2 The Rev. George B. Cheever, author of God Against Slavery (1857); George William Curtis, now attacking slavery in his speeches and writings.
SOURCE: Allan Nevins and Milton Halset Thomas, Editors, Diary of George Templeton Strong, Vol. 3, p. 3-4
2 The Rev. George B. Cheever, author of God Against Slavery (1857); George William Curtis, now attacking slavery in his speeches and writings.
SOURCE: Allan Nevins and Milton Halset Thomas, Editors, Diary of George Templeton Strong, Vol. 3, p. 3-4
For four or five
days, we have had as beautiful weather here as can be had anywhere out of Eden.
We shall have a
crowded week; public business pressing, which can hardly be postponed without
arresting the wheels of Government; private claims urging attention, and
seeking any sleepy mood of the House to steal in and get something from the
full pockets of Uncle Sam; and members, tired, disgusted, and homesick,
deserting their seats, and going home. In some States, the elections will come
on very soon; and such of the members as are candidates will feel too anxious
about their own private political fortunes to stay longer and attend to the
public business. It will be a most deplorable sight, such combinations of
selfish interests, and such dissolving of combinations whenever new interests
intervene. It is a sad spectacle, I assure you; but I am telling tales out of
school.
It is twelve
o'clock. One week from this hour, no matter what is going on, an orator in the
midst of a speech, or the Speaker himself with a vote but half declared, as
soon as twelve o'clock comes, down will come the hammer, and this session of
Congress will be adjourned. Let it come!
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 333-4
WASHINGTON, December
4, 1849.
MY DEAR SON,—I left
home the first of last month, which throughout was a most delightful one, and,
after passing two or three weeks in Philadelphia, New York, and Baltimore,
arrived here last Saturday, the 1st instant. My presence in those cities
excited the usual enthusiasm among my friends, and the customary fatigue, etc.,
to myself; but I rejoice that my health is good, with the exception of a bad
cold, which I hope is passing off. I have not yet seen the President, although
I called yesterday and left my card. I have seen Mr. Ewing, and other members
of the Cabinet have left their cards. Up to this time there is no organization
of the House, which is in a very curious state. Neither party has a majority,
and divisions exist in each; so that no one can foresee the final issue. The
elections this year have gone very unfavorably to the Whigs, and without some
favorable turn in public affairs in their favor, they must lose the ascendency.
I received Susan's
letter of the 19th October and yours of the 5th November, and the perusal of
them afforded me satisfaction. I observe what you say about Mr. Hopkins' kind
treatment of you. He has gone home, but if I should ever see him, I will
manifest to him my sense of his friendly disposition toward you. I am
acquainted with him as a former member of the House of Representatives. I shall
seize some suitable occasion to examine your dispatches at the Department of
State, and I am glad that you entertain confidence in your competency to
discharge the duties of your official position. That is a very proper feeling,
within legitimate bounds; but it should not lead to any relaxation of exertions
to obtain all information within your reach, and to qualify yourself by all
means in your power to fulfill all your official obligations. How do you get
along without a knowledge of the French language? Are you acquiring it?
I have heard from
home frequently since I left it. John had taken a short hunt in the mountains,
but returned without much success. Thomas had gone down the Ohio to see about
the saw mill, and is still there. All were well. Dr. Jacobs is now here from
Louisville. His brother with his wife have gone to Missouri, where he has
purchased another farm. You have said nothing, nor did Susan, about Henry Clay
or Thomas Jacobs.
Give my love to
Susan and all your children, and to the boys. I will write to her as soon as I
am a little relieved from company, etc.
I hope you will
adhere to your good resolution of living within your salary. From what you
state about your large establishment, I am afraid that you will exceed that
prudent limit. How did your predecessor in that particular? I believe he was
not a man of any wealth.
SOURCE: Calvin
Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 590-1
WASHINGTON, December
15, 1849.
MY DEAR SUSAN,—I
received and read with great pleasure your letter of the 19th of October. All
its details of information were agreeable to me, and I hope you will continue
to write to me and to communicate every thing, the minutest circumstance concerning
yourself or your dear family. I have taken apartments at the National Hotel (a
parlor and bed-room adjoining), for the winter. I have an excellent valet, a
freeman, and I am as comfortable as I can be. No advance has been yet made in
Congress, in the public business, owing to the House, from its divided
condition, being yet unable to elect a Speaker. When that will be done is
uncertain; but I suppose from the absolute necessity of the case there will be,
before long, one chosen.
I have been treated
with much consideration by the President and most of his Cabinet; but I have
had yet no very confidential intercourse with the President. I dined with him
this week, and I have been invited to dine with two members of the Cabinet, but
declined on account of a very bad cold. Mr. Clayton sent, me James' diplomatic
note to the Portuguese minister on the case of the General Armstrong, with the
inclosed note from himself. James' note has been well spoken of by the Attorney-General
to me, and I think it creditable. There are some clerical inaccuracies in it,
which ought to be avoided in future copies of his official notes. James might
have added, in respect to the practice of impressment, that "the
Portuguese Secretary, in volunteering a sanction of it, has extended the
British claim, now become obsolete, beyond any limit to which it was ever
asserted by Great Britain herself, she never having pretended that she could
exercise the practice within the Territorial jurisdiction of a third or neutral
power, or any where but on the high seas or in her own ports."
I understood from
Clayton that it was intended by the President to submit to Congress the conduct
of the Portuguese Government, without recommending, at present, any measure of
coercion. It is desirable to get the answer to James' note, as soon as
practicable, if one be returned.
I have heard from
Ashland as late as the 10th instant. All the whites were well; but there had
been a number of cases of small-pox in Lexington, and one of our black men had
caught it, but he was getting well. Think of your present enjoyment of a
delightful climate and tropical fruits, when there fell at Lexington on the
10th instant, a snow six or eight inches deep!
Your brother, the
Doctor, has returned to Louisville. You said nothing in your letter to me about
Thomas, Henry Clay, or my dear Lucy, and your other children. Is Henry going to
school and where?
I believe I did not
mention in my former letters to James that Lucretia Erwin has determined to
take the black vail.
I send herewith a
letter from Mary Ann's husband. My love to James and to all the family.
SOURCE: Calvin
Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 591-3
MR. BROWN said he
had taken no part in the debates on the question of admitting the delegate from
New Mexico, nor did he intend to participate in this discussion at any great
length.
The honorable
gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Gentry] had announced the principle which had
governed his vote in favor of Mr. Smith, as a delegate from New Mexico, and had
informed us that he should govern himself by the same principle in voting for
Mr. Babbit, the delegate from Deseret. To the correctness of the honorable
gentleman's theory, Mr. B. made no sort of objection, and if the theory was
applicable to the matter in hand, he should be found voting with the gentleman
from Tennessee.
The honorable
gentleman says, it is a part of the early theory of our government, that,
whenever you govern a people, you should grant them representation. No one
could mistake the meaning of the gentleman. He meant to assimilate this case to
that of our colonial forefathers, and to assume that, as they complained with
justice of the British Crown for governing them without giving them
representation, the people in New Mexico and Deseret may justly make the same
complaint of us. The colonies were governed. The Crown sent them governors,
secretaries, judges and tax-gatherers. It required the acts of their local
legislatures to be sent home for approval. It governed them with most despotic
sway; but do we govern New Mexico and Deseret? How, sir, in what manner have we
governed these territories? We have steadily refused them all governments. The
ægis of our protection has not been extended over them. We have sent them
neither governors, secretaries, judges nor tax-gatherers. We have taken no
cognisance of them, or of their condition. This state of things ought not so
long to have existed. It was the solemn duty of Congress to have taken these
people under its care to have extended over them the shield of the Constitution—to
have given them laws and government. It was a reproach to Congress that all
this had been neglected or refused. He (Mr. B.) took his due share of this
general reproach. It had been the misfortune of himself and of others, that
they could not agree on a form of government proper to be granted. It had been
the misfortune of the people who were now seeking this informal admission on
the floor of Congress, that these differences of opinion existed. But were we
on that account to set all precedent at defiance, disregard the law, and
trample the principles of the Constitution under foot? He could not agree to
this. He stood ready now, as he had stood from the beginning, to vote a proper
republican form of government to these territories-to fix for them proper metes
and bounds; and this being done, he should vote for the admission of delegates
from each.
Mr. B. said he
disclaimed all sectional feelings in the votes he was giving. He had taken
ground against the admission of Mr. Smith when he avowed himself a zealous
pro-slavery advocate. He based his opposition then, as now, on the ground that
the laws of the United States and the Constitution had not been extended over
the territory; that no territorial government had been established; that
nothing had been done which gave to New Mexico any legal right to have her
delegate on the floor of Congress. When Mr. Smith changed his position, and to
propitiate certain influences, he turned Free-Soiler, and published a vulgar
tirade against the South, he (Mr. B.) had not changed his position. He voted
against him, as he had originally intended to do. He should now vote against
Mr. Babbit, albeit he was understood to be at least not unfriendly to the
South.
He could not consent
to admit every one to a seat on this floor who comes here and demands
admission. If the people on Tiger Island should send us a delegate, he would
vote against him. If John Ross or Peter Pitchlyn ask admission from the
Choctaws and Cherokees, he would vote against them. If the hunters and trappers
on the Rocky Mountains should send their delegate here, he would vote against
him.
In all this
proceeding he should govern himself by no sectional feeling, but by the
sternest principles. Whenever delegates came here, as they had come in the
earlier and better days of the republic, from Ohio and Mississippi, from
Alabama and Indiana, from Arkansas and Michigan, and, indeed, from all the
territories, he should vote to admit them, and ask no questions as to whether
they or their constituents were for or against slavery.
He would not pursue
this subject. He had risen simply to reply to a remark of his friend from
Tennessee. He feared that the popular idea that government and representation
should go hand in hand, when propagated by a gentleman so distinguished as the
honorable member from Tennessee, and coupled with the question in hand, might
mislead the public mind. He had, therefore, felt bound to point out the clear
distinction between the case before us, and the one assumed by the gentleman to
exist.
He concluded by
repeating that, whenever delegates presented themselves from territories formed
by the United States, and elected according to law, he should vote for their
admission. Beyond this he would not go.
SOURCE: M. W.
Cluskey, Editor, Speeches, Messages, and Other Writings of the Hon.
Albert G. Brown, A Senator in Congress from the State of Mississippi, p. 192-4
Washington, August
10, 1850.
MY DEAR SIR,—So many
things have occupied my attention of late, that I have neglected those I love
most, and am most indebted to. I have no other apology for suffering your
letter to remain so long unanswered.
The cabinet is not
yet full, but will be if Mr. McClelland accepts the Department of the Interior.
They are all sound men, of fair and upright character, sober minds, and
national views. The President himself is a man of sagacity, entire fairness,
and a good deal of vigor.
There is yet to be a
warm contest in the House of Representatives, extremes coöperating as usual.
The southern gentlemen, in number about forty, had a meeting last night. They
resolved to resist, and try to amend the bill for the settlement of the Texan
boundary, but not to make any factious opposition, by calling ayes and noes,
&c. It is probable the bill will pass the House, as it went from the
Senate.
It is hoped the California
bill will get through the Senate on Monday.
All Southern men of
intelligence and fairness, admire your pamphlet, and they intend, in a quiet
way, to give it extensive circulation. The most learned and respectable
clergymen this way, all say the scriptural argument is unanswerable. Badger,
who is learned and discerning in such things, particularly admires it. I shall
join very cordially in an attempt to spread its influence and usefulness. No
matter who, or how many attack you. If they will only quote you fairly, you
have nothing to fear. But some periodicals, calling themselves religious, have
an abominable habit of misrepresenting an adversary's statements and arguments.
I am rather ashamed
of my change of position.1 I fear I've come from home; but here I
am, and shall do as well as I can. I have great occasion to be thankful for
excellent health. Yours, with affectionate regard,
SOURCE: Fletcher
Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol.
2, p. 383-4
FEB. 18.
In the House, this
morning, a resolution was offered to direct the Committee on Territories to
bring in a bill for the admission of California. The Southern men were foolish
enough to commence an opposition, not merely to the measure, but to every
thing; that is, to attempt to stop the wheels of Government, to prevent us from
doing any thing, by a perpetual call for the yeas and nays; thus taking up all
time, and suspending all business. It is a resolution on the part of the South
to prevent the Government from doing any thing at all, if it attempts to do
what they object to. It is a revolutionary proceeding,—revolution
without force; but it may come to force elsewhere.
It shows what an
excited state of feeling the South is in; and it furnishes us with an
opportunity, which I trust we shall improve, to show our firmness. It was the
worst possible issue for them to make, and one on which I do not believe they
can defend themselves, even at home. Do not be alarmed for me. I shall take
care of myself, and sleep and eat as usual.
FEB. 19.
The opposition, and
the calling for yeas and nays, motions to adjourn, excusing men from
voting, &c., continued till twelve o'clock at night; when the
Speaker declared that Monday was at an end, and that the debate on the
resolution ended with it. This allowed us to go home to bed. It was an exciting
time. Members were very good-natured on the surface; but there was a deep
feeling underneath.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 292
December 2. Our caucus last night was good-tempered and sensible. The only matter decided was that the members of the House don't want the appointments made for political reasons to be confirmed. Committees were appointed to report as to business hereafter.—I room and board at the old place.
SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and
Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 35-6
We have been going
the same rounds, in attempting to choose a Clerk, which occupied us three weeks
before we chose a Speaker. It is most irksome business, and cuts away all the
ties that bind me to office.
We have just this
minute elected a Clerk from Tennessee. He is a Southerner, but as
unobjectionable as any Southerner can be. He does not hold slaves; but he was
once a member of Congress, and voted with the slave-party through and through.
I have not voted for him at all, though he is a Whig. We had an exciting time
at the close of the voting, and before the vote was declared. The Southern
Democrats, seeing how near he was to being elected, came over to him one after
another, and at last gave him just enough. That is the way. They are always
more true to slavery than to Democracy. It is a good result; but I am rejoiced
that I did not help to bring it about. During the whole voting, the Northern
Whigs came round me, and some of our Massachusetts men too, and urged and
besought me to change my vote. At one moment, when only one more vote was
wanted, forty men turned bescechingly to my seat. I shook my head at them all;
and at that moment a Southern man on the other side of the House jumped up, and
changed his vote. This settled it.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p.
286-7
WASHINGTON, D. C., May 10, 1866.
DEAREST: We had good speaking in the House yesterday and the day before. The look of things is very favorable.
I sat this morning at breakfast opposite an agreeable lady-like-looking young woman with a rather unmanageable, troublesome four-year-old. I was interested in her and it set me to thinking. The result was an impression that I am really more in love with my wife than I ever was before! Object? . . . Love to the bairns all.
WASHINGTON, D. C., February 4, 1866.
MY DEAR MOTHER:— We have had very beautiful winter weather these last few days. We enjoy life very much now. As to what is called gaiety, we take little part in it. It is simply tedious to me. We have been out only twice in that line. Once to Secretary Harlan's reception, and one night to General Grant's first reception, and the same night to Senator Sherman's. General Grant's was very enjoyable from the large numbers of noticeable [notable (?)] people to look at. I have always wanted to be the first, the very first at a big party. I never heard of anybody who was first. We did it at Grant's. There were a goodly number of ladies and gentlemen in the clothing-rooms all waiting for somebody to break the ice. Lucy and I hurried off our things and got down first. It was right jolly. General and Mrs. Grant, a sister, and a staff officer's wife [were] waiting anxiously for an attack. We charged and had a good merry time of it all to ourselves.
Lucy goes to the House daily. Finds it very pleasant in all respects.
I hope Uncle is in better health. He will be interested in knowing that I find my Fine Arts Committee a very interesting one. The members all attend promptly and say it is the most interesting committee they ever belonged to. We have artists of all shades, learned professors, and book men before us, explaining their projects at every meeting, etc., etc.
We organized the
House according to programme. Mr. Brooks, [Democrat,] of New York, undertook to
make some opposition but the previous question settled him. Brooks is a
pleasant speaker, and a gentlemanly, agreeable man, judging by appearances.
Thad Stevens, grim-looking, cool, with a ready wit, perfect courage, and the
sort of independence which long experience, assured position, and seventy years
of age gives an able man. He seems to be leader of the House.
WASHINGTON, D. C.,
December 11, 1865.
DEAR UNCLE:— We get on smoothly and pleasantly. Our house
committees [have been announced]. I left to chance the matter of important
committees. The great number of our party left small chance for new members on
important committees. I am on one of the tolerably important lawyers'
committees, viz., Land Claims. I am chairman of the Library Committee. It is
one of the no-account committees in a public sense, but has some private
interest. It is a joint committee of which half are Senators; then, they are all
gentlemen and scholars. It brings one in association with the bookish. All
matters of art, statuary, painting, and the like go to this committee. It gives
me personally the control in a great measure of the fine Botonical [sic] Garden with its greenhouses, etc.,
etc., an educated gardener and twelve assistants, with the whole bouquet
business. A funny sort of thing for me, but very nice and no labor worth
mentioning. This is for your private contemplation. The dodge is rather a lucky
one as I now see it.
SOURCE: Charles
Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard
Hayes, Volume 3, p. 10-11
Today the
credentials of Mr. Maynard and other claimants to seats from Tennessee were
referred on motion of Mr. Raymond to the Joint Committee of Fifteen, proposed
by the Stevens resolutions. Several attempts were made which by implication
gave them some official recognition. These the Union men with a few exceptions
voted against, and [they] were all defeated. A motion was then carried by the
vote of all except thirty-five Union men to admit these gentlemen under a
resolution containing no allusion to their official character, making it purely
a courtesy on the part of the House. For this I voted. Seeing there was
division among the Ohio and other Union members, I voted to lay it on the
table, thinking a little delay and consultation would lead to entire unanimity.
The first thing is to keep together, united and harmonious. I am glad to see
that this duty is generally recognized.
SOURCE: Charles
Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard
Hayes, Volume 3, p. 11
Wilson, Chairman
Judiciary [Committee], called up Kelley's bill, providing for universal
suffrage (colored) in [the] District of Columbia. Several speeches [were] made.
Judge Schofield, of Pennsylvania, made a shrewd and pithy speech. Judge Kelley
delivered an offhand brilliant speech. Elocution and rhetoric have evidently
been pet studies with him. A very effective, fine thing.
Evening. Caucus
decided against the bill of Kelley, preferring qualified to universal suffrage.
Universal suffrage is sound in principle. The radical element is right. I was
pleased, however, that the despotism of the committees and the older members
was rebuked. The Suffrage Bill ought not to have been pressed in advance of
other and far more important business. The rights of the majority as against
committees and leaders have gained. Much confusion and some feeling. Mr.
Stevens quite angry; said he would vote against qualified suffrage; preferred
no bill at all! The signs of harmony are more hopeful.
SOURCE: Charles
Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard
Hayes, Volume 3, p. 12-13
Members of the House
are entitled to some perquisites: All the back numbers of the Congressional
Globe, a small library of some value; seventy dollars for stationery; fifty
dollars for newspapers for this session, and twenty-four copies of the
Congressional Globe for the Congress of which he is a member.
A caucus of the Ohio
Union delegation held at Mr. Delano's rooms tonight. Present: Ashley, Bingham,
Buckland, Bundy, Clark, Delano, Eggleston, Garfield, Hayes, Hubbell, Lawrence,
Plants, Schenck, Shellabarger, Spalding, and Welker. Absent, Eckley. It was our
first, and a very agreeable and harmonious, meeting. Mr. Delano, chairman,
stated the object to be to consult as to candidates for the offices of the
House of Representatives, and as to matters connected with the organization of
the House. It was agreed to support Mr. Colfax for Speaker and Mr. McPherson
for Clerk, they being the old officers and having no opposition. Much talk
about the candidates for doorkeeper. One, Mr. Hawkins Taylor, seemed to have
many friends. It was, however, stated that he sold out the Chase committee. Mr.
Clark made two or three zealous talks in his favor. Mr. Ashley made some sport
by allusions to the Chase business. Spalding in earnest opposed him on that
account. Schenck talked earnestly and well—evidently the leading man of the
delegation. Spalding talked well also, but was unwilling to be bound by the
action of the delegation until his candidate for postmaster was provided for.
We then all agreed to support Colonel Given for postmaster.
We agreed to oppose
the admission of any delegate from the Rebel States for the present. Ashley is
a large, good-natured, popular style of man-full of good humor. Shellabarger, a
sober, gentlemanly, able man; General Garfield, a smooth, ready, pleasant man,
not very strong; Clark, disposed to talk rather too much; Lawrence, ditto, and
not quite happy in his views; Delano, clear and correct; Hubbell, talky.
Schenck, Delano, Spalding, and Shellabarger, in the order I name them, strike
me, judging by tonight, as the strongest men. Bingham and Ashley said so little
that I can't place them.
General Schenck gave
notice that he would propose an amendment on the first opportunity by which
representation would be based on suffrage. All seemed to acquiesce. On General
Schenck's suggestion I offered the resolution, with educational test or
condition added. Adopted with two negatives, viz., Ashley and Shellabarger.
My old college
friend, R. E. Trowbridge [of Michigan], came bouncing into the caucus in his
old jovial way to welcome me. Very little change in him.
There was a Cabinet-meeting last evening. The President had matured a
scheme which he hoped would be successful in promoting peace. It was a
proposition for paying the expenses of the war for two hundred days, or four
hundred millions, to the Rebel States, to be for the extinguishment of slavery,
or for such purpose as the States were disposed. This in few words was the
scheme. It did not meet with favor, but was dropped. The earnest desire of the
President to conciliate and effect peace was manifest, but there may be such a
thing as so overdoing as to cause a distrust or adverse feeling. In the present
temper of Congress the proposed measure, if a wise one, could not be carried
through successfully.
I do not think the scheme could accomplish any good results. The Rebels
would misconstrue it if the offer was made. If attempted and defeated it would
do harm.
The vote of to-day in the House on the renewed effort of Winter Davis to
put the Navy Department in commission was decided against him. He and his
associates had intrigued skillfully. They relied on the Democrats going with
them in any measure against the Administration, and, having succeeded in
rebuking Seward for his conduct of our foreign affairs in not conforming to
their views, Davis and his friends now felt confident that they could
indirectly admonish me. But a portion of the Democrats became aware of the
intrigue, and declined to be made the instruments of the faction. It seems
to have been a sore disappointment.