Showing posts with label Joseph A J Lightburn. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Joseph A J Lightburn. Show all posts

Sunday, February 27, 2022

Brigadier-General Rutherford B. Hayes to Captain Russell Hastings, March 2, 1865

CUMBERLAND, MARYLAND, March 2, 1865.

DEAR HASTINGS: — Glad to get yours of the 27th and to find you are sound on the question of promotion. There is some danger that your absence over sixty days may in the War Office induce your discharge, but the chances are that it will not be known. I want you to get the new title at least. The commander of a scow on the canal is called captain, but colonel is the best sounding title I know of.

Yes, General Crook's capture is a great loss, as well as an especial calamity to all serving in this command. General Hancock takes the Department of West Virginia and General (brevet major) Carroll formerly of the Eighth Ohio, the District of Cumberland

General Sheridan, with an immense force of cavalry, is on a raid towards Gordonsville or Charlottesville, or somewhere probably to distract the attention of Lee. We are all in suspense as to Sherman and Grant. I look forward to the capture of Richmond as my discharge from service.

A great many staff officers are in a state of mind about these days; also divers brigadier-generals "of whom I am not which." Webster is often quoted — "Where am I to go?" — in a very despondent way. General Lightburn, Colonel Comly, and Captain Sweet are running an examining board as usual, much to the disgust of the Thirteenth. Mrs. Comly is here with a fine boy. The colonel makes a pretty fair “nuss.” — My regards to your sister.

Sincerely,
R. B. HAYES.
CAPTAIN RUSSELL HASTINGS,
Willoughby, Ohio.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 563

Thursday, April 29, 2021

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, October 1, 1864

HARRISONBURG, VIRGINIA, October 1, 1864.

DEAREST:— The First Brigade has gone out six miles to grind up the wheat in that neighborhood - three mills there and Dr. Joe has gone with them.

Colonel Powell just returned from Staunton. They burned all wheat stacks, mills, and barns with grain, and are driving in all cattle and horses. Large numbers of families are going out with us. Dunkards and Mennonites, good quiet people, are generally going to Ohio. I hope we shall move back in a day or two.

Our wounded all doing well. Only seven deaths in all the hospitals at Winchester. Miss Dix and Presidents of Christian and Sanitary Commissions with oceans of luxuries and comforts there, and the good people of Winchester to cook and help. [The] Sixth Corps take one street; [the] Nineteenth, the Main Street; and Crook's, the Eastern. Rebel (wounded) and ours now there about three thousand. Twenty-third, thirty-three; Fifth, eight; Thirty-sixth, thirteen, and Thirteenth, twenty. All the rest gone home. Captain Hiltz, Twelfth-Twenty-third, lost his leg. As soon as the operation was over and the effect of the chloroform passed off, he looked at the stump and said: "No more eighteen dollars for boots to sutler now; nine dollars [will] shoe me!" Captain Hastings doing well; heard from him last night.

General Lightburn came up a day or two ago with staff and orderlies and asked General Crook for the command of my division. He had reported along the road that he was going out to take General Crook's old division. General Crook told him the division was officered to his satisfaction and ordered him back to Harpers Ferry to await orders.

Colonel Duval is doing well and hopes to return by the last of this month (October).

Colonel Comly keeps a pretty full diary. He has sent extracts containing the two battles home. They will probably appear in the Cincinnati Gazette.

I shall send a Rebel's diary to the Commercial. It was taken from his pocket at Winchester.

We rather expect to go into something like winter quarters soon after getting back to Winchester or Martinsburg. Of course there will be extensive campaigning done yet, but we think we shall now be excused. I speak of Crook's Command. - Love to all.

Affectionately ever,
R.
MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 519-20

Thursday, July 10, 2014

Colonel Thomas Kilby Smith to Eliza Walter Smith, June 27, 1863

Headquarters Dept. Of The Tenn.,
Near Vicksburg, June 27, 1863.

I mentioned in a former letter having received General Sherman's to you. I cannot see how he could, in language that would not have been fulsome, have given more expression of feelings of friendship toward me; other than those feelings I have no right or reason to demand. He is perfectly sincere, and I believe would rejoice at my success. He cannot make it for me, I must do that for myself, through the aid of God by my own merit, if I possess. These things are all hard for you to understand. The science of the soldier and the art of war, obtaining in this fearful strife, differ from all that experience or reading have given you knowledge of. The ordinary springs to human action in a measure fail. We are brought to greater exactness of action. An army is a vast machine of which each individual is an integral part. Shiftings and change cannot easily be made without disarrangement of the whole, never after a certain point, save by direction of the chief of all. Thus I report to General Lightburn, he to General Blair, he to General Sherman, he to General Grant, he to General Halleck, he to the Secretary of War, who in his turn goes to the Commander-inChief, the President. But till you get to General Halleck, that I have given illustration of, is only one of a series of systems aggregating a vast whole. Now, General Sherman's power is really very limited; he has no appointing power; he can only recommend to his superior officers, and how often has he done this for me! He is no more responsible for my misfortune than he would have been for wounds and death in battle. Some favors may always be granted by superior off1cers; these favors have been lavishly extended to me by all of mine who are in the field, by none more liberally than by General Sherman. His bed, his table, his wines, cigars, everything has been placed at my disposal. He has shared my blanket and laid him down by my side in the bivouac before the dread day of battle. He did this on the night of the 18th, before the first bloody assault. We have been baptized in blood together. He is not an affectionate man, but on the contrary, austere and forbidding. He never meets me without a glad smile and a warm pressure of the hand. You must not doubt him. It was not by General Grant's order that I was assigned as president of the court that sat at Milliken's Bend; but because I had intimated to Colonel Rawlins, A. A. Gen., that I had not reported back to my regiment and wanted something to do. The service was temporary, and has long since been performed and reported upon. While presiding at the court, I became an actor to some extent in the affair at the Bend when the negro regiments were attacked, and officially made some report of the matter to General Grant. Out of that matter grew a necessity for other and important service which I was assigned to, and thus I have gone along from day to day, hardly anticipating a permanent charge till after the reduction of Vicksburg. I cannot tell what they are doing at Washington. Mr. Chase has small power in the War Department. I have reason to believe I was nominated before my papers arrived, and before active influence was made for me, and that I lapsed with several score of others, from excess of numbers and the insignificance of my name; so common a name is a greater barrier to success than can be imagined by those who are not fellow sufferers. If Grant is successful, I still hope there is something bright for me, if not, I must do my duty, unmurmuring, if hopeless. If I perish without the glittering surrounding of rank, I trust I shall be able to die like a soldier.

You speak of the little diary I sent you as if it was important. I thought it might be of some interest to the children as showing something of life on the march, and the effects of war, but considered it hardly worthy of second perusal. I am surprised you should have thought it worth while to send East what was only meant for the home circle. You need give yourself no uneasiness about my deprivation from exercise and my removal from the saddle. I was but a brief time on the steamboat, and my feet are oftener in the stirrup than on the ground.

You will still compliment my letters. You read them with a loving mother's eyes, too partial a judge. I see so much I cannot write. If I could seize opportunity, and describe what I should so much like to describe as it passes before me and when the fit is on, I might write something worthy. But as time passes, new events obliterate the recollection even of old excitement, and the excitement of yesterday is old with us to-day. I wrote you in my last letter that I had been detailed on delicate service, and prepared you for what I thought might be a prolonged absence. The occasion was my going with a small escort under a flag of truce which was a feint to meet or endeavor to meet General Taylor, one of the commanders of the rebel forces. With this object I took a steamboat at Milliken's Bend on the 22d. Debarking there at daybreak, rode to Richmond, or what was once Richmond, twelve miles distant, and there found the bridge burned. I ought to say that after the fight at Milliken's Bend, the enemy fell back to Richmond, and there entrenched themselves. That we sent out forces to dislodge them, that they were defeated, driven out, and the town, a very pretty place containing some two thousand inhabitants, court house, jail, large hotel, etc., was burned; nothing that was inflammable was left; everything but the bricks and mortar was consumed. The enemy before retreating had burned the bridge themselves, and so, from its charred remains, I was compelled to construct another, to cover the deep bayou. Some two hours' labor effected this object, and with a bit of cracker and coffee, made in a tin cup, for breakfast, forward we went, and oh! how desolate was the country we crossed, and how dreary the ride! The fleeing enemy had been panic-stricken, and all along the road for miles had thrown the loads from the wagons and sometimes abandoned the wagons themselves. Bedsteads and mirrors, glass, crockery, bags of meal, clothing, sewing machines, baskets, boxes, and trunks, with pots, pans, and camp equipage, lay promiscuously scattered. But the most noticeable objects were the corpses of the unburied dead, smoked and blackened in the sun, too carrion even for the vultures and buzzards. At every bayou crossing, bridges torn up and fresh delays. Finally I reached the Tensas, twenty miles. Here, too, the bridge was burned, but on the other side was a house giving promise of water. The bayou water is not drinkable, and we were parched with thirst. A woman appeared on the opposite bank to show us the ford, and this was strange, for we were far inside the enemy's lines. A struggle through the mud, a ford almost a swim, and we were over. The woman fairly cried with joy to see us — the first real, genuine Union woman I have met in the South. Her husband was under the ban and on our side; he was poor and had been hauling cotton for transportation North — an unpardonable sin, and she had been made to suffer. Along with four young children, she had been persecuted by the retreating army, and no wonder she over flowed with joy when her friends came in sight. She gave me some buttermilk and some eggs, and after resting an hour, on we went. Soon the enemy's pickets were in sight, but instead of approaching, seemed to be fleeing. In vain the sergeant waved his flag, conspicuous enough, for it was a sheet borrowed from the steamboat berth and tied to a pole. As we marched forward they marched back, until at last they fairly made a run for it; thereupon we halted and tried another coaxing process, and at last, after making various signs, they approached or rather waited our coming with the timidity of young fawns. We explained the nature of our flag ; they were very glad to know we were not going to fight them, and said they had watched us from Richmond and hovered in our front all the way those ten long miles and had sent back for reinforcements, and had come near shooting one of our men who had stopped to take the water out of his boot at the ford. We reassured them and rode forward for about the space of a mile, when we were encountered by the reinforcements, dismounted, drawn up in line of battle. Their captain was stupid, and after the pickets had informed him we were a flag of truce, he insisted upon mistaking us for rebels, and boring us with the most absurd questions about the strength of Grant's army, the condition of affairs at Vicksburg, etc. At last we drove it through his head that we were Yankees, as they call us, and as soon as light broke through upon him, he became dumb with astonishment; nevertheless we marched forward well enough for four miles and then stopped to camp. We continued winding through the dense woods by the side of bayous or the shores of little lakes until at last, crossing another bridge, we encountered another picket. It was interesting to us to pass this picket, for it was near nightfall, the rain began to come down heavily; we had ridden some thirty-two or three miles and were near Delhi, where we expected to find General Taylor and a pretty large force of the enemy. But they halted us and I came to a parley. The officer was peremptory. I brought a stunning argument to bear — that I had been permitted by all the other picket guards to pass, why should he refuse, and by what authority — at last prevailed, and on to Delhi. Three or four miles brought us to the camp guard of the outside regiment. We had penetrated thirty-six miles inside of the enemy's lines since morning. They looked on us with wonder and astonishment, called no halt, and on we went right through their camps. The soldiers gathered in groups by the wayside to gape at us; the officers ran out of their tents; my escort was only ten men and a sergeant. We enquired the way to headquarters and reported to the commandant, and demanded to see General Taylor. General Taylor was not there. This was what I wanted and hoped for, for I knew if he was not at Delhi he must be at Monroe, sixty-five miles further up, and I wanted to penetrate the country as far as possible. Meanwhile it had rained very hard, and was still raining. We were wet through. The question of quarters was interesting, for it was almost dark. The commandant evidently did not know what to do. I suggested the hotel. He brightened, and we were permitted to go there and seek quarters. They did not know how to receive a flag. Their pickets ought not to have let us pass without first reporting and disarming us; but there we were and there was no help for it. Now imagine a small town with a railway passing through, scattered houses and a large square frame hotel, your son followed by his troops and a crowd of soldiers, officers, citizens, old and young, all agape with astonishment; evening, and muddy. Landlord comes out uncertain whether to receive us or not; anxious for his pocket, more anxious for his house. At last the pecuniary prevails, and he thinks he can make provision for us, but can't for the horses. Under shelter, and immediately afterwards under strict guard and surveillance: got some supper, corn bread, fresh pork, and something they call coffee, made of parched wheat. After supper the commandant called and demanded the despatches; refused to deliver them, on the ground that my orders were peremptory to deliver them to General Taylor in person. The commandant, a Major Beattie from Texas, was green and nonplussed; he didn't know what to do, finally concluded to put us under guard and himself in telegraphic communication with General Taylor. At last I got rid of him and went to bed, wet through to my buff, and got a sound sleep, to wake and find myself close prisoner in the camp of the enemy; breakfast, the duplicate of the supper, and after the breakfast the show began. I seated myself on the upper porch and the "butternuts" passed in review. Some citizens came to talk to me, some officers. The same old story of what you read in the newspapers — '”they are united, intend to fight till the last man is dead,” and all that sort of thing. Finally, Brigadier-General Legee, Aide-de-Camp of General Taylor, made his appearance, and now I found I had to deal with a soldier and a man of sense. Of course I was baffled, as I expected to be. He insisted upon my despatches and my return; no further penetration to their stronghold except at the head of an army. I was satisfied, however, for I had informed myself upon the principal point I was after. So I delivered my despatches with as good grace as possible, and received the necessary returns. I found General Legee, aside from his politics, to be a fine soldier and a most admirable gentleman. He had graduated at Cambridge, and afterwards read law there; had spent some time in Cincinnati, and knew a good many of my friends . . . and in short, we soon found we were old acquaintances almost, and sat down to have a good time; that is, as good a time as gentlemen can expect to have without wine or anything else but water to drink and no cigars to smoke; nevertheless, we had a comfortable chat. He made my imprisonment as light as possible; and next morning with an escort from the enemy we retraced our steps without adventure, stopped at Richmond, or the cisterns of Richmond rather, for water and a bite. While the men were resting, I wandered through the gardens; they could not burn them, but what a picture of desolation they presented. For the first time flowers seemed out of place, the fruit, apricots, peaches, and grapes, was just ripening. Some frightened, superannuated negroes came up to gape, and I hurried away from the smouldering ruins after extorting from them a promise to go out and bury the dead upon consideration that they should possess themselves of all the property abandoned on the road. Back to the Bend, and rapidly put the same in a state of defence, for unless I had checkmated them, they had calculated to come in. When I say they or them I always mean the enemy, the only terms almost by which we know them. On board a boat at 7 P.m.; found a sick lady who had taken refuge with her servants, reassured and encouraged her; down to General Dennis to report. Sat with him till two o'clock in the morning, then up the Yazoo; out at daybreak, and reported to General Grant at breakfast time. Yesterday I rested, for I was a little tired, and to-day am anticipating an order to go to Grand Gulf to report to General Banks with despatches, and while I rest I write you this tedious letter. You may see by it at least that the grass does not grow under my feet.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 307-14

Monday, June 30, 2014

Colonel Thomas Kilby Smith to Eliza Walter Smith, May 25, 1863

Headquarters Second Brigade, Second Div.,
Fifteenth A. C,
Wa1nut Hills, Miss., May 25, 1863.

I wrote you a hurried note yesterday to give you all at home assurance of my safety. I am to-day in receipt of your letters of May [sic] 29th, enclosing one from wife advising of the death of Judge Piatt, and of May 5th, and from Helen of May 10th. I promised you yesterday full details of march and fight, and for convenience (time being precious and opportunity for writing scant), substitute diary of one of my clerks, which gives the main facts, and enclose for reference a map to accompany same, upon which route of army can be traced. At close of diary you will perceive I have been relieved from my command. I send copy of correspondence between General Sherman and myself which ensued upon reception of the order, the only explanation I have to offer. I premise the same by a copy of the order assigning General Lightburn.

I proposed to General Sherman either of three courses, to resign, to ask to be mustered out, or for leave of absence. He declines to entertain either. I have indicated my intention to refuse the command of my regiment. I am not yet ordered to duty, and so the matter stands. Before you receive this letter we shall probably have reduced Vicksburg, or have had another very bloody fight with the enemy in our rear. In the event of a battle my course will be plain; meanwhile I shall remain quiescent as circumstances will admit. Our late engagements have been very bloody, our losses heavy, the enemy must have suffered hugely in killed and wounded. I enclose a sketch of Vicksburg.

In respect to the order for consolidation of regiments, a healing order has been published by the President leaving the enforcement of the same discretionary with corps and department commanders. The generals have declined to permit it to apply to me, so I am held. My services will not be dispensed with till my body becomes useless. I have no option in the matter. Therefore you perceive I am unable to follow your advice if I would. I cannot resign. They will not muster me out. They will not grant me furlough.

Don't give yourself one moment's uneasiness about me. I am proud as the black knight with his visor down. My honor, thank God, is bright; no stain on my flag, though it is rent and torn and well-nigh riddled with balls. I will send on a copy of my official report and will write again very shortly.

The land has been devastated, desolated; the sufferings of the people, particularly the women, are terrible. Ladies in Vicksburg are now living in caves and holes in the ground to protect them from the unceasing fall of shot and shell from our guns. They disobeyed Pemberton's order and would not leave the doomed city. They could not believe we were so near at home. Their soldiers are reduced to one fourth rations.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 297-9