy them pay only in blood;

For Freedom and Union each man owes his part;

And here I pay my share, all warm from my heart,

It is duty!

 

Dying at last!

My mother, dear mother, with meek, tearful eye,

Farewell! and God bless you for ever and aye!

Oh, that I now lay on your pillowing breast,

To breathe my last sigh on the bosom first prest!

Dying at last!

 

I am no saint!

But, boys, say a prayer. There's one that begins,

'Our Father;' and then says, 'Forgive us our sins:'

Don't forget that part; say that strongly; and then

I'll try to repeat it, and you'll say amen!

Ah! I'm no saint!

 

Hark! there's a shout!

Raise me up, comrades! We have conquered, I know;

Up, on my feet, with my face to the foe!

Ah! there flies the flag, with its star spangles bright,

The promise of Glory, the symbol of Right!

Well may they shout!

 

I'm mustered out!

O God of our fathers! our freedom prolong,

And tread down rebellion, oppression, and wrong!

O land of earth's hopes! on thy blood-reddened sod,

I die for the Nation, the Union, and God!

I'm mustered out!"

_______________

NASHVILLE is a city which is set upon hills. It is also founded upon a rock, and the fact that it has not much earth upon that rock, is made the pretext for leaving numberless deceased horses and mules upon the surface, without even a heathen burial, until they are numbered with the things that were.

But it has been comfortingly asserted by the agent of the Christian Commission here, Rev. E. P. Smith, that it is astonishing how much dead mule one may breathe, and yet survive.

Nashville is also a city of narrow, filthy streets, and in some localities, of water, which, like the "offence" of the king of Denmark, "smells to Heaven."

It is moreover a city of mules. Two, four, and six mule teams, with a driver astride of one of them, and sometimes with the high, comical-looking Tennessean wagons attached not to the driver particularly, but to the mules. These, with mulish mules, who draw crowds instead of wagons, animate the streets day and night. It is a city of either dust or mud—but one street boasts a street-sprinkler.

The citizens of Nashville who remain, have mostly taken the oath of allegiance to protect their property, but it is estimated that not above one in fifty is, at heart, loyal. The ladies (?) sometimes show their contempt of Northern laborers by making up faces when meeting them upon the streets, but there are so many "blue coats" about, they do not think it advisable to allow their

"Angry passions rise,"

To tear out our eyes;"

as they would evidently consider it a great pleasure to accomplish.

Nashville and its vicinity boasts a few distinguished personages beside myself. Mrs. Polk, widow of the Ex-President, resides a few blocks from this. Gen. Sherman's headquarters are at a lovely retreat, we think, on High Street, and Gen. Rouseau's but a few blocks distant, while the Hermitage of Gen. Andrew Jackson is but twelve miles east of the city. This has many visitors, but who seldom venture now without a guard. Since our stay here, a party of four ladies from Hospital, No. 19, with as many gentlemen, and a guard of thirteen, visited the Hermitage, who learned next day that a party of guerillas, 100 in number, came there an hour after they had left, and followed them. At first, as they informed us, they made it a subject for pleasant jesting, but after farther consideration, for that of serious thought, as they came rather too near being candidates for "Libby," or a worse fate.

A nephew, who is also an adopted son of the old General, has charge of the place; he has two sons in the rebel service. The property is confiscated to the Government, but the family, out of respect to the memory of the stern old patriot, are permitted to remain. The visitors may see here the quaint and cumbrous family carriage in which the General used to journey, together with a buggy, made from the timbers of the old ship Ironsides.

The family, especially the female portion of it, being of secession principles, keep themselves secluded from the gaze of northern mudsills. But the mudsills, presuming upon the cordial reception which they believe would be extended by the General himself, usually make themselves sufficiently at home to wander at their own sweet will through the grounds, and partake of a lunch on the shaded piazza.

It is a fine old mansion, approached by a circular avenue, which is shaded by grand old trees. And notwithstanding that the General has adopted grandsons in the rebel service, and his family are secessionists, yet it requires but little faith to believe that the stern old hero is not unmindful of the present gigantic struggle, neither a great flight. of the imagination when the wind is moaning and stirring the lofty branches of the grand old trees, to fancy that his voice, in suppressed and now reverent accents, yet emphatically exclaims:—

"By the Eternal, the Union must, and shall be preserved!"

The city contains many elegant private residences, and splendid public buildings.

Among the latter is the State Asylum for the Insane, which has four hundred and fifty acres attached, and had an expenditure of $48,000 per annum. Another is the Institution for the Blind, the expenses of which for the year 1850, were nearly $8,000. The Tennessean Penitentiary is also a superior structure. In September 30, 1850, the number of inmates was three hundred and seventy-eight, and of this number three hundred and sixty-six, were white men, with only eight black men, three white women with only one black woman.

The Medical College is a fine building and contains a valuable museum. The University is an imposing edifice of gray marble, while the Masonic Hall, the Seminary and graded school buildings are spacious and beautiful structures. The first in importance, among the public buildings of Nashville, and which is second to none in the United States in point of solidity and durability, is the Capitol. This is a magnificent edifice, situated on an eminence one hundred and seventy-five feet above the river, and constructed inside and out, of a beautiful variety of fossilliferous limestone or Tennessee marble. At each end, it has an Ionic portico of eight columns, and each of the sides, a portico of six. A tower rises from the centre of the roof to the hight of two hundred and six feet from the ground. This has a quadrangular base surmounted by a circular cell, with eight fluted Corinthian columns, designed from the celebrated choragic monument of Lysicrates, at Athens.

Among the private residences we have seen, is a beautiful mansion, still unfinished, which, at the time of his death, was being built for the rebel Gen. Zollicoffer. A more unpretending one perhaps, is that of the widow of ex-President Polk, the grounds surrounding which contain his tomb—a plain, simple, temple-like fabric, of light brown marble.

That beautiful baronial domain known as the Achlen estate is situate about two miles out of town. For attractions it has extensive grounds, with great variety and profusion of shrubbery, among which flash out here and there, life-like statues of men and animals, and miniature monuments and temples. A fountain jets its diamond drops, while an artificial pond is the home of the tiny silver and gold fish. Beside the noble family mansion is another building nearly as spacious, which is used as a place of amusement. A well-filled conservatory is another beautiful feature, while an observatory, which crowns an imposing brick tower, gives a view of the scenery for miles around.

This estate with large plantations, in Louisiania [sic], were accumulated by the owner, while in the business of slave-driving and negro trading. His name was Franklin. After his death his youthful widow married a gay leader in the fashionable [sic] world, known in the southern society of Memphis and New Orleans, as Joe Achlen. Under his direction the estate was improved and beautified at a cost of $1,000,000, At the commencement of this war, it was had in contemplation by the Confederate officials, to purchase the estate and present it to his Excellency, Jeff. Davis; but they will probably defer making that munificent gift, until the Federal army is at a safer distance.

An intelligent chattel, who has been on the place twenty years, informs us that Achlen was a kind master. That when he visited his plantations in Louisiana, the negroes would welcome him at the wharf, and if it was the least muddy, would take him upon their shoulders and carry him to the house. But despite this fact, the negroes have somehow got the impression that freedom is preferable to slavery. So strongly are they impressed with the desire of owning themselves, that out of 900 who were on the estate and plantations at the commencement of the war, but five remain at the former place, and these with wages of $15.00 per month, while about the same number are at each of the plantations, these kept also by wages.

The death of Achlen occurred last fall; his widow is much of the time in New Orleans, but the property is neatly kept by what was formerly a part of itself.

One of those little incidents, by the by, which proves that truth is stranger than fiction, occurred to this negro who testified to the kindness of his master. When he was purchased for the estate he was separated from his wife, who was sold south. Neither knew the locality of the other, and nineteen long years passed by, when this war, which has made such an upheaval in the strata of American society, loosened the chains of the bondwoman, and true to the instincts of her nature, she started toward the north pole, to find freedom and her husband.

He says it was a joyful time when they met and recognized each other in the streets of Nashville; but we each have the privilege of entertaining our own ideas as to whether the race is capable of constancy and affection.

Even the Capitol has its mounted cannon, to protect it against the citizens of Nashville. During our stay in the city, we have had the pleasure of listening to a lecture by two Rev. Drs. of New York, and Brooklyn, in the Hall of Representatives, and by moonlight. They were to speak on the subject of emancipation and reconstruction, by invitation of Gov. Andrew Johnson, and Comptroller Fowler.

That afternoon, they had returned from the front, toilworn and weary, where they had witnessed the battle and ministered to the wounded of Resaca and Dalton. Upon proceeding to the Capitol, the moon was bathing all things without in her silver radiance, while within hid dark shadows, in strange contrast to an occasional silver shaft, through openings in the heavy damask curtains.

Queries revealed the fact that the Governor, Comptroller, and the man having charge of the gas fixtures, had gone to attend a railroad celebration, not having received word that the gentlemen had accepted the invitation to speak at that time and place.

Quite a number of gentlemen gathered in front of the speaker's desk, with some six ladies the latter provided with seats; and after some consultation we found ourselves listening to interesting recitals of how "war's grim visage" had appeared to Rev. Drs. Thompson and Buddington of New York and Brooklyn.

And we could but think as we sat there in the moonlight, with most of the audience standing, what different audiences they had swayed at home, and how much depends upon time, place and circumstance in the life of a public speaker, and were glad to see that they could meet adverse circumstances with becoming serenity and humility. The novelty connected with the scene, time and place, made it an evening long to be remembered.

The Seminary building was used as hospital, then as barracks and since as soldiers' home.

The faculty of this institution, in their last advertisement of its merits, previous to the arrival of the Union army, assured their patrons that they would

"So educate their daughters, as to fit them to become wives of the Southern Chivalry and to hate the detestable Yankees!"

The Medical College on Broad Street, is now a home and hospital for the refugees; and the filth, destitution, misery and ignorance which exist among that class of poor whites who have fled from starvation in Georgia, North and South Carolina, Alabama or East Tennessee, must be witnessed to be realized. We no longer wondered that the neat, industrious and comparatively well-informed negro servants and free colored people of Nashville look upon them with the contempt so well expressed by the words, "poor white trash!"

Brought up to think labor a disgrace, they will sooner sit down in ignorance, poverty, and the filth which nourishes vermin and loathsome diseases, than disgrace themselves by work. Unaccustomed to habits of neatness and industry they are singularly careless of each other's comfort, and neglectful of their own sick.

The same week of our reaching this city, a family of refugees, nine in number, the parents and seven children, all died, and of no particular disease. The scenes which they had passed through, with the loss of home and each other, with the native lack of energy which led them to succumb to circumstances, rather than battle to overcome them, seemed the only causes.

We will sketch a few of the scenes we saw in this home of the refugees, prefacing, however, that some of the worst features we do not propose giving, either to offend ears polite or our own sense of propriety.

In company with the matron we enter the spacious building between two majestic statues, which stand like sentinels to guard the entrance, less efficient, however, than that "blue coat" who perambulates the walk with rifle and bayonet.

In the first room a gaunt and haggard face meets ours, with piercing eyes, from beneath an old slouched hood, and from a miserable bunk, whose possessor, within the next twenty-four hours, ceases to battle with consumption, and finds that "rest for the weary." She is now so restless she must be turned every few minutes, and stranger hands attend to her wishes. "We were starved out," she says. "The Rebs tuk everything what they didn't destroy; and burnt the house."

"We,' who came with you?"

"Me two step-daughters. But they haven't been here these three days. I reckon they're tired o' takin keer o' me. It's mighty hard though to raise up girls to neglect ye when ye're on a death-bed."

What can we say to comfort her. Our heart grows faint when we think how incapable we are to minister to this one. Bereft of home, penniless, forsaken even by relatives, and in such agonizing unrest. Yes, but a happy thought comes now, if homeless, can she not better appreciate the worth of that "house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens"—if penniless, realize the enduring riches of the better land—husbandless and friendless, know better the worth of that "Friend above all others"—restless, the value of that "rest for the weary?" We tell her of all these, and she professes to gain new strength from our words to wait on the chariot wheels which so long delay their coming.

On another bunk is a wretched woman, who is drowning sorrow as usual in the stupor induced by opium. We have now no message for her.

See that little chubby child, of perhaps three years, whose little flaxen head, has made a pillow of the hard hearthstone, and is soundly sleeping. That is a little waif—nobody owns it. It has neither father, mother, brother, sister or other relative in the wide world that any one knows about. Pity, but some one bereaved by this war would suffer this little one to creep into the heart and home and grow to fill the place made desolate!

Here is a tall, well-formed girl, of perhaps twenty, with a perfect wealth of soft, glossy, auburn hair, of which any city belle would be proud, but it is in wild disorder and just falling from her comb. Ask her, if you choose, what is that eruption with which her hands are covered, and which appears upon her face, and she will as unblushingly and drawlingly tell you, as though your query were a passing remark upon the weather.

Here are three other girls sitting upon a rough board bench—the eldest, a bright girl of about twelve, is making an apron for her sister. Do you wish to hear her story?—if so, listen.

"Me an' me mother an' me two sisters come from East Tennessee. The Union army come to our place first, an' they burned an' destroyed a great deal what they didn't take away, and after they left the Rebs come an' did the same, an' so between 'em both they left us all starvin' through the country. Then the Unioners come agin, and we followed 'em, an' they sent us here. While we were on the boat it was powerful open an' cold-like, an' me mother tuk cold. An' she looked like she was struck with death from the very first, an' the doctor told me I might just as well make up my mind to it, first as last, an' make her as comfortable as I could. So I tukkeer o' her, day an' night for two weeks, an' brought her every thing she wanted, oranges an' sich like, till she died. I thought when my father an' other relatives died that I tuk it powerful hard, but 'twas nothin' like losin' me mother. While she was sick me two little sisters had been livin' with a cousin o' mine; but I hearn tell he was treaten 'em mighty bad, so I wrote a note to the captin an' told him I wanted to come here and see to the keer on 'em myself. An' he said I might, so I comed yesterday."

We leave this room for another. There a sick boy of fourteen is lying on a bed of rags, who is recovering from measles. Hear his history.

"We lived in East Tennessee, an' my father nigh onto the first o'the war, wanted to get to Kaintucky and jine the Yankees, but the Rebels tuk him off to Vicksburg and made him jine them. Then when the place surrendered to the Yanks, about half on 'em jined them, an' my father 'mong the rest, jest what he'd been wantin' to, for a long time.

But they burned and starved us all out to home, an' we left thar an' come har whar we could git suthin' to eat. Me an me mother an' me little brother what's only six year old come. But me mother was tuk sick an' died here three week ago. I hearn right after, that my father's regiment was ordered some whar else, an' I don't know whar he is. She knew what company an' regiment me father was in, but I was sick when he sent word about it, an' he don't know whar we air. Mother nor he could'nt write, so we've no letters nor nothin' to tell. May be he's dead, an' we'll never hear of it, or if he lives he'll never find us."

It is a sad case, but we comfort him with the hope of what perseverance and a little knowledge of writing may do for him, and pass to another.

Here is a young man, dressed and lying upon the outside of his bed, whose foot and ancle are encased in a wooden box. His temperament partakes largely of the nervous sanguine. He has an open, frank, intelligent countenance, speaks rapidly, and with a short, joyous, electrical laugh.

"I was raised in North Carolina," he says. "I was'nta Union man at the first-nor a Confederate either, well about half an' half, I reckon. But we'se all obliged either to run away from our families an' leave 'em to starve, or hide with 'em in the mountains or jine the army. So I concluded to jine; an' I've been in Braggs army mor'n two years."

"Why did you leave it," we asked.

"Well the fact was I begun to think sure we was in the wrong, else we'd fared better'n we did. For I've allays allowed the Lord would prosper the right ride. So when I found that I had to march or fight hard all day, an' have nothin' more to eat for the hull twenty-four hours, than a piece o'bread the bigness o'my hand, an' a piece o'meat only as large as my two fingers-an' have been so hungry for weeks that I could nearly eat my own fingers off, I concluded to desert and try the other side.

My brother-in-law left Lee's army about the same time I left Bragg's. I was to meet him and my wife, at his house in Athens; but when I was coming on the train from Charleston, I saw another train coming that ran into ours, and I jumped off and broke my limb. So I could'nt go there, and they brought me on to this place.

I've enough to eat, and have good care, and should feel right well contented till I get well, if I only could know where my wife Martha is. I've sent two letters, but I can't hear a word. I've got a letter written to my brother-inlaw about her now-its lying there."

And he points to a rough board. one end of which rests upon his bunk, and the other upon an empty one near, and which serves him in place of a stand.

"Its been waitin' a long time" he adds, for I hav'nt a postage stamp on it. We were just married when the war begun, an' we had a fine start for young folks, but I let my gold and silver go in gittin' settled, and the Confederate money's worth nothin' here, so I hav'nt a penny to use."

The letter was put in the office, and he was supplied with stationary and stamps during our stay. He wished more added to his letter and we wrote what he dictated.

"It's the first time I ever had anybody write for me," he said proudly. "I generally do my own writin',—an' readin' too," and he glanced toward some books he had.

"An' you may be sure," he added as we left him, "if I get well, an' my wife Martha is lost, but I'll spend the rest o' my life huntin' but I'll find her!"

SOURCES: Elvira J. Powers, Hospital Pencillings: Being a Diary While in Jefferson General Hospital, Jeffersonville, Ind., and Others at Nashville, Tennessee, as Matron and Visitor, pp. 26-41; For the poem “Mustered Out,” written by Rev. William E. Miller, see Frank Moore, Editor, The Rebellion Record: A Diary of American Events, with Documents, Narratives, Illustrative Incidents, Poetry, Etc., Vol. 7 p. 92.

Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 179. Report of Brig. Gen. Charles Cruft, U. S. Army, commanding Provisional Division, of operations November 29, 1864--January 13, 1865.

No. 179.

Report of Brig. Gen. Charles Cruft, U. S. Army, commanding Provisional Division,
of operations November 29, 1864—January 13, 1865.

HEADQUARTERS PROVISIONAL DIVISION,             
ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND, 
Chattanooga, Tenn., January 20, 1865.

The following report of the recent campaign is respectfully submitted: I had been ordered by Major-General Thomas to organize the troops belonging to Major-General Sherman's field command within this department and report them to Major-General Steedman, commanding District of the Etowah. On the 29th day of November, 1864, while on the above duty at Chattanooga, Tenn., an order was received from Major-General Steedman to move that day by rail all available force. A portion of the garrison at Tunnel Hill was withdrawn, and, with the Eighteenth Ohio Volunteers from this post, was added to my command. The following statement exhibits the number of officers and men comprising the command on leaving Chattanooga, and the formation of battalions and brigades, temporarily made, to wit:

Command.
Officers
Men
Aggregate
Total
FOURTEENTH ARMY CORPS.
Col. J. G. MITCHELL, commanding.




First Battalion, Lieut. Col. F. W. Lister
8
526
534

Second Battalion, Lieut. Col. William O'Brien
4
256
260        
794





TWENTIETH ARMY CORPS.
Col. BENJAMIN HARRISON, commanding.




First Battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel McManus
8
399
407

Second Battalion, Major Hoskins
6
304
 310     
717





TWENTIETH ARMY CORPS.
Lieutenant-Colonel BANNING, commanding.





Eighteenth Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Captain Henderson.
9
316
325

Third Battalion, Fourteenth Army Corps, Major Roatch
8
311
319
644





SEVENTEENTH ARMY CORPS.
Col. A. G. MALLOY, commanding.




Field and staff
3

3

Twentieth Illinois Battalion, Capt. C. C. Cox
1
126
127

Thirtieth Illinois Battalion, Capt. J. Kemnitzer
1
208
209

Thirteenth Iowa Infantry, Capt. C. H. Haskin
1
186
187

Third Battalion, Twentieth Army Corps, Captain Hulbert
6
290
296
822
Total
55
2,922
2,977


November 30, 1864, reached Cowan Station at 8 a.m., disembarked the command, and bivouacked.

December 1, shipped the command by rail during the night, and left Cowan about daylight. Reached Nashville at 5 p.m. and went into camp in the eastern suburbs of the city. December 2, moved to the hill near Rains' house and built a strong line of fortifications, and a redoubt for the Twentieth Indiana Battery (Captain Osborne commanding), which was upon service with my command this day. December 3, in compliance with orders from Major-General Steedman, abandoned the works built the day previous, and fell back to a line indicated nearer the city. In the new position the right rested at Judge Trimble's house, and the line extending northward across the Murfreesborough pike, the left rested near Major Lewis' house. A substantial line of earth-works, with a protecting line of palisades, and an abatis of brush in front, was speedily constructed. During the day the Eighteenth Ohio Battery (Captain Aleshire commanding) was assigned to me for duty. A strong redoubt was built for the artillery at a point where the line crossed the Murfreesborough turnpike. My command occupied this line until the general assault upon the enemy. The position was materially strengthened from day to day by the construction and raising of a dam across Brown's Creek, at the bridge below, on the Lebanon turnpike. The creek ran nearly parallel to the line of works and about 200 yards in front of the abatis. It became--as the depth of water increased--a material impediment in the way of an assault. My command performed about 4,500 days' work in the construction of this dam. Lieutenant-Colonel Grosvenor principally superintended its construction, in obedience to orders from district headquarters. Major Roatch, commanding battalion Fourteenth Army Corps, was seriously wounded while superintending a fatigue party at the dam, and the services of this meritorious officer were thereby lost to his command during the residue of the campaign.

December 11. My command was increased on and after the 6th instant by the assignment of recruits arriving from the rear, amounting in the aggregate to 2,327 enlisted men, who were properly armed and distributed to their respective battalions and brigades. The Sixty-eighth Indiana Volunteers, Lieutenant-Colonel Espy commanding, was also added. These re-enforcements brought the effective strength of the division up to 5,249. This day orders were received directing a reconnaissance in force upon the enemy occupying our old line of works, near Rains' house. Col. J. G. Mitchell, commanding the brigade of detachments from Fourteenth Army Corps, was assigned to that duty. He moved his brigade on the Murfreesborough turnpike for about half a mile, then made a detour to the right, where he formed his lines behind a small ridge and sent his skirmishers to the front; drove in the skirmishers of the enemy, advanced upon his works, and thoroughly reconnoitered his position. The casualties of Colonel Mitchell's command were trifling, having none killed and but 3 or 4 slightly wounded.

December 12, the command was put in shape to move at 6 a.m. on the following morning. December 13, in obedience to orders another reconnaissance was made on the enemy's line near Rains' house. This duty was assigned to Col. A. G. Malloy, commanding brigade of detachment of Fifteenth and Seventeenth Army Corps. Colonel Malloy, with 1,200 men of his command, advanced upon the enemy's line at the point indicated. Some sharp skirmishing ensued, but the objects of the reconnaissance were attained. Colonel Malloy's casualties were as follows: Killed, 1; wounded, 6; missing, 1; making a total of 8 enlisted men.

December 14, the effective force of the division was 5,359, as shown by the following statement:

Command.
Officers.
Men.
Aggregate.
Division headquarters :
6
20
26
First Brigade, Colonel Harrison
26
1,033
1,059
Second Brigade, Colonel Mitchell
24
1,104
1,128
Third Brigade, Colonel Grosvenor
39
852
891
Second Brigade (Army of the Tennessee), Colonel Malloy
22
1,925
1,947
Miscellaneous Camp, Captain Eaton
4
304
308
Total
121
5,238
5,359

Orders were again received to be ready to march at 6 a.m. of the next day. Arms were issued to the portion of troops that were unarmed, and command was put in readiness to comply with the order. In the evening orders were received from Major-General Steedman to detail one of the brigades to report for duty to Colonel Morgan, commanding colored brigade, on my left.. Lieut. Col, C. H. Grosvenor (who had succeeded Lieutenant-Colonel Banning in command of the brigade) was ordered to report to Colonel Morgan. This order detached Colonel Grosvenor's brigade from my immediate control during the operations before Nashville, and it did not again rejoin its command until it reached Murfreesborough, marching by way of Franklin, Tenn.

December 15, according to directions from the major-general commanding, the division moved at 4 a.m., and, abandoning its line of defenses, relieved a portion of the troops of the Fourth Army Corps, Brigadier-General Wood commanding, and Twenty-third Army Corps, Major-General Schofield commanding, and held their exterior line of works, picketing also the front from the Acklen place to a point north of Fort Negley, and commanding the approaches to the city by the Granny White, Franklin, Nolensville, and Murfreesborough turnpikes. Details were furnished to support the batteries of artillery in the lines and to garrison Fort Morton, and Redoubt Casino. The brigade of Lieutenant-Colonel Grosvenor (temporarily reporting to Colonel Morgan) was engaged during the day in the assault on the enemy's works near Rains' house, and was the only portion of the division in the fight. It suffered considerably in killed and wounded, and behaved creditably. The Twenty-fourth [Twenty-fifth?] Indiana Battery (Captain Sturm), in position on the right of the line, near the Acklen place, was ordered by me, near night-fall, to fire upon a retreating line of rebels which came in sight, passing parallel to my right, from left of the Fourth Corps. The fire was opened with good effect (though at long range) and the rebel line was dispersed in great confusion. Captain Sturm and his officers and artillerists deserve great credit for the precision with which they worked their guns and the good results that followed.

December 16, the command remained in position as of yesterday. The brigade commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Grosvenor was engaged on the left during the day and contributed its share in the work achieved by Major-General Steedman in that quarter. The assault made upon the enemy's lines and works in the afternoon of this day was under the immediate sight and direction of Major-General Steedman, and the brigade will, without doubt, receive due credit from him. All accounts that reach me speak well of the conduct of the troops in this action. During the afternoon Colonel Mitchell's brigade was moved rapidly out from the works and occupied the hills beyond Rains' house, in compliance with orders, pushing a strong line of skirmishers to Riddle's Hill beyond. The brigade held this position firmly and in shape to repel any attack on the part of the enemy's cavalry to turn the left of the general line, and protected all approaches from the east during the residue of the time this command remained at Nashville.

Monday, December 19, received orders to march to Murfreesborough; moved the command at 6.30 a.m., leaving behind those sick and unable to march, in all, say, 500. Reached La Vergne, fifteen miles, and encamped at night-fall. Tuesday, December 20, marched to Murfreesborough and encamped. Wednesday, December 21, shipped the command on cars, without rations, and started on the morning of 22d for Stevenson. Remained on cars four days. Sunday, December 25, reached Limestone Creek, eight miles beyond Huntsville, and bivouacked. Monday, December 26, marched to bayou near mouth of Limestone Creek, say ten miles, and bivouacked; sent back by train those sick and unable to march, say 400 men.

Tuesday, December 27, waded bayou at 4 a.m., and marched down on north side of Tennessee, nearly opposite mouth of Flint River, and awaited orders. The enemy shelled the transports sent to convey my command over, but no casualties resulted therefrom. Signaled General Steedman information of the enemy's strength, &c., at Decatur, obtained from Colonel Prosser and one of my staff officers. Crossed the river and lagoon beyond, and halted to receive rations from the transports at 4 p.m., as directed by Major-General Steedman. Soon received orders from him to move up to support Colonel Thompson's division, which had been advanced toward Decatur and had been engaged during the afternoon in skirmishing with the enemy. The command was brought up as rapidly as possible and formed in line on Colonel Thompson's right. The enemy opened fire with two pieces of artillery. Some of the shots fell near my line, but without damage. An advance was ordered, and both divisions moved rapidly on the town. The enemy ran away before we reached it, taking his two pieces of artillery, and our troops occupied the place. Marched back to the woodland near Decatur, and encamped for the night.

Wednesday, December 28, marched at 5 p.m., on Courtland road, to Moseley's farm, say three miles west of Decatur, and bivouacked, Thursday, December 29, marched thirteen miles and a half, to Swope's place, and bivouacked. Friday, December 30, marched at 7 a.m. to Courtland, four miles, and encamped. Remained at Courtland five days.

Wednesday, January 4, 1865, left Courtland at 2 p.m.; marched back to Swope's, and bivouacked. Thursday, January 5, marched at dawn of day; made thirteen miles and a half, and encamped at Moseley's. Here orders were received from Major-General Steedman, advising of his departure, by transports, with the artillery, and turning over the entire infantry command to me. Friday, January 6, crossed the Tennessee at the Decatur pontoon, and sent forward one division to Huntsville, which arrived about dark, the transportation doubling back for the other. It was designed to remain at Huntsville until 1 p.m. of the next day to bring up the residue of the command and to await transportation and the completion of the Paint Rock bridge, which had been destroyed by the enemy. At an interview with Brigadier-General Wood, commanding Fourth Corps, then at Huntsville, he requested me strongly to press forward a brigade to Larkinsville, apprehending that the rebel General Lyon might be in the vicinity. Colonel Mitchell's brigade was sent forthwith (at 11.30 p.m.), with instructions to get over Paint Rock Creek in some manner, and reach Larkinsville by march, patrol the country thoroughly, and engage Lyon, if he could be found. Colonel Mitchell used every possible effort to carry out his instructions. He reached Larkinsville on the morning of the 7th, and made an extensive patrol of the surrounding country, and reported that he could hear nothing of Lyon. Saturday, January 7, General Wood advised, at an interview during the morning, that I should personally go to Larkinsville, with all the troops for which transportation could be had. The condition of the troops and the orders of General Steedman, &c., were explained to General Wood. In the emergency, however, I followed his advice. There could be but one train made up at Huntsville; on this Colonel Harrison's brigade was loaded at 12 m. and the train run to Paint Rock Station. Here the railway managers kept the troops until, say, 2 a.m., waiting on westward bound trains, and for repairs of the bridge. A telegraphic instrument was put in operation and communication had with Brigadier-General Wood and Major-General Steedman. Here an order from General Wood reached me by telegraph, based upon instructions from the department commander “to stop the return of Major-General Steedman's troops.” The telegraphic message directed me to “disembark the forces that are on the cars immediately, scour the country thoroughly, and find out, if possible, where Lyon is, and get in pursuit of him; he must be found, and either captured or driven across the Tennessee River. General Thomas' orders on this subject are emphatic, and he says you must not go on your way until this work is finished.” Here intelligence was received that all the troops on trains following me—Colonels Thompson's, Morgan's, and Salm's brigades—had been stopped and unloaded at Brownsborough, by orders from Brigadier-General Wood; that a portion of these were ordered to New Market by his direction; and that the arrangements for shipping Colonel Malloy's troops had not been carried out. The men were out of rations, the weather now cold, rainy, and disagreeable, and the roads well-nigh impassable for infantry. On reaching Larkinsville a telegraphic message was sent to Colonel Krzyzanowski, commanding at Stevenson, asking a supply of rations; he promptly promised them. Owing to delays on the railways, however, they did not reach the troops in time. The garrison at Larkinsville consisted of Company M, Eleventh Indiana Cavalry, Captain Givens commanding, numbering probably sixty men, and a sort of amateur gathering of mounted men, who styled themselves “Alabama Scouts,” under Captain Sparks, say thirty or forty in number. At 7 a.m. all the cavalry and the anomalous scouts were sent to patrol the roads in the direction of Winchester, New Nashville, Robinson's farm, &c., with instructions to keep a strong vedette post at Colonel Province's. Infantry patrols were sent out to watch the approaches leading through the coves, in the direction of Bellefonte, Scottsborough, and Larkinsville. The intelligence which reached my headquarters from all these parties, and from citizens during the day, showed that no enemy was in the vicinity, except the “bushwhacking gangs of Russell, Hayes, Mead, and Wilson, which constantly infest the mountains in the vicinity. Lyon could not be heard of. At 2.55 p.m. a dispatch was received from Colonel Krzyzanowski reciting a dispatch from Major-General Milroy, as follows:

General Lyon crossed the mountain last night, going toward Bellefonte. Has 500 men; many of them dressed in Federal overcoats. He has one howitzer.

Colonel Harrison's brigade was immediately loaded on the only train at Larkinsville and started before 4 p.m. to Bellefonte, with instructions to patrol the road from there west to Scottsborough and place a battalion at Bellefonte landing; engage Lyon, if possible, and pursue him at all hazards. He was directed to inform the officer commanding at Scottsborough of the intelligence received; to direct him to make stalwart resistance, and to re-enforce him if he heard firing at Scottsborough. The garrison at Scottsborough consisted of two lieutenants (whose names have been mislaid), and, say, fifty-four colored soldiers of the One hundred and tenth (unorganized) U.S. Colored Volunteers, supposed to be in a substantial earth-work at the place. At about 5.30 p.m. train arrived from the west, the last one bringing Colonel Halley's brigade. This was immediately sent forward to Scottsborough by rail, at, say, 8 p.m., as soon as the road was clear, with proper instructions. Shortly after Colonel Malloy left, a few single discharges of artillery were heard at long intervals in what citizens said was the direction of Bellefonte. It seemed possible that Harrison had fallen in with Lyon, or that the gun-boats were shelling his river detachment; however, as Colonel Malloy was rapidly nearing Scottsborough and the firing soon ceased, it seemed to demand no special attention. The commanding officer at Scottsborough erred in leaving the earth-works and betaking himself and command to the brick depot building; he made, however, from the latter place a sturdy resistance to the attack of the skirmishers and held out well (as the enemy's prisoners admit), and forced Lyon to dismount and form line of battle, bring up his artillery and use it, thus consuming considerable time. In the meanwhile the two sections preceding Colonel Malloy dashed past the troops on the trains, firing on the enemy, confusing him, and stopping his attack on the garrison. In this confusion and cessation of fire the garrison escaped and came to Colonel Malloy, who was unloading and forming his lines at the water-tank in the edge of the town. A re-enforcement from Colonel Harrison, at Bellefonte, arrived at this time on the east of the place, and the enemy ran away rapidly. Colonel Malloy sent back one of his sections, with one of the lieutenants of the colored troops, to report, reaching headquarters about midnight. This lieutenant was badly stampeded; his statements were miserably incongruous, childish, and improbable; a complete physical terror seemed to possess him, and nothing he stated could be relied on. Colonel Mitchell's brigade was immediately ordered from Larkinsville, in the direction of the river, to try and intercept Lyon at Perry's house, the junction of the Larkin's Ferry and Gunter's Landing roads. Colonel Mitchell moved at about 2 a.m. Colonel Thompson, arriving from west with his brigade, was sent forward to join Colonel Malloy and press on in pursuit. Colonel Salm's brigade, arriving in the night, was rationed, and soon after day left to follow up Colonel Mitchell by a line more to the right. At daylight the troops were disposed as follows: Colonel Malloy and Colonel Thompson in direct pursuit of Lyon and close on him; Colonel Harrison to his left, pressing down the river and feeling into Bellefonte, Sublett's, McGinn's, and Larkin's Landings, and preventing retreat up the river; Colonels Mitchell and Salm trying to cut him off, by shorter lines to the river, at Roman's and Law's Landings, and to strike the Gunter's Landing road below him. Colonel Mitchell pushed his column rapidly forward. Soon after dawn of day he came upon a detachment of the enemy attempting to burn the bridge across Santa Creek, while the main portion of his forces had swum the creek some three miles below and were passing the junction of the roads at Perry's, say four miles down the Gunter's Landing road. Colonel Mitchell drove off the enemy, extinguished the fire on the bridge, and pushed on after him. He was only about an hour behind him at Perry's Cross-Roads. Colonel Malloy was compelled to delay his pursuit at the creek below for some three hours to construct a crossing for his men. The streams were all flooded, the mud deep, the rain pouring down, and the men (except Colonels Mitchell's and Salm's commands) without rations. I accompanied Colonel Mitchell's column; Colonel Malloy joined this during the afternoon. Pursuit was made vigorously till near night-fall, when the troops were so exhausted that they were bivouacked as an act of humanity. I rode back to Larkinsville, and during [the] evening informed Brigadier-General Wood and Major-General Steedman by telegraph of the condition of affairs, and tried to get at Colonel Morgan's command, to send it from Woodville to strike the Tennessee at mouth of Paint Rock. It was impossible to reach Colonel Morgan, the telegraphic station having been removed from Brownsborough. He came up during the night with his own regiment and Colonel Shafter's. Colonel Morgan was unloaded at Larkinsville to get rations and rest, and Colonel Shafter sent on to Scottsborough to protect that place from guerrillas, who were reported to have been firing at the small guard there during the afternoon. Efforts were again made to have rations at Gunter's Landing by transport, and a message was received from Major-General Steedman announcing their shipment.

Tuesday, January 10, Colonels Mitchell, Malloy, Salm, and Thompson were in motion at 4.30 a.m., continuing the pursuit. I reached the column of Colonel Mitchell soon after dawn of day. Colonel Thompson's command was thrown off to the left to Law's Landing. About eight miles from Guntersville the head of Colonel Mitchell's column struck quite a force of the enemy; probably 100 were in sight. Two battalions were thrown into line, and with the small cavalry force (which was taken from Larkinsville) was pushed for them. They broke to small squads and ran away to the hills and woods on each side and down the road in great confusion; but few shots were fired. The gunboats on the river were at this time shelling the woods on the north side, near Gunter's Landing, and below. The enemy could be seen running about in small detachments in almost every direction and without any order, but, being well mounted, kept beyond musket-range. The column was pressed steadily toward Gunter's Landing, with patrol parties in every direction on the flanks, and the enemy chased in toward the river. They all, however, that were on the left of the road crossed it in advance of the column, and with those on the right, left rapidly by the roads running down the river. Some were driven into the riverbank, but being mounted could swim the lagoons in the bottom that could not be waded by infantry; here they encountered the gun-boats; a few abandoned their horses, and they were captured by the boats. General Lyon had reached Claysville, opposite Gunter's Landing, the evening before, with the greater portion of his command and the piece of artillery. Citizens reported that he had abandoned his command during the night, and had crossed the river by a scow with the piece of artillery and a portion of his staff. It is probable that about 200 of his command crossed during the night at Law's Landing, and at a point about one mile and a half above Claysville, in canoes and by swimming their horses. The rest of his command at Claysville was collected at the head of the island above on the 11th, attempting to cross, and was alarmed by the coming down of a gun-boat and dispersed; a portion of the command, under Colonel Chenoweth, left Claysville about 12 m. in direction of Deposit. My advance reached Claysville at 2 p.m. Colonel Salm, leaving his men who were barefooted, was sent on immediately toward Deposit, with instructions to make that point or the creek and beyond, if possible, by daylight. He marched his Command vigorously, pursuing the enemy retreating as squads, and making the points ordered. The ambulance wagon and artillery harness which General Lyon had with him were captured, as well as those wounded at Scottsborough, viz, 1 captain and 3 soldiers. Patrol parties were sent from Colonels Mitchell's, Malloy's, and Thompson's commands to scour the woods along the river and to watch the various ferrying places in the vicinity. Lieutenant-Colonel O'Brien's battalion of the Fourteenth Corps detachment was placed opposite Gunter's Landing. The few cattle and sheep the country afforded were collected by the commissary and distributed to the command. The gun-boats on the river had no co-operation with me. I was able to get on board but one of them, the U.S. Grant, I think. The commanding officer was informed of the nature of my dispositions and all the intelligence that had been obtained. By some mistake one of the gun-boats (as Colonel Thompson reported) threw some shells into his camp at Law's Landing, fortunately without hurting anybody. The rebels were much alarmed by the shells of the gun-boats, but there were no casualties from them that could be heard of. Being satisfied that none of the rebel squads had gone up the river Colonel Harrison was ordered to march to the railway, at the nearest point, and load his command for Chattanooga.

Wednesday, January 11, no rations arriving by river, Colonel Malloy's and Colonel Thompson's commands were ordered back to the railway at Larkinsville, by different routes, with instructions to subsist on the country. Colonel Mitchell remained at Claysville, patrolling the country in the vicinity. Colonel Salm pushed his march toward mouth of Paint Rock Creek. On arriving at Honey Comb Creek it was found to be impassable. The few mounted men of the Eleventh Indiana with the command swam the creek and patrolled the country to Paint Rock during the day. It was impossible, however, to catch the small parties of rebels to be seen without a cavalry force. The high waters and impossibility of procuring rations rendered it out of the question to push forward infantry farther. The pursuit was abandoned, therefore, toward night-fall, confirming the experience of all time that troops of the line cannot run down cavalry.

Thursday, January 12, orders were issued to Colonel Salm to march to the railway at Woodville by Honey Comb Valley, and to Colonel Mitchell to make the same point by the mountain road from Claysville. They reached Woodville at dark, obtained rations sent there for them, and were shipped in the night to their former camps at Bridgeport and Chattanooga. One captain (Murray) and 2 soldiers were captured, in addition to those mentioned heretofore, making a total of 2 captains and 5 soldiers. Friday, January 14, the residue of the troops along the railway were rationed, provided with transportation, and returned to the places indicated in Major-General Steedman's orders.

The total casualties of the division in battle on the entire campaign cannot be given with exact accuracy as to names and regiments at this time. It was impossible to prepare correct lists of the recruits received during the last few days at Nashville before starting upon the march, and in some instances, in the haste of arming and equipping the men, this important matter was improperly neglected. It is probable that a number of worthy men have fallen in battle and by disease of whom there is no record. The following statement is made up from the reports of commanding officers, to wit:

Command
Killed.
Wounded.
Missing.
Aggregate.
O
M
T
O
M
T
O
M
T
Colonel Malloy's brigade

4
4

7
7

6
6
17
Colonel Grosvenor's brigade.
3
25
28
5
108
113

33
33
174
Colonel Mitchell's brigade




4
4

3
3
7
Total
3
29
32
5
119
124

42
42
198

[O = Officers     M = Men]

Among the officers killed was Capt. E. Grosvenor and First Lieut. Samuel W. Thomas, Eighteenth Ohio Volunteers. They fell gallantly leading their commands on the 15th of December, in the assault upon the enemy's works; they held high characters in the service for manly and soldierly qualities. A lieutenant of Second Battalion, Fourteenth Corps, was also killed, whose name and regiment have not yet been obtained. Among the officers wounded were Captains Benedict, Eighteenth Ohio Volunteers, Henderson, One hundred and twenty-first Ohio Volunteers, Brown, Twenty-seventh Ohio Volunteers, and J. B. Emery, Eighteenth Ohio Volunteers.

The number of men who were left at Nashville by direction of the surgeon and from various points sent to hospitals in rear was large, owing to the material of the command reached 1,100 during the campaign. Those left at Nashville were reported at 500; the number sent back by trains from Limestone Creek reached 400, and those from Decatur, by transports, say 200. Several officers were sent back also from these points (and among them some of the best officers in the command), suffering from disease and former wounds. In addition to these a few men were left upon the march at houses, sick and unable to be moved. These were as well cared for as possible, and measures have since been taken to bring them up. The number of deaths from disease among the men since leaving Chattanooga is reported at eleven.

In closing this sketch of the late campaign it is due to the officers and troops of my command to bear unequivocal testimony to the patience, cheerfulness, and pluck with which they endured the fatigue of forty-six days continued field service in midwinter. The command was hastily thrown together; it consisted of detachments from more than 200 regiments; it was rapidly armed, and from its very composition could be but illy provided with the ordinary appliances which render field service endurable. About one-fourth of the command consisted of soldiers recently from hospital, scarcely convalescent, another fourth of soldiers returned from furlough, and the remaining half of raw recruits of every nationality, without drill or experience of any kind, but earnest and worthy men. The officers as a class were good, and perhaps superior to the average of the army, but they were separated from their regular commands, without their personal baggage, camp furniture, servants, change of clothing, stationery, &c., and many of them without money or time to procure any supply of these necessities. The command left without ambulances or wagons. The medical department had not adequate supplies. Measles, small-pox, and camp disorders were constantly appearing among the new men, and often at points beyond the reach of hospitals. The weather was bitter cold at times, and during the coldest days there was much suffering by transportation on the railway. In spite of all such difficulties, however, the division performed its share of military and fatigue duty during the campaign; it built its share of defenses at Nashville, and not only held them but participated to some extent in the general assault; it moved by rail 451 miles and marched 155 miles, wading streams and laboring through mud and rain; it was from necessity out of rations sometimes for days. These sufferings are incident to a soldier's life, but they are much lessened by experience and thorough organization, neither of which this division had. It is simple justice to both the soldiers and officers of this provisional division that the services they have rendered should be thoroughly understood, and that their individual reputations shall not suffer in their commands with charges of idleness or shirking during their absence.

The officers necessarily were compelled to become responsible for arms, equipments, ordnance stores, clothing, &c., and to issue them irregularly in the exigency to men of all regiments, and many who did not know their assignments. A liberal course of settlement should be adopted by the supervising authorities of the various departments with regard to these officers.

Hereto are appended the reports of Colonels Harrison, Mitchell, Malloy, and Grosvenor, commanding brigades of this division, also that of Colonel Salm (covering his services in pursuit of Lyon), marked, respectively, A, B, C, D, and E.* Reports from the other brigade commanders of the part taken by their brigades in the “tramp” after Lyon have not been as yet received.

It affords me pleasure to say of Colonels Harrison, Seventieth Indiana Volunteers, Mitchell, One hundred and thirteenth Ohio Volunteer Infantry, and Malloy, Seventeenth Wisconsin Volunteers, who commanded, each, one of the brigades of the division, that throughout the campaign they performed their duties and handled their commands in a creditable and soldierly manner. They are brigade commanders of much experience and reputation in the army, and deserve well for long and faithful services and for their management of their respective commands on the recent campaign. Col. Felix Prince Salm, commanding Sixty-eighth New York, who served with me in command of a temporary brigade (after leaving Decatur), is an officer of experience in European armies, and is commended for the zeal, energy, and good sense which he brings to the service of the Government. Lieutenant-Colonels Banning, One hundred and twenty-first Ohio, and Grosvenor, of Eighteenth Ohio, each commanded for a short while a brigade of the division; they are good officers, and rendered the country service which should be remembered. Colonels Thompson, Twelfth U.S. Colored Infantry, and Morgan, Fourteenth U.S. Colored Infantry, commanded brigades' of colored soldiers for a short while with me. Their troops were disciplined and behaved uniformly well. These officers are entitled to the consideration of the Government for their personal efforts on the late campaign, and for the good results flowing from their labors in demonstration of the problem that colored men can be made soldiers. It is impossible to note all the deserving officers in command of battalions or companies of the division. The reports of the brigade commanders contain general and special notices of these officers, and the attention of the major-general commanding is directed particularly to them. The cheerful manner in which Captain Givens (Company M, Eleventh Indiana Cavalry)? commanding garrison at Larkinsville, responded to all orders from my headquarters, and the valuable service which his command rendered from thorough knowledge of the surrounding country, is entitled to creditable mention.

My staff consisted of the following officers, viz: Capt. John A. Wright, assistant adjutant-general; Capt. G. W. Marshall, assistant quartermaster; Capt. A. C. Ford (Thirty-first Indiana), acting commissary of subsistence; Capt. A. Vallendar (One hundred and twenty-fifth Ohio Volunteer Infantry), acting assistant inspector-general; Capt. L. S. Windle (One hundred and thirteenth Ohio Volunteer Infantry), ordnance officer; Surg. J. D. Cotton (Ninety-second Ohio Volunteer Infantry), medical director; First Lieut. I. N. Leonard (Ninth Indiana Volunteers), acting aide-de-camp. Each of these officers merits my thanks for the satisfactory manner in which he discharged his duties, and they are all worthy of higher positions than they hold.

With my regards to the major-general commanding district, I am, very respectfully, yours, &c.,

CHARLES CRUFT, 
Brigadier-General, U.S. Volunteers.
Maj. S. B. MOE,
Assistant Adjutant-General, District of the Etowah.
______________

* See pp. 519, 524, 532, 532, 526, 801.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 509-19