Diary of Private Theodore Reichardt, Monday, October 28, 1861

Commenced to build a stable for horses, three hundred feet long. Captain Bess, our chief of artillery. Our battery remained at Muddy Branch up to the twenty-seventh of November. Little is to be said of this period. Drill as usual. Received the news of the taking of Beaufort, South Carolina, and the capture of Slidell and Mason. Captain Reynolds visited the battery for the last time, having been promoted to Lieutenant Colonel of the Rhode Island artillery, and transferred to another department.

SOURCE: Theodore Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light Artillery, p. 26

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, April 7, 1863

April 7.

Some of you can imagine how heartily I enjoyed the morning gallop from station to station, to look after our soldiers. They endured the march well, but are not equal to whites. I believe the Colonel is more easily reconciled to this disparity of endurance, from the fact that it corroborates his theory that physical endurance and longevity are enhanced by civilization. Yesterday morning as we came through Beaufort I visited Gen'l Saxton and asked him to detail Dr. Hawks to take charge of the new General Hospital for colored soldiers instead of carrying out his plan to appoint Dr. whose treatment is open to criticism. Tonight I am glad to hear that all is going as I could wish, and that our men will not be neglected. Dr. Minor is here with me again.

At Seabrook, this morning, I saw the rebel pickets on the opposite shore. They often hail our men, but are never answered. The men chafe under this a little, but obey the Colonel's order. Charles Follen has charge of that plantation. I like him. There is a prospect of his joining our regiment. I heartily wish we might have all earnest, antislavery men for officers. Military training without moral help is not very valuable.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 387

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, April 9, 1863

April 9.

Everything was going on quietly until we heard heavy cannonading in the direction of the Ferry before sunrise this morning. The George Washington, an old steamboat converted into a semi-gunboat, was cruising in the river and got aground last evening. The rebels had ample time to send for artillery during the night and they blew her up. The explosion threw her men into the water and marsh, from which they were brought out by our pickets and the Chaplain. I judge that not more than a dozen were killed or wounded. They were sent to the Hospital in Beaufort. I would like to have the care of them, but we have no accommodations here. One of them told the Adjutant's wife that he was glad to have me take care of him for he had often seen me in Worcester. Another was a handsome Providence boy, who was terribly broken to pieces, but who will recover.¹

_______________

¹ See 1 Records of the Rebellion, XIV. 280–283, 891.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 387

Official Reports of the Destruction of steamer George Washington, near Beaufort, S.C., April 9, 1863: No. 2. — Report of Col. Joseph R. Hawley, Seventh Connecticut Infantry.

No. 2.

Report of Col. Joseph R. Hawley, Seventh Connecticut Infantry.

HEADQUARTERS U.S. FORCES,        

Hilton Head, S.C., April 10, 1863.

GENERAL: I have the honor to report certain facts concerning the loss of the armed steamer George Washington.

I most respectfully declined obeying the peremptory order of General Saxton to send the Washington to Beaufort before she had completed the task assigned her by yourself, as I supposed, in protecting Captain Graef's operations. General Saxton, on board the Flora, went to Seabrook's and commanded the Washington to follow him to Beaufort, and Lieutenant Blanding felt obliged to obey.

On the 8th the E. B. Hale and Washington started to go around Port Royal Island on a reconnaissance, conducted by Captain Briggs, Third Rhode Island Artillery. Before reaching the ferry the Hale got aground. At night she got off, and about 4.30 a.m. of the 9th started, without the knowledge of the officers of the Washington. The latter started about 5 or 5.30 a.m. to follow her, and had proceeded a mile or two when a turn in the channel revealed a rebel light battery directly astern, perhaps a mile distant, which instantly opened fire. The Washington had only a howitzer astern, and could not turn to reply. The second shot exploded the magazine, which was in the afterpart of the vessel, unshipped the rudder, broke the steering gear, ripping up the deck, tumbling the howitzer into the hold, and destroying all the ammunition for the James rifle forward. The vessel took fire and began to fill rapidly. The master backed her toward the marsh on our side. Captain Briggs ordered a white flag raised—against the protests of the master, Campbell, who continued his attempt to escape. They put the wounded on the marsh and all scrambled off. The rebels, seeing this, resumed their fire, of course, and with great accuracy, though it is not known that any were struck while crossing the wide marsh. The wounded lying on the bank were captured by a boat party of rebels.

The E. B. Hale, somewhere near Broad River, was informed by some one (she having heard the firing, it is said) and went back and sent or received a flag of truce and took the wounded. The Washington burned to the water's edge.

The total loss is 14, all, it is supposed, from the explosion. Two were killed instantly; 2 seriously (probably fatally) wounded, 8 slightly, and 2 missing. Some of the men were hours scrambling through the marsh. No officers were hurt.

No unusual movements of the enemy have been perceived. All is quiet.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOS. R. HAWLEY,

Colonel Seventh Connecticut Volunteers, Commanding Post.

Brig. Gen. T. SEYMOUR,
Chief of Staff, Department of the South.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 14 (Serial No. 20), p. 281-2

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 3, 1863

March 3.

The plot thickens. Our steamers are coaling up and the stores and ammunition are going aboard. This looks southward and before this letter reaches you we shall probably be up some river, I hope not the one spoken of on the streets. Today Dr. M. M. Marsh of the U. S. Sanitary Commission has made his official visit and dined with me. I suppose I care the more for Dr. Marsh that he is not only a gentleman, and a physician whom I greatly respect, but also that he comes from the capital of my own native state. He is an elderly man with a countenance all covered with benignity. The following note to me from his agent at Beaufort, Mr. H. G. Spaulding, indicates the right spirit toward our movement.

“If you are in want of any hospital or sanitary supplies for your regiment, we shall be most happy to fill out a requisition for you. Send for whatever you need and state in every case the amount wanted. This is all the ‘red tape’ of our Commission, and there are no knots in it. In view of your unexpected movement I take this opportunity of assuring you of our desire to assist you in every way in our power.”

Of course Dr. Minor was posted off with a requisition and our good soldiers shall bless the Commission.

Last night our men seemed bewitched. A few ran guard to be at a dance at the old “Battery plantation.” Very early in the morning a poor fellow refused to halt, when ordered to do so by the guard, and has lost his life for it. He was shot through the side and will die within a few days.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 369

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 8, 1863

CAMP SAXTON, BEAUFORT, February 8, 1863.

I feel that it was a little cowardly in me to run away from camp yesterday, but I knew that three of our good soldiers must die within a few hours and I could do no more for them. It is just impossible for me to get used to losing patients. Such death is equivalent to losing some vital part of one's self. This comes from distrust of myself, rather than of God. Our sick list is rapidly lessening and all will soon be as usual. I have this afternoon conversed with a pro-slavery surgeon, who has had much to do with negroes. I thought he seemed rather pleased in making the statement that their power of endurance was not equal to that of the whites. I nevertheless gathered valuable information and hints relative to their treatment. If I am permitted to remain in this regiment a year I shall prove that, while the blacks are subject to quite different diseases from those of the whites, the mortality among them will average less and the available strength or efficiency will average more. This is the season for white soldiers to be well and blacks to be ill. . .

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 359

Captain Charles Wright Wills: January 13, 1865

Beaufort, S. C., January 13, 1865.

Retired about 11 p. m. and woke up here this morning. A very handsome, small town, about the size of Canton, but more fine dwellings. All have been confiscated and sold to the negroes and white Union men. Find the 17th A. C. here, but about ready to move out to drive the Rebels away from the ferry, where we will lay our pontoons to the main land. The 14th and 20th will move by land and join us on the main land somewhere. Hardly imagine what our next move will be, but mostly think we will tear up the railroads through the Carolinas and take Charleston and Wilmington during the spring campaign. The health of the command is perfect, and all are in most soldierly spirits. Thinking nothing impossible if Sherman goes with us, and go he will.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 337

Captain Charles Wright Wills: January 26, 1865

Near Beaufort, S. C., January 26, 1865.

We have had heavy rains and now very cold weather without being in the least prepared for it. We move tomorrow at 7 a. m. for the main land and forage.

All tents are to be left behind “until they can be forwarded by water.” That seems to point to a short and sharp campaign, and we all think Charleston is the objective point.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 337

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 3, 1863

CAMP SAXTON, BEAUFORT, S. C.,

February 3, 1863.

At break of day we were at Beaufort and my sick and wounded were being carefully conveyed to the “Contraband Hospital” for better care than our camp hospital affords. I left eight there and it seemed like leaving my children among strangers. But this was only a feeling, not a fact. It was very pleasant to have the black soldiers served first when wounded. Colonel [Rishworth] Rich and the other officers and soldiers, must wait the convenience of our freedmen. I should quite enjoy living in some one of our Northern cities a few months with the 1st S. C. Vols. I fancy there would be a conquering of prejudices somewhat satisfactory to your humble servant. Justice is an admirable machine when in good running order and with honest engineers to keep it going. 

The Colonel took his official report in one hand and a captured instrument of slave torture in the other, to Gen. Saxton and left them for an early inspection. I was too busy to breakfast there with the Colonel. At ten o'clock we were disembarking opposite our camp and the home troops were receiving us with wild cheers of joy. All sorts of false rumors had been reported concerning us. 

We had been cut up and cut down, hung and cut to pieces, and various other rebel morsels of information had been circulated. I trust that you have not been tormented by such rumors. Perhaps it is best for me to take this occasion to say that the rebel reports are not always so reliable as their personal sympathizers could wish. Believe nothing short of official reports and my letters. 

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 356-7

Dr. Seth Rogers to his Daughter, January 9, 1863

January 9, 1863.

This morning, the adjutant and I, with eight oarsmen, went down to Hilton Head in our surf boat. The distance cannot be far from twelve miles and the trip is a charming one, though the shores are wanting in those rugged qualities which help to make the difference in character between the North and the South. Our black soldiers sang as they rowed — not the songs of common sailors — but the hymns of praise mingled with those pathetic longings for a better world, so constant with these people. There are times when I could quite enjoy more earthly songs for them, even a touch of the wicked, but this generation must live and die in sadness. The sun can never shine for them as for a nation of freemen whose fathers were not slaves.

My special business in going to Hilton Head was to test the honesty of a certain medical purveyor, who does not incline to honor the requisitions of the surgeon of the 1st Reg. S. C. Vol's. He has not yet heard of the popularity of the black regiments, but Uncle Samuel will teach him that, as well as a few other things. But it will be too late for him to repent in this world when he shall have learned the lesson.

The Flora – Gen. Saxton's steamer — came down from Beaufort and we were towed back by her to our camp. I met the General on the steamer and was delighted to find him in that mood over the purveyor's second refusal, which will work out a line of retributive justice. He read to me a letter just received by him from Secretary Stanton, which authorizes me to draw direct from New York. So we shall be all right within two weeks, I hope. In addition to all my other duties, I should quite like to prescribe for some of those pro-slavery scamps who disgrace the federal shoulder-straps. This particular case was polite enough to me, for which I was sorry. When Gen. (David] Hunter gets here there will be a bowing and scraping to the anti-slavery men that may awaken wickedness in my heart. . . .

I am just now busy in trying to discover the causes of such an excess of pleurisy and pneumonia in our camp, as compared with white regiments. Thus far I can only get the reiteration of the fact that negroes are more subject to these diseases than are the whites. I should be very sorry to find that their nightly “praise meetings,” or “shouts,” acted an important role in the development of these diseases, yet, thus far, our gravest cases are the most religious. It would be a sad but curious coincidence, if while the Colonel and young captain are diligently taking notes of the songs and hymns of the soldiers, the surgeon should note a marked fatality resulting from this sweet religious expression. We shall see. It is as difficult to inculcate temperance in religion here, among these sun-burned children, as to introduce it into a Methodist camp-meeting. I hope we shall not have to shut in religious expressions by military rules.

Speaking of coincidences, reminds me that I found the steward, this morning, putting up prescriptions in bits of the “ Liberator." I don't believe Mr. Garrison's editorials ever before came so near these black soldiers. I wondered if the powders would not have some magic power conveyed to them. South Carolina is getting a simultaneous doctoring of body and soul.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June,1910: February 1910. p. 341-2

Dr. Seth Rogers to his Daughter, January 17, 1863, Evening

January 17, Evening.

This has been a triumphant day for our regiment. We have marched to Beaufort and back in such style as to turn jeers into admiration, and tonight our men are full of music and delight. The Colonel, not content with marching the whole length of the front street, actually stopped on the parade ground and drilled the regiment an hour or more, and then they marched home to the music of their own voices. The different encampments at Beaufort had large delegations by the way-side, as we entered the town, and we were greeted with such language as pertains to vulgar negro haters. Our men were apparently indifferent to it and the officers could afford to wait in silence. I fell aback to the rear with the major and was constantly delighted at the manly bearing of our soldiers. Not a head was turned to the right or left — not a word spoken. At length a white soldier struck a negro man, not of our regiment, and the poor fellow appealing to us, we wheeled our horses upon the rabble, and Major Strong, with drawn sword pursued the offender, with the point of that instrument a little nearer the fellow's back than seemed wholesome. I have rarely seen one more thoroughly frightened. The effect was magical, no more audible sneers. But wasn’t it good to march our regiment proudly in the front of those mansions where two years ago the [Southern] chivalry were plotting something as strange, but quite unlike.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 345

Dr. Seth Rogers to his Daughter, Sunday Evening, January 18, 1863

January 18, Sunday evening.

Such a transparent day and cool north winds make even South Carolina endurable, while it lasts, I mean. When General Hunter gets here we expect to nullify the State. . . . In our camp most curious problems present themselves, as how to keep people from scurvy without vegetables and fresh meat; how to have a good fire in tents without a fireplace, stove or ventilation; how to make bread without yeast and without oven. How to treat the sick without medicines,—how to amputate limbs without knives, — all these and many other similarly knotty questions the surgeon of the First Regiment of S. C. Vol's. has to consider, — sometimes when he ought to be sleeping. This is not said complainingly. Our men rarely complain and those jeering white soldiers who saw their firm tread in the streets of Beaufort, yesterday, must have discovered a reason for their patience, this silent waiting.

There was a Destiny in the silent, dignified bearing of our men, yesterday. I never in my life, felt so proud, so strong, so large. . . . Hurrah! Hurrah! — the Quartermaster just in with despatch from signal officer announcing arrival of the Arago, and a gun boat at Hilton head, and General Hunter has come.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 345-6

Diary of Laura M. Towne: Monday, June 23, 1862

General Hunter drove us out to the camp of the black regiment, which he reviewed. After our return I saw Mr. McKim and Lucy off, the steamer being crowded with the wounded and sick from the battle of Edisto. Then Mr. French advised my returning to General Hunter's. Mrs. H. had asked me to stay all night, but I had declined. Now, however, it was too late to go back to Beaufort in the little steamer and there was no other chance but a sail-boat, so after waiting and hesitating a long time, I consented to the intrusion, and Mr. French escorted me back again, explaining to General and Mrs. Hunter my predicament. They were cordial in their invitation, and I had a long talk with them about plantation matters, sitting on their piazza, the sentry marching to and fro and members of the staff occasionally favoring us with their company.

The regiment is General Hunter's great pride. They looked splendidly, and the great mass of blackness, animated with a soul and armed so keenly, was very impressive. They did credit to their commander.

As we drove into the camp I pointed out a heap of rotting cotton-seed. “That will cause sickness,” I said. “I ordered it removed,” he said, very quickly, “and why hasn't it been done?” He spoke to the surgeon about it as soon as we reached Drayton's house, which is just beside the camp. The men seemed to welcome General Hunter and to be fond of him. The camp was in beautiful order.

SOURCE: Rupert Sargent Holland, Editor, Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne: Written from the Sea Islands of South Carolina 1862-1864, p. 70-1

Diary of Laura M. Towne: Saturday, June 7, 1862

An exciting day. This morning Mr. Eustis came over and told Mr. Hooper that we ought to be ready to go at a moment's notice. For two weeks we have been quite unprotected, and last night an attempt was made to pass the pickets at Port Royal Ferry. A flat was seen coming. Our pickets challenged it, and the negroes exclaimed, “Don't shoot, massa!” Then fifty men rose up in the boat and fired into the guard, killing four of them. The others fled to Port Royal, I believe, carrying dismay, and this morning all the ladies, cotton agents, and civilians, except our men, embarked on the Ottawa and went down to Hilton Head, Miss Walker among them. Our men, of the Commission, have been bold enough. Little Taylor has shouldered his gun and he this morning went to within four miles of the enemies’ lines. Ashly acted as guide to the scouts and others have gone readily to the aid of the soldiery. Yet Mr. Pierce says the soldiers are swearing at the “nigger lovers,” who have all gone — run away at the first danger. Not a man has gone — not one.

There is quite a panic in Beaufort and several gunboats have gone up to it, apparently to take away the commissary stores. It will then be evacuated, and what will become of the poor negroes if the masters return! It seems to me that this is a causeless panic.

We packed our trunks to-day according to Mr. Hooper's orders, and we can run at any time, but leaving much behind us. I cannot bear the thought of going while these poor people must stay — Aunt Bess, whose leg is so bad; and some of the babies are ill now — they will suffer so in the woods and marshes if they have to fly. While we were packing this morning, Susannah, then Rina, came and asked anxiously about our going. I told them all we knew — that we might have to go off, but would not if we could help it; that our soldiers had all gone off to take Charleston and that Secesh might come down to attack us, and then the gentlemen would insist upon our going. Mr. Pierce came home about eleven, and he thinks we may remain. So we have composed ourselves as best we can. The gentlemen are going to patrol to-night, but I am more afraid of the exposure than of Secesh for them, and us too.

Mr. Pierce has gone to Beaufort again. Several gentlemen were here to-day, Mr. Horton among them, who wanted to know if we were “going to trust the Lord and keep our powder dry.” I want to have Mr. Pierce secure half a dozen guns for each plantation, and then if Secesh come, call upon the negroes to help us and stay. I am sure we shall be safe. I am entirely opposed to our flying. If Mr. Pierce were not going North, this would be the case, I am pretty sure, but he is determined to have us safe while he is gone. We have a boat in readiness to set out by water, and the horses are kept fresh to take us by land. One of them died to-day of poison plants, or colic, — one of the handsome bays.

I have been in other excitement lately and feel almost ill from it. But first about the alarm at Beaufort. It was so great that the arsenal was open, and anybody wishing it could go in and get a gun. It appears that the Pennsylvania regiment, or a guard of fifty, were stationed at Port Royal Ferry, and on this alarm they ran, after firing, and burned the bridge between themselves and the enemy. Their panic alarmed Beaufort. The ladies fled to the gunboats and to Hilton Head. They will return to-morrow probably. All Beaufort was in confusion. To-night all is safety and quiet there. We have had quite a cosy evening here — Mr. Pierce, Mr. Hooper, Miss Winsor, and I.

SOURCE: Rupert Sargent Holland, Editor, Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne: Written from the Sea Islands of South Carolina 1862-1864, p. 63-5

Charles Lowe to Dr. LeBaron Russell, December 7, 1863

Somerville, Dec. 7th, 1863.

My Dear Sir, — It gives me great pleasure to present, at your request, a statement of the impression made upon my mind by a visit to the field of operations of the Educational Commission for Freedmen, in the department of South Carolina. I had an opportunity to visit many of the schools and plantations on Port Royal, St. Helena and Ladies Islands, and to converse with many who were familiar with the condition of the freed population, and will state as briefly as I can the result of my observation.

First, As to the Schools.

In the immediate vicinity of Beaufort the teachers labor at great disadvantage. The town is an aggregate of Government offices, hospitals and camps. An excessive population of freed people has congregated there, and they are exposed to all the bad influences of such a community. The effect is seen in the Schools, in a want of punctuality and in a restless spirit on the part of the children. Yet even in these Schools the success of the attempt was very gratifying. The children seemed bright and eager to learn, and showed remarkable proficiency. Here, as indeed in all the Schools I visited, I was greatly struck by the excellence of the teachers employed. In one of the Schools in Beaufort, there was acting as an assistant, a young colored man — formerly a member of the 54th Massachusetts Regiment, and disabled at Wagner. He was teaching some of the classes, and as I watched him I thought he was teaching very successfully. Certainly he had the perfect respect and attention of the pupils, and it seemed to me that such men might be thus employed to advantage, more frequently than they are.

As you go away from Beaufort, the bad influences of that place gradually lessen, till, on the plantations ten miles distant, the people are quite out of their reach, and the consequence was very apparent. Here, with no better teachers (for where all are so good I could not recognize any difference), the discipline of the Schools was greatly superior, and their whole character compared favorably with that of any of our Northern Schools of the same grade.

Second, As regards the ability of the freed people to support and govern themselves, my impressions are equally favorable.

Here again, Beaufort and its immediate vicinity affords a most unfavorable condition for the experiment. And many visitors, judging from what they see there, may give unfair statements in regard to its success. The place, as I have already said, has just the effect, on the people gathered there, that a prolonged muster-field would have on a great mass of people who might crowd about it. Considering this, it was a matter of surprise to me that things are no worse. There is no disorder, and a Quarter-Master, who has occasion to employ a very large number of the men, told me that he never had so little difficulty with laborers. On Thanksgiving day they were all discharged for a holiday, and he said to me that, whereas, with white men, he should be dreading trouble from their absence or disorderly conduct the next morning after the day's carousing, he was sure that these men would all be promptly at their work.

On the plantations removed from the camps the condition of things is most gratifying. The people labor well, and are easily managed, and the superintendents say are always ready to do anything that you can persuade them is for their advantage.

I will not anticipate the statements which are being prepared by one gentleman there (Mr. E. S. Philbrick), in which it will show conclusively the satisfactoriness of their voluntary paid labor so far as the employers are concerned. My only purpose is to testify, as a casual observer, to the good order, the respectful demeanor and thrifty appearance of the colored population, and the general evidence which such a visit could give of a good state of things.

One thing particularly impressed me. I saw the people everywhere in their homes and in the fields. I have seen the working classes in many countries of the world, and I never saw a peasantry so cleanly dressed, so respectable in their outward appearance or apparently so happy. This is certain in regard to these people — that they are abundantly able to support themselves. If your organization has made any mistake, it has been that you felt at first too little confident of that, and assumed that they must be helped by donations in charity. Undoubtedly there was, for a while, much destitution, and your relief was most timely; but the generosity of the supply encouraged a feeling that they could live without labor, which has been one of the great difficulties to overcome. They certainly need help no longer. I saw them at the stores kept on the Islands, buying, with plenty of money, every variety of articles, and heard of no want.

A paymaster told me that, under the order of General Saxton, permitting them to apply for lands hereafter to be sold, the sum of $4000 has already been deposited by freedmen. One man is now owner of the plantation of his former master, which he purchased with money loaned him, and which he has now paid for by the earnings of this year's crop.

What interested me most in what I saw, was the conviction, that here is being worked out the problem of whether the black race is fitted for freedom. In many respects the circumstances in this locality are such as to make the experiment peculiarly satisfactory. 1st, The colored people on these Islands are admitted to be inferior to those in most portions of the South, partly because kept more degraded, and partly because close intermarrying has caused them to deteriorate. 2dly, After being left by their masters, they lived for a time under no kind of restraint. And 3dly, By a well meant generosity, when first visited by our sympathy they were encouraged to believe that they could live under freedom without the necessity of labor. .

Yet, under all these disadvantages, the experiment has been a triumphant success — apparent, beyond question, to any one who can observe.

To be sure, it can probably never happen that on any general scale, those who shall give to the newly freed people their first instructions in freedom, shall be men and women of such high character and ability as those who have undertaken it here. I was amazed when I saw among the teachers and superintendents so many persons of the very highest culture, and fitted for the very highest positions. I confess I felt sometimes as though it was lavishing too much on this work; but then I considered (what is now the great feeling with which I regard the whole thing) that this is a grand , experiment which is settling for the whole nation this great problem. And when I saw how completely it has settled it, I felt that it was worthy of all that had been given. I believe that the importance of the movement is yet to- be realized when the operations on this field shall become the great example for every part of the land.

I am, with great respect, very truly yours,

Charles Lowe.

Dr. LeBaron Busselly Boston.

SOURCE: New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Extracts from Letters of Teachers and Superintendents of the New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Fourth Series, January 1, 1864, p. 13-4

Commandant Samuel F. DuPont to Gustavus V. Fox, December 6, 1861

Confidential.

‘Wabash’ Dec. 6, 61.

Port Royal, SC

My Dear Sir

Raymond Rodgers returned this morning from a splendid reconnaissance of the Wassaw Inlet strangely overlooked heretofore by the Coast Survey. He had Stevens, Ammen and Bankhead's vessels, found 21 f. on the bar, went up ten miles from it and saw the steeples of Savannah.

Boldly advancing on the fort, to his astonishment he found it abandoned like those in St. Helena Sound. Eight heavy guns had been removed — the magazine blown up, the beds and circles broken. The Fort now building is on Wilmington Creek near a Coast Survey triangulation station and ten miles from Savannah.

Now my Dear friend I want to make a point as the Japanese express it. We are you will see going more and more into the flanks of the rebels, driving them from these coast defences and keeping up our prestige I think, — but alas my vessels are so spread and absorbed, that we have to come out of these places again. Drayton is holding all the St. Helena waters and the Dale is to be the depot ship — at Otter island and keeping up this demonstration off Savannah by the ships in Tybee roads is right also, — and now comes Wassaw, and I believe (I don't know) that Ossabaw and the rest of the Coast of Georgia will be ready to fall into our hands. This you will remember was the regular plan of the Department, but I never thought I could carry it out so fast — then again we were to begin at the lower end and work up, but having made this great breach in the centre, by the occupation of Port Royal, we are working towards both ends at the same time.

Mr. Welles and Yrself have been so kind that I dislike to be troubling you for more vessels — but besides the above disposition of them, the constant and necessary repairs to every steam vessel are more frequent and consume more time than you have any idea of. I don't want to say anything of a most remarkable ignorance which seems to prevail among some of my fine fellows here in handling vessels in a tide way, so that our collisions are more frequent than they should be, hence more tinkering.

Your stone fleet has arrived, and so far as Savannah is concerned anticipated — besides Tattnall is doing the work for us and I sent to Missroon to get him word if he could, that we would supply him with a half dozen vessels to help his obstructions off Pulaski. I have written to Lardner about the Charleston bar and have ordered the fleet in here in the meantime. They doubt less caused an awful fright in Savannah yesterday and certainly captured Wassaw. It is wonderful how safely they came. One encountered a water spout, which took his sails out of him. One or two got into Tybee just in time to go down. One in a sinking condition was towed to the beach for a breakwater and wharf.

I thought the inside of the Light House had been burnt, by an incendiary, but it was more likely the result of spontaneous combustion. The new frame barracks most comfortable structures were spared. These barracks seem to be holding out imploring looks, to be occupied by our troops! What I write is about our business, but I yearn to see Savannah and Charleston taken — then the neck of the foul thing will be broken.

Davis and Rodgers send their warm regards to you. We are all three excessively busy but very happy.

Yours most truly

S. F. DuPONT

G. V. Fox Esq.

Washington

P.S.

Could you not take a holiday and run down and see us here? You always bring us good luck.

S. F. DP.

I have been told a brigade goes to Beaufort! Glad to hear of any movement, but Beaufort is not Savannah, nor the way to get to it.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 76-8

Commandant Samuel F. DuPont to Gustavus V. Fox, November 15, 1861

Private

Wabash, 15, Nov. 61

Port Royal.     

Dear Mr. Fox,

The Atlantic goes to-morrow to return. She takes my detailed official report and correct map of the battle. Instead of our work wearing away with time, the achievement seems more appreciated by visitors to the forts than ever.

We were rejoiced by O. M. Pettit and Ellen coming in yesterday, they are worth their weight in Gold.

I send you a facsimile of the S. C. Ordinance of Secession with the Cartes de visite of the conspirators, for Mr. Welles, taken from Gen. Drayton's headquarters. We have his military map too, with the forts marked on the rivers &c.

Sherman sent a flag of truce yesterday to a place called the ferry, 7 or 8 miles from Beaufort where I sent his messengers by gun boat. They were cooly recd and it was not wise to send the message. It was elicited by some one a Br [sic] subject asking for protection.

Ought Sherman to have issued a proclamation without my knowledge? I like him but I think Stevens a tortuous man and very smart.

If we were to withdraw our naval and physical protection this army would be prisoners of war in 4 weeks. I don't believe a white man who robs a negro of his subsistence will fight.

Missroon came in to-day, (not his ship) and he has gone off again. I was glad to see him and sent for John Rodgers. The Tybee Isl is fortified and requires a 9-ft draft to approach it and they deem it impossible to put the stone there except under very strong covering with many gunboats, no covering with the frigates. We can put the vessels on the outer bar and you can send them here. I will see further tomorrow.

Curlew must go home. It would be throwing away 45000$ to give that for her. Watmough is grieved at losing his command but in character with himself pronounces her unfit. Will you say to Mr. Welles and to yrself that I would esteem it a particular favor if you will give Lt. Watmough a Gunboat and send him out immediately to me?

I look upon him as the first man afloat of his age — he will be very important.

Connecticut in to day—R Island yesterday. I will write an official letter about Beaufort. Waiting for soldiers to go to Fernandina. I doubt if they dare leave. I think I can hold it with the Marines. Very tired. Excuse this hurried letter.

Ever yrs faithfully

S. F. DP.

I asked Sherman to call Fort Walker, Fort Welles. I think he will do it. Davis saw this fort for the first time yesterday and says they ought to have whipped us.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 71-3

Commandant Samuel F. DuPont to Gustavus V. Fox, November 11, 1861

Private

Wabash Monday

11 Nov. 61, Port Royal

My Dear Sir—

The Coatzacoalcos goes in the morning — there is nothing very special to add to my letter of yesterday. I send certain letters to explain our operations about Beaufort. I did not have the flag raised in Beaufort, because it may not answer the Genls purpose to hold it — though it was well to show up the Gun-boats for moral effect. I was to have gone up with Sherman today but a fog prevented.

We are all tinkering; the heavy gale caused a good deal of injury in various ways to the smaller vessels.

Our own big job is the Main Mast, it is weakened one third — we are plugging up the holes and the Carpenter thinks he can fix it so as to make it stand in a gale of wind, though it will be a clumsy piece of work. When the ship goes north in the Spring if you will have a new one made she can take it in. We lost main topsail yard, spanker boom, lower boom, topmast &c. Those rifle 80 prs have the wickedest whistle I ever heard, how we all escaped on that Bridge I cannot conceive.

I concluded to send Vandalia North to fulfil my promise to the crew, & we have helped ourselves out of her — her two 8 in guns I have given to the Isaac Smith, & provisions & ammunition also have been taken from her. I am painfully impressed with the worthlessness of Sailing vessels since I have got to work out here — See the reports of the Sabine sent by this mail!! he has been a month in the Station. The Dale came in the day before our action & I packed her off to pick up coal Ships & go back to her Station. The Q^rMaster has given me some 80 000 gals of water & I am sending the Steamer which has it in out to Georgetown — Sending Alabama in the meantime to Georgetown — but I hear the Flag is off with Rodgers, Lardner having sent her to repair, the bottom of the boiler having come out.

I am exceedingly anxious to get away to Fernandina, for I see the old Story coming on me, viz the soldiers will absorb the fleet if I do not look out—if I can get through that and some other points perhaps St. Helena, I can come back here & make a station of it.

Will you please hurry back Steadman & not let him wait for all the ammunition asked for if it be not ready?

I do not intend to send vessels North if I can help it — I can make out here for water, but there are so many repairs required to ship, boats, & Engines, that if you could send down a certain number of ship Carpenters and Mechanics in iron, I think it would be economical I am sure, of course I mean shipped men—

Please let us have Pilot boats too, Davis says the G. W. Blunt. We should make the Pilot by the general rules I suppose. A Tug also if you please. The Mercury has paid for herself already — the Forbes is invaluable.

If you will give me Tuscarora & two new Gunboats, you may have Sabine, St. Lawrence, & Vandalia, 130 guns for twenty.

The magnitude of our operation is growing upon me & the blow is ringing all over the Southern country — the Planters talk of burning their cotton — and as this is the only sinew of war with them, the sooner they go at it the better.

I am at work at my detailed report of the action, with correct drawings of the order of battle &c which may some day go to the Naval School. The sketch I sent you is not critically, but generally correct. I will send my report by Atlantic in two or three days, in full time for Secretary's report or to go with the Documents.

When you can find leisure to give me a private note do so. You can take the credit of this business to any extent yr visit to New York put me upon it. It turns out Bulls bay is very defensible & not much after you take it. I think poor old Tattnall & Co must feel mean. Please make my regards to Mr Montgr Blair & to Mr Blair Senior, the latter so correctly looked forward for some naval results to help on the war on our side, that I hope he will be gratified but we must not stop here. I think the capture of the Forts was clever, but I think also the getting on the Wabash was cleverer.

Confidential.

I have one misgiving — our army here are depredators & freebooters — they are robbing as at Hampton in all directions, & robbing the poor negroes too, for all sheep, poultry, sweet potatoe patches &c belonging to them, & they are our friends, they will soon be disgusted & become our enemies — Sherman is a soldier every inch of him, whether he can be a commander in chief remains to be seen he is as much disgusted at what I mentioned as I am. They have not commenced an intrenchment! & to us people look like a mere rabble— they have commenced a wharf at my request for they are very kind to me & I think all the generals would do any thing in the world to oblige me.

I saw Sherman yesterday & hurried him up about Fernandina and I earnestly begged him to put a stop to the plundering — & shoot if necessary.

Davis & Rodgers send their regards, they are great helps to me and Preston an extraordinary young man— Raymond Rodgers is even above his reputation.

Ever yrs faithfully

S. F. Dupont.

G. V. Fox Esq.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 67-70

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, June 25, 1862

Headquarters 1st Division,

Battery Island, June 25th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

I have received your kind letters with their urgent requests from both you and Lilly to be present at the great affair which is to take place in July. How I would like to be there, you can well divine, yet the fates never seem to favor my leaving my post. With all quiet in Beaufort I had my hopes, with all in turmoil here my chances seem but small, and yet there are some who have not been half the time in the service I have, who have visited their homes once, twice, and are now going home again. That is a sort of luck some people have, a sort of luck which does not favor me. Yet there will be a time I suppose when it will be pleasant to remember I was never absent from duty, though I cannot see that strictness in such respects is held in any special honor now. You must tell Lilly I will think of her with all a brother's feeling of love, when the day comes. I will see that I am properly represented at the table which bears her marriage gifts. I will dream of the orange flowers that bind the brow of the bride and will wish them — the bride and groom —  God speed. I will wish them a brave career, and will rejoice that they do not fear to face the future together. I have no patience with that excessive prudence which would barter the blessings of youth and happiness and love, for some silly hope of wealth, and the happiness wealth can give to hearts seared with selfishness and avarice. If misfortunes come, will they be heavier when borne together? And are men less likely to prosper when they have something more than themselves for which to toil? And when one man and one woman are brave enough to show they have no fear, but are willing to trust, "Bravo!" say I, "and God grant them all that they deserve."

My coat and pants have come. All very well, only the coat is about six inches bigger round the waist than I am. There are tailors around the camp though who can remedy so excellent though rather ungraceful a fault.

I have had a letter from Hall lately, who seems quite happy. On this island, dear Mother, there are secret, hidden, insidious foes which undermine one's happiness. We are truly in the midst of enemies which give no quarter, whose ruthless tastes blood alone can satisfy. Now I am not alluding to the human "Seceshers" — they are only mortal — but the insect kingdom. What a taste they have for Union blood! Mosquito bars are useless. They form breaches, and pierce every obstruction imagination can invent, when they once scent Union blood. Flies march over one in heavy Battalions — whole pounds of them at a time. Mosquitoes go skirmishing about and strike at every exposed position. Sandflies make the blood flow copiously. Fleas form in Squadrons which go careering over one's body leaving all havoc behind. Ticks get into one's hair. Ants creep into one's stockings. Grasshoppers jump over one's face. You turn and brush your face. You writhe in agony. You quit a couch peopled with living horrors. You cry for mercy! — In vain. These critters are "Secesh." They give no quarter. You rush wildly about. You look for the last ditch. Until utterly exhausted you sink into unrefreshing sleep. Then begins a wild scene of pillage. Millions of thirsty beings, longing for blood, drink out one's life gluttonously. Enough! Why harass you with these dismal stories?

Benham has been sent home under arrest. The last thing he did on leaving Hilton Head was to lie. He doubtless has not discontinued the practice since.

My love to Mary and Lilly, the little boys (how I would like to see them), and all my dear friends. I have been several times with a flag of truce to the enemy, concerning our prisoners in their hands. In all these interviews I heard of Sam Lord. I wished to see him very much, but permission was not granted. I was allowed, however, to write him concerning Miss Alice Mintzing's welfare. The Colonel of his Battalion — Lamar — was badly wounded in our late engagement. Genl. Stevens has mentioned me handsomely in his official report of the fight, but he has done the same to all his staff.

Very affec'y. your Son,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 160-2

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, May 28, 1862

Beaufort, S. C. May 28th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

After 12 o'clock at night, and the certainty of a fatiguing day to-morrow, to be followed still by days in which sleep will be but stingily indulged in — so I must write briefly. At length a prospect is before us of active service. The long dreamed of time has arrived, and the word "Onward to Charleston" has been spoken. Unless a steamer arrives to-morrow from the North, which shall utterly change all plans, on Friday we will make our start. The same steamer that takes you this will likewise make known to you my fate. I trust I may write you from Charleston. The plan of attack is Benham's. Hunter only suffers it. Capt. Elliott is off to-night to destroy the railroad communication between Charleston and Savannah. He is our principal dependence when anything desperate is to be wisely done.

Multitudes of farewell kisses for yourself, sisters, the little boys, and others claiming love, and the kindest remembrances to Hunt, Tom, Walter, Horace, Sam and others.

Good-bye, dear Mother.

Affec'y.,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 149