Congressman Horace Mann, September 23, 1850

For four or five days, we have had as beautiful weather here as can be had anywhere out of Eden.

We shall have a crowded week; public business pressing, which can hardly be postponed without arresting the wheels of Government; private claims urging attention, and seeking any sleepy mood of the House to steal in and get something from the full pockets of Uncle Sam; and members, tired, disgusted, and homesick, deserting their seats, and going home. In some States, the elections will come on very soon; and such of the members as are candidates will feel too anxious about their own private political fortunes to stay longer and attend to the public business. It will be a most deplorable sight, such combinations of selfish interests, and such dissolving of combinations whenever new interests intervene. It is a sad spectacle, I assure you; but I am telling tales out of school.

It is twelve o'clock. One week from this hour, no matter what is going on, an orator in the midst of a speech, or the Speaker himself with a vote but half declared, as soon as twelve o'clock comes, down will come the hammer, and this session of Congress will be adjourned. Let it come!

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 333-4

Senator Henry Clay to James B. Clay, December 4, 1849

WASHINGTON, December 4, 1849.

MY DEAR SON,—I left home the first of last month, which throughout was a most delightful one, and, after passing two or three weeks in Philadelphia, New York, and Baltimore, arrived here last Saturday, the 1st instant. My presence in those cities excited the usual enthusiasm among my friends, and the customary fatigue, etc., to myself; but I rejoice that my health is good, with the exception of a bad cold, which I hope is passing off. I have not yet seen the President, although I called yesterday and left my card. I have seen Mr. Ewing, and other members of the Cabinet have left their cards. Up to this time there is no organization of the House, which is in a very curious state. Neither party has a majority, and divisions exist in each; so that no one can foresee the final issue. The elections this year have gone very unfavorably to the Whigs, and without some favorable turn in public affairs in their favor, they must lose the ascendency.

I received Susan's letter of the 19th October and yours of the 5th November, and the perusal of them afforded me satisfaction. I observe what you say about Mr. Hopkins' kind treatment of you. He has gone home, but if I should ever see him, I will manifest to him my sense of his friendly disposition toward you. I am acquainted with him as a former member of the House of Representatives. I shall seize some suitable occasion to examine your dispatches at the Department of State, and I am glad that you entertain confidence in your competency to discharge the duties of your official position. That is a very proper feeling, within legitimate bounds; but it should not lead to any relaxation of exertions to obtain all information within your reach, and to qualify yourself by all means in your power to fulfill all your official obligations. How do you get along without a knowledge of the French language? Are you acquiring it?

I have heard from home frequently since I left it. John had taken a short hunt in the mountains, but returned without much success. Thomas had gone down the Ohio to see about the saw mill, and is still there. All were well. Dr. Jacobs is now here from Louisville. His brother with his wife have gone to Missouri, where he has purchased another farm. You have said nothing, nor did Susan, about Henry Clay or Thomas Jacobs.

Give my love to Susan and all your children, and to the boys. I will write to her as soon as I am a little relieved from company, etc.

I hope you will adhere to your good resolution of living within your salary. From what you state about your large establishment, I am afraid that you will exceed that prudent limit. How did your predecessor in that particular? I believe he was not a man of any wealth.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 590-1

Senator Henry Clay to Susan Jacob Clay, December 15, 1849

WASHINGTON, December 15, 1849.

MY DEAR SUSAN,—I received and read with great pleasure your letter of the 19th of October. All its details of information were agreeable to me, and I hope you will continue to write to me and to communicate every thing, the minutest circumstance concerning yourself or your dear family. I have taken apartments at the National Hotel (a parlor and bed-room adjoining), for the winter. I have an excellent valet, a freeman, and I am as comfortable as I can be. No advance has been yet made in Congress, in the public business, owing to the House, from its divided condition, being yet unable to elect a Speaker. When that will be done is uncertain; but I suppose from the absolute necessity of the case there will be, before long, one chosen.

I have been treated with much consideration by the President and most of his Cabinet; but I have had yet no very confidential intercourse with the President. I dined with him this week, and I have been invited to dine with two members of the Cabinet, but declined on account of a very bad cold. Mr. Clayton sent, me James' diplomatic note to the Portuguese minister on the case of the General Armstrong, with the inclosed note from himself. James' note has been well spoken of by the Attorney-General to me, and I think it creditable. There are some clerical inaccuracies in it, which ought to be avoided in future copies of his official notes. James might have added, in respect to the practice of impressment, that "the Portuguese Secretary, in volunteering a sanction of it, has extended the British claim, now become obsolete, beyond any limit to which it was ever asserted by Great Britain herself, she never having pretended that she could exercise the practice within the Territorial jurisdiction of a third or neutral power, or any where but on the high seas or in her own ports."

I understood from Clayton that it was intended by the President to submit to Congress the conduct of the Portuguese Government, without recommending, at present, any measure of coercion. It is desirable to get the answer to James' note, as soon as practicable, if one be returned.

I have heard from Ashland as late as the 10th instant. All the whites were well; but there had been a number of cases of small-pox in Lexington, and one of our black men had caught it, but he was getting well. Think of your present enjoyment of a delightful climate and tropical fruits, when there fell at Lexington on the 10th instant, a snow six or eight inches deep!

Your brother, the Doctor, has returned to Louisville. You said nothing in your letter to me about Thomas, Henry Clay, or my dear Lucy, and your other children. Is Henry going to school and where?

I believe I did not mention in my former letters to James that Lucretia Erwin has determined to take the black vail.

I send herewith a letter from Mary Ann's husband. My love to James and to all the family.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 591-3

 

Congressman Albert G. Brown’s Speech on the Delegate from New Mexico, July 19, 1850

SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JULY 19, 1850, ON THE ADMISSION OF THE DELEGATE FROM NEW MEXICO IN ADVANCE OF HER TERRITORIAL ORGANIZATION.

MR. BROWN said he had taken no part in the debates on the question of admitting the delegate from New Mexico, nor did he intend to participate in this discussion at any great length.

The honorable gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Gentry] had announced the principle which had governed his vote in favor of Mr. Smith, as a delegate from New Mexico, and had informed us that he should govern himself by the same principle in voting for Mr. Babbit, the delegate from Deseret. To the correctness of the honorable gentleman's theory, Mr. B. made no sort of objection, and if the theory was applicable to the matter in hand, he should be found voting with the gentleman from Tennessee.

The honorable gentleman says, it is a part of the early theory of our government, that, whenever you govern a people, you should grant them representation. No one could mistake the meaning of the gentleman. He meant to assimilate this case to that of our colonial forefathers, and to assume that, as they complained with justice of the British Crown for governing them without giving them representation, the people in New Mexico and Deseret may justly make the same complaint of us. The colonies were governed. The Crown sent them governors, secretaries, judges and tax-gatherers. It required the acts of their local legislatures to be sent home for approval. It governed them with most despotic sway; but do we govern New Mexico and Deseret? How, sir, in what manner have we governed these territories? We have steadily refused them all governments. The ægis of our protection has not been extended over them. We have sent them neither governors, secretaries, judges nor tax-gatherers. We have taken no cognisance of them, or of their condition. This state of things ought not so long to have existed. It was the solemn duty of Congress to have taken these people under its care to have extended over them the shield of the Constitution—to have given them laws and government. It was a reproach to Congress that all this had been neglected or refused. He (Mr. B.) took his due share of this general reproach. It had been the misfortune of himself and of others, that they could not agree on a form of government proper to be granted. It had been the misfortune of the people who were now seeking this informal admission on the floor of Congress, that these differences of opinion existed. But were we on that account to set all precedent at defiance, disregard the law, and trample the principles of the Constitution under foot? He could not agree to this. He stood ready now, as he had stood from the beginning, to vote a proper republican form of government to these territories-to fix for them proper metes and bounds; and this being done, he should vote for the admission of delegates from each.

Mr. B. said he disclaimed all sectional feelings in the votes he was giving. He had taken ground against the admission of Mr. Smith when he avowed himself a zealous pro-slavery advocate. He based his opposition then, as now, on the ground that the laws of the United States and the Constitution had not been extended over the territory; that no territorial government had been established; that nothing had been done which gave to New Mexico any legal right to have her delegate on the floor of Congress. When Mr. Smith changed his position, and to propitiate certain influences, he turned Free-Soiler, and published a vulgar tirade against the South, he (Mr. B.) had not changed his position. He voted against him, as he had originally intended to do. He should now vote against Mr. Babbit, albeit he was understood to be at least not unfriendly to the South.

He could not consent to admit every one to a seat on this floor who comes here and demands admission. If the people on Tiger Island should send us a delegate, he would vote against him. If John Ross or Peter Pitchlyn ask admission from the Choctaws and Cherokees, he would vote against them. If the hunters and trappers on the Rocky Mountains should send their delegate here, he would vote against him.

In all this proceeding he should govern himself by no sectional feeling, but by the sternest principles. Whenever delegates came here, as they had come in the earlier and better days of the republic, from Ohio and Mississippi, from Alabama and Indiana, from Arkansas and Michigan, and, indeed, from all the territories, he should vote to admit them, and ask no questions as to whether they or their constituents were for or against slavery.

He would not pursue this subject. He had risen simply to reply to a remark of his friend from Tennessee. He feared that the popular idea that government and representation should go hand in hand, when propagated by a gentleman so distinguished as the honorable member from Tennessee, and coupled with the question in hand, might mislead the public mind. He had, therefore, felt bound to point out the clear distinction between the case before us, and the one assumed by the gentleman to exist.

He concluded by repeating that, whenever delegates presented themselves from territories formed by the United States, and elected according to law, he should vote for their admission. Beyond this he would not go.

SOURCE: M. W. Cluskey, Editor, Speeches, Messages, and Other Writings of the Hon. Albert G. Brown, A Senator in Congress from the State of Mississippi, p. 192-4

Daniel Webster to Professor Stuart, August 10, 1850

Washington, August 10, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—So many things have occupied my attention of late, that I have neglected those I love most, and am most indebted to. I have no other apology for suffering your letter to remain so long unanswered.

The cabinet is not yet full, but will be if Mr. McClelland accepts the Department of the Interior. They are all sound men, of fair and upright character, sober minds, and national views. The President himself is a man of sagacity, entire fairness, and a good deal of vigor.

There is yet to be a warm contest in the House of Representatives, extremes coöperating as usual. The southern gentlemen, in number about forty, had a meeting last night. They resolved to resist, and try to amend the bill for the settlement of the Texan boundary, but not to make any factious opposition, by calling ayes and noes, &c. It is probable the bill will pass the House, as it went from the Senate.

It is hoped the California bill will get through the Senate on Monday.

All Southern men of intelligence and fairness, admire your pamphlet, and they intend, in a quiet way, to give it extensive circulation. The most learned and respectable clergymen this way, all say the scriptural argument is unanswerable. Badger, who is learned and discerning in such things, particularly admires it. I shall join very cordially in an attempt to spread its influence and usefulness. No matter who, or how many attack you. If they will only quote you fairly, you have nothing to fear. But some periodicals, calling themselves religious, have an abominable habit of misrepresenting an adversary's statements and arguments.

I am rather ashamed of my change of position.¹ I fear I've come from home; but here I am, and shall do as well as I can. I have great occasion to be thankful for excellent health. Yours, with affectionate regard,

D. WEBSTER.

_______________

¹ Leaving the Senate for the [State] Department.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 383-4

Congressman Horace Mann, February 18, 1850

FEB. 18.

In the House, this morning, a resolution was offered to direct the Committee on Territories to bring in a bill for the admission of California. The Southern men were foolish enough to commence an opposition, not merely to the measure, but to every thing; that is, to attempt to stop the wheels of Government, to prevent us from doing any thing, by a perpetual call for the yeas and nays; thus taking up all time, and suspending all business. It is a resolution on the part of the South to prevent the Government from doing any thing at all, if it attempts to do what they object to. It is a revolutionary proceeding,—revolution without force; but it may come to force elsewhere.

It shows what an excited state of feeling the South is in; and it furnishes us with an opportunity, which I trust we shall improve, to show our firmness. It was the worst possible issue for them to make, and one on which I do not believe they can defend themselves, even at home. Do not be alarmed for me. I shall take care of myself, and sleep and eat as usual.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 291

Congressman Horace Mann, February 19, 1850

FEB. 19.

The opposition, and the calling for yeas and nays, motions to adjourn, excusing men from voting, &c., continued till twelve o'clock at night; when the Speaker declared that Monday was at an end, and that the debate on the resolution ended with it. This allowed us to go home to bed. It was an exciting time. Members were very good-natured on the surface; but there was a deep feeling underneath.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 292

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, December 2, 1866

December 2.  Our caucus last night was good-tempered and sensible. The only matter decided was that the members of the House don't want the appointments made for political reasons to be confirmed. Committees were appointed to report as to business hereafter.—I room and board at the old place.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

S. BIRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 35-6

Congressman Horace Mann, January 11, 1850

We have been going the same rounds, in attempting to choose a Clerk, which occupied us three weeks before we chose a Speaker. It is most irksome business, and cuts away all the ties that bind me to office.

We have just this minute elected a Clerk from Tennessee. He is a Southerner, but as unobjectionable as any Southerner can be. He does not hold slaves; but he was once a member of Congress, and voted with the slave-party through and through. I have not voted for him at all, though he is a Whig. We had an exciting time at the close of the voting, and before the vote was declared. The Southern Democrats, seeing how near he was to being elected, came over to him one after another, and at last gave him just enough. That is the way. They are always more true to slavery than to Democracy. It is a good result; but I am rejoiced that I did not help to bring it about. During the whole voting, the Northern Whigs came round me, and some of our Massachusetts men too, and urged and besought me to change my vote. At one moment, when only one more vote was wanted, forty men turned bescechingly to my seat. I shook my head at them all; and at that moment a Southern man on the other side of the House jumped up, and changed his vote. This settled it.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 286-7

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, May 10, 1866

WASHINGTON, D. C., May 10, 1866.

DEAREST: We had good speaking in the House yesterday and the day before. The look of things is very favorable.

I sat this morning at breakfast opposite an agreeable lady-like-looking young woman with a rather unmanageable, troublesome four-year-old. I was interested in her and it set me to thinking. The result was an impression that I am really more in love with my wife than I ever was before! Object? . . . Love to the bairns all.

Affectionately ever, your

R.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 24

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Sophia Birchard Hayes, February 4, 1866

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 4, 1866.

MY DEAR MOTHER:—  We have had very beautiful winter weather these last few days. We enjoy life very much now. As to what is called gaiety, we take little part in it. It is simply tedious to me. We have been out only twice in that line. Once to Secretary Harlan's reception, and one night to General Grant's first reception, and the same night to Senator Sherman's. General Grant's was very enjoyable from the large numbers of noticeable [notable (?)] people to look at. I have always wanted to be the first, the very first at a big party. I never heard of anybody who was first. We did it at Grant's. There were a goodly number of ladies and gentlemen in the clothing-rooms all waiting for somebody to break the ice. Lucy and I hurried off our things and got down first. It was right jolly. General and Mrs. Grant, a sister, and a staff officer's wife [were] waiting anxiously for an attack. We charged and had a good merry time of it all to ourselves.

Lucy goes to the House daily. Finds it very pleasant in all respects.

I hope Uncle is in better health. He will be interested in knowing that I find my Fine Arts Committee a very interesting one. The members all attend promptly and say it is the most interesting committee they ever belonged to. We have artists of all shades, learned professors, and book men before us, explaining their projects at every meeting, etc., etc.

Affectionately,

R.

MRS. SOPHIA HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 17

Diary of Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes: December 4, 1865

We organized the House according to programme. Mr. Brooks, [Democrat,] of New York, undertook to make some opposition but the previous question settled him. Brooks is a pleasant speaker, and a gentlemanly, agreeable man, judging by appearances. Thad Stevens, grim-looking, cool, with a ready wit, perfect courage, and the sort of independence which long experience, assured position, and seventy years of age gives an able man. He seems to be leader of the House.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 8

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard: December 11, 1865

WASHINGTON, D. C., December 11, 1865.

DEAR UNCLE:—  We get on smoothly and pleasantly. Our house committees [have been announced]. I left to chance the matter of important committees. The great number of our party left small chance for new members on important committees. I am on one of the tolerably important lawyers' committees, viz., Land Claims. I am chairman of the Library Committee. It is one of the no-account committees in a public sense, but has some private interest. It is a joint committee of which half are Senators; then, they are all gentlemen and scholars. It brings one in association with the bookish. All matters of art, statuary, painting, and the like go to this committee. It gives me personally the control in a great measure of the fine Botonical [sic] Garden with its greenhouses, etc., etc., an educated gardener and twelve assistants, with the whole bouquet business. A funny sort of thing for me, but very nice and no labor worth mentioning. This is for your private contemplation. The dodge is rather a lucky one as I now see it.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

S. BIRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 10-11

Diary of Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes: December 12, 1865

Today the credentials of Mr. Maynard and other claimants to seats from Tennessee were referred on motion of Mr. Raymond to the Joint Committee of Fifteen, proposed by the Stevens resolutions. Several attempts were made which by implication gave them some official recognition. These the Union men with a few exceptions voted against, and [they] were all defeated. A motion was then carried by the vote of all except thirty-five Union men to admit these gentlemen under a resolution containing no allusion to their official character, making it purely a courtesy on the part of the House. For this I voted. Seeing there was division among the Ohio and other Union members, I voted to lay it on the table, thinking a little delay and consultation would lead to entire unanimity. The first thing is to keep together, united and harmonious. I am glad to see that this duty is generally recognized.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 11

Diary of Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes: January 10, 1866

Wilson, Chairman Judiciary [Committee], called up Kelley's bill, providing for universal suffrage (colored) in [the] District of Columbia. Several speeches [were] made. Judge Schofield, of Pennsylvania, made a shrewd and pithy speech. Judge Kelley delivered an offhand brilliant speech. Elocution and rhetoric have evidently been pet studies with him. A very effective, fine thing.

Evening. Caucus decided against the bill of Kelley, preferring qualified to universal suffrage. Universal suffrage is sound in principle. The radical element is right. I was pleased, however, that the despotism of the committees and the older members was rebuked. The Suffrage Bill ought not to have been pressed in advance of other and far more important business. The rights of the majority as against committees and leaders have gained. Much confusion and some feeling. Mr. Stevens quite angry; said he would vote against qualified suffrage; preferred no bill at all! The signs of harmony are more hopeful.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 12-13

Diary of Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes: December 1, 1865

Members of the House are entitled to some perquisites: All the back numbers of the Congressional Globe, a small library of some value; seventy dollars for stationery; fifty dollars for newspapers for this session, and twenty-four copies of the Congressional Globe for the Congress of which he is a member.

A caucus of the Ohio Union delegation held at Mr. Delano's rooms tonight. Present: Ashley, Bingham, Buckland, Bundy, Clark, Delano, Eggleston, Garfield, Hayes, Hubbell, Lawrence, Plants, Schenck, Shellabarger, Spalding, and Welker. Absent, Eckley. It was our first, and a very agreeable and harmonious, meeting. Mr. Delano, chairman, stated the object to be to consult as to candidates for the offices of the House of Representatives, and as to matters connected with the organization of the House. It was agreed to support Mr. Colfax for Speaker and Mr. McPherson for Clerk, they being the old officers and having no opposition. Much talk about the candidates for doorkeeper. One, Mr. Hawkins Taylor, seemed to have many friends. It was, however, stated that he sold out the Chase committee. Mr. Clark made two or three zealous talks in his favor. Mr. Ashley made some sport by allusions to the Chase business. Spalding in earnest opposed him on that account. Schenck talked earnestly and well—evidently the leading man of the delegation. Spalding talked well also, but was unwilling to be bound by the action of the delegation until his candidate for postmaster was provided for. We then all agreed to support Colonel Given for postmaster.

We agreed to oppose the admission of any delegate from the Rebel States for the present. Ashley is a large, good-natured, popular style of man-full of good humor. Shellabarger, a sober, gentlemanly, able man; General Garfield, a smooth, ready, pleasant man, not very strong; Clark, disposed to talk rather too much; Lawrence, ditto, and not quite happy in his views; Delano, clear and correct; Hubbell, talky. Schenck, Delano, Spalding, and Shellabarger, in the order I name them, strike me, judging by tonight, as the strongest men. Bingham and Ashley said so little that I can't place them.

General Schenck gave notice that he would propose an amendment on the first opportunity by which representation would be based on suffrage. All seemed to acquiesce. On General Schenck's suggestion I offered the resolution, with educational test or condition added. Adopted with two negatives, viz., Ashley and Shellabarger.

My old college friend, R. E. Trowbridge [of Michigan], came bouncing into the caucus in his old jovial way to welcome me. Very little change in him.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 6-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, February 6, 1865

There was a Cabinet-meeting last evening. The President had matured a scheme which he hoped would be successful in promoting peace. It was a proposition for paying the expenses of the war for two hundred days, or four hundred millions, to the Rebel States, to be for the extinguishment of slavery, or for such purpose as the States were disposed. This in few words was the scheme. It did not meet with favor, but was dropped. The earnest desire of the President to conciliate and effect peace was manifest, but there may be such a thing as so overdoing as to cause a distrust or adverse feeling. In the present temper of Congress the proposed measure, if a wise one, could not be carried through successfully.

I do not think the scheme could accomplish any good results. The Rebels would misconstrue it if the offer was made. If attempted and defeated it would do harm.

The vote of to-day in the House on the renewed effort of Winter Davis to put the Navy Department in commission was decided against him. He and his associates had intrigued skillfully. They relied on the Democrats going with them in any measure against the Administration, and, having succeeded in rebuking Seward for his conduct of our foreign affairs in not conforming to their views, Davis and his friends now felt confident that they could indirectly admonish me. But a portion of the Democrats became aware of the intrigue, and declined to be made the instruments of the faction. It seems to have been a sore disappointment.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 237-8