Senator William Bigler to Robert Tyler, December 16, 1859

SENATE CHAMBER, December 16, 1859.

DEAR TYLER: The excitement seems to abate slightly in Congress, but it is on the rise in nearly every Southern State. The most alarming indication is that the mass of the people, heretofore silent and conservative, are taking the lead in repelling and denouncing the insults and outrages offered at the North. Governor Letcher, who arrived here a day or two since, has given Mr. Hunter a most startling account of the movements among the people in his, the conservative part of Virginia. Nothing has made so much bad blood as the endorsement of the Helper Book, and the attempt now making to promote a man who did this to the responsible station of Speaker of the House. The next most offensive thing is the sympathy manifested for old Brown. It is no longer necessary for fire-eaters to take the lead. They will be obliged to stay the popular indignation rather than lead it. But I have no fear of a separation in Congress. Sherman, if elected, will immediately discard the "Helper Book," and the Southern men will settle down, and then we shall begin to take steps on the presidential question, and adopt our policy; at present, no one seems to talk about the presidency. I agree with you that the "Abolitionists should be denounced, and not the South," and I understand the hint right well; but, sir, I tell you that so often as a Southern senator rises in his place, and falsely assails my constituents, attributing to the Democratic portion "deception and corruption," as did Iverson, I shall denounce the assertion and repel it. It is by submission to outrages of this character that we lose our hold on the North and the respect of the South. Every Southern senator, except Iverson, approves of my action in that matter. Then, sir, as to the general subject, I do not feel at liberty to act the partisan entirely. Party must give way to some respect for the sake of the nation. No man living entertains a more profound aversion to Abolition fanaticism than myself. I regard the leaders of the Abolition party as traitors to the Constitution, and shall so denounce them so soon as excitement recedes a little. But enough; when you come on we shall have a long talk about matters and things in general. Yours truly,

WM. BIGLER.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 555-6

Captain Charles Wright Wills: July 17, 1864

June 17, 1864.

After erecting some good works at Roswell (the best we have yet built), capable of holding at least 25,000 men, we were provided with three days’ rations and cartridges “ad libitum,” for another of what an Augusta paper calls “Sherman leap-frog-like advance.” Our corps is the extreme left of the army. We moved out this morning, our brigade in advance of our division, and Osterhaus and Smith's Divisions following on the Decatur road. Did I tell you in my last among the “locals,” that these Roswell factories have been turning out 35,000 yards per day of jeans, etc., for the Confederate Army, that there is the greatest abundance of blackberries and whortleberries here, that one of the 48th Illinois was drowned in the Chattahoochie while bathing, and that of several hundred factory girls I have seen, hardly one who is passably handsome? Some fine fat ones, and a few neat feet, but they are not “clipper built,” and lack “get up” and “figure heads.”

We moved six miles without meeting a Rebel, and then only a squadron of cavalry that lacked a devilish sight of being “chivalry,” for they more than ran without just cause. We only went two miles farther and then bivouacked. Our brigade was thrown half a mile in front and across the road. We put up a rail barricade across the road and a temporary rail-work along our front, and then abandoned ourselves to the longings of our breadbaskets, and desisted not until every man was in himself a miniature blackberry patch. The boys brought me pint after pint of great black fellows they had picked in the shade of dense woods or on a steep bank, and I assure you they disappeared without an exception. This road, the last 10 days, has been filled with refugee citizens running from the Yankees. An old gentleman in whose yard the reserve pickets have stacked their arms, told me that all the men of his acquaintance over 45 years old are, and always have been, Unionists, and are to-day ready and willing to give up slavery for our cause. I have been a deluded believer in the hoax of fine “Georgia plantations,” but I assure you I am now thoroughly convalescent. I haven't seen five farm houses equal to Mrs. James ———, and only one that showed evidences of taste. That was where I saw the Rebel General Iverson dead among the flowers. The country is all hilly, and the soil, where there is any, is only fit for turnips. The timber is all scrub oak and pine, and some more viney bushes peculiar to the climate.

I notice some of the white moss hanging from the trees, like that there was so much of at Black river. The 16th Corps is on our right moving on a parallel road, and the 23d joins them. I don't know whether our other corps have crossed yet or not.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 280-1

Alfred Iverson* to Howell Cobb, October 17, 1848

Columbus [ga.], Oct. 17, ’48.

Dr. Sir: We are much mortified at the result of the late election in the 2d Dist. I will not stop to explain the causes; but say what is more important, that we shall make the most powerful effort that the party has ever made to increase it in November. I think the whole district is roused up and are at work and will continue to the end. In this county we shall send our strongest men into every district and ride from house to house the week before the election and see every Democrat and arrange to bring out every one to the polls. We are also writing to our leading men in the other counties and sending out missionaries. Maj. Howard starts next week to Irwin and will remain until after the election, and will visit Lowndes, Ware, Appling and Telfair also. A company are also to go out from Albany to the same region. I think we shall swell our majority in the dist. from 100 to 200 over Wellborn's¹ vote.

There is more defection in our ranks than I or anyone supposed a month ago, but nevertheless things are getting better, and most of the recusants will come back or not vote [at] all.

We cannot but consider the State as doubtful, however, and unless the most powerful exertions are made, we shall lose it. Had you not better go up to Lumpkin and Union a week before the election and traverse the country and aid in bringing out the full vote? These counties did not do well in Oct. They ought to do better by at least 100 votes in Nov. The 5th Dist. did not do as well as I expected. Cass and Murray ought to have given 300 larger majority, and Paulding should have done better. We hope for 3,500 in Novr., in that District, and if our leading men work they will give it. We shall do a little better in the 3d and 7th, and probably fall off some in the 4th and also in the 1st. The result in Pennsylvania makes things look a little squally, and the vote of Georgia may decide the election. We shall carry Ohio, but Georgia will be needed to make an election. Let us make a desperate effort to carry it. I should like to hear from you.

_______________

* Democratic Congressman from Georgia. 1817-1849, judge of the superior court of Georgia (Chattahoochee circuit), 1849-1853, United States Senator, 1855-1861, brigadier-general in the Confederate army.

¹ Marshall J. Wellborn, Democratic Member of Congress from Georgia, 1849-1851.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 129-30

Captain Charles Wright Wills: May 21, 1864

May 21, 1864.

The 23d Army Corps moved South yesterday. I hear that they found the enemy on the south bank of the Etowah river, and that he disputes the crossing. Grant seems to be checked in his “on to Richmond.” It seems that Rebel Iverson, whom I saw dead near Adairsville, was a brigadier general and a son of the ex-Congressman. This Kingston has been a gem of a little town, but the Rebels burned most of it when they left. Our railroad men are very enterprising. The cars got here the same night we did, and a dozen or 20 trains are coming per day, all loaded inside with commissary stores and outside with soldiers.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 245

Count Adam Gurowski to James S. Pike, Thursday [April 26], 1860

Thursday.

Damn Yankee: I lose with you all the cold blood in my veins and all patience. Why misuse, desecrate, the holiest words and conceptions? What for I write books and give to you specially long lectures? Again you speak of the two civilizations. Shame! shame! If you northern wiseacres do not stop such balderdash, I shall be obliged to pitch into you all, and expose your ignorance rivalling that of the South. One of the banditti, Wigfall or Iverson, said in the Senate, “the South will organize a confederacy or government never yet known in the world.” Tell him that he is an ass, as they are all. History knows already, and has recorded a society, community, and government based upon piracy, enslavement, rapine, and slave-traffic. It existed about nineteen hundred years ago for the first time, in Kilikia, or Cilicia, in Asia Minor, and was destroyed by Pompey (not African). Only the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, Syrians, representants of civilization at that era, called the Kilikians pirates, and not a different state of civilization. How can you make such confusion and offend the civilized Northern villages, operatives, farmers, mechanics? Atone for it. I suggest to you for the next definition to use the expression, two different and opposed to each other social conditions, as piracy is a social condition after all. How much did T. Weed get for his pacificatory article? The South will be amazed to hear soon the terrible thunder and malediction coming from the other side. Already a forerunner arrived in the London Saturday Review, the best and most independent English weekly, and a Tory. It answers to the menaces made previous to the election. It is splendid, vigorous, and going to the bottom. And what will they say when they learn the fact?

The Saturday Review takes, in the name of civilization (there is only one civilization, recollect that), of Europe and of England, the same ground as did the Tribune of November 28th. Guess who wrote it?

My respectful compliments to Mrs. Pike, and my sincere love to my young great favorite, Miss Mary. You are not worthy to have such a daughter. Tell to Sumner that I regret not to have seen him, but that does not interfere with my hearty friendship. .

Good-by. Stand firm, but believe that the going out of the slave or cotton States will not ruin the country or the principles. Quite the contrary. After one or two years of confusion, unavoidable in every transition, the Free States will take a new start, and more grand and brilliant than was the past. A body, politic or animal, to be healthy, to function normally, must throw out the deleterious poison from its vitals.

This is my deliberate conclusion and creed, based on much philosophizing within myself, and looking from all points of view on the thus called secession. Truth, mankind, liberty, civilization, and manhood will be great winners by secession.

Yours,

Gurowski.

_______________

* This letter is dated only as “Thursday.”  By the fact James S. Pike places this letter between April 16 and May 12, 1860 in his book, and taking into account the speed of the mail, I made an educated guess that the date this letter was written was probably about half way between the two letters mentioned above and Thursday, April 26, 1860 seemed the most appropriate date.  But again it is only a guess on my part, purely for purposes of fitting it into my timeline.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 514-5

Louis T. Wigfall et al to Isaac W. Hayne, January 15, 1861

WASHINGTON CITY, January 15, 1861.

SIR: We are apprised that you visit Washington as an envoy from the State of South Carolina, bearing a communication from the governor of your State to the President of the United States in relation to Fort Sumter. Without knowing its contents, we venture to request you to defer its delivery to the President for a few days, or until you and he have considered the suggestions which we beg leave to submit.

We know that the possession of Fort Sumter by troops of the United States, coupled with the circumstances under which it was taken, is the chief if not the only source of difficulty between the government of South Carolina and that of the United States. We would add, that we, too, think it a just cause of irritation and of apprehension on the part of your State. But we have also assurances, notwithstanding the circumstances under which Major Anderson left Fort Moultrie and entered Fort Sumter with the forces under his command, that it was not taken, and is not held, with any hostile or unfriendly purpose towards your State, but merely as property of the United States, which the President deems it his duty to protect and preserve.

We will not discuss the question of right or duty on the part of either government touching that property, or the late acts of either in relation thereto; but we think that, without any compromise of right or breach of duty on either side, an amicable adjustment of the matter of differences may and should be adopted. We desire to see such an adjustment, and to prevent war or the shedding of blood.

We represent States which have already seceded from the United States, or will have done so before the 1st of February next, and which will meet your State in convention on or before the 15th of that month. Our people feel that they have a common destiny with your people, and expect to form with them, in that convention, a new confederation and provisional government. We must and will share your fortunes — suffering with you the evils of war if it cannot be avoided, and enjoying with you the blessings of peace, if it can be preserved. We therefore think it especially due from South Carolina to our States — to say nothing of other slaveholding States — that she should, as far as she can consistently with her honor, avoid initiating hostilities between her and the United States, or any other power. We have the public declaration of the President that he has not the constitutional power or the will to make war on South Carolina, and that the public peace shall not be disturbed by any act of hostility towards your State.

We therefore see no reason why there may not be a settlement of existing difficulties, if time be given for calm and deliberate counsel with those States which are equally involved with South Carolina We therefore trust that an arrangement will be agreed on between you and the President, at least till the 15th February next, by which time your and our States may in convention devise a wise, just, and peaceable solution of existing difficulties.

In the meantime, we think your State should suffer Major Anderson to obtain necessary supplies of food, fuel, or water, and enjoy free communication, by post or special messenger, with the President, upon the understanding that the President will not send him re-enforcements during the same period. We propose to submit this proposition and your answer to the President.

If not clothed with power to make such arrangement, then we trust that you will submit our suggestions to the governor of your State for his instructions. Until you have received and communicated his response to the President, of course your State will not attack Fort Sumter, and the President will not offer to re-enforce it.

We most respectfully submit these propositions in the earnest hope that you, or the proper authorities of your State, may accede to them.

We have the honor to be, with profound esteem, your obedient servants,

Louis T. WIGFAIL.

JOHN Hemphill.

D. L. Yulee

S. R. MALLORY.

JEFFERsON DAVIS.

C C. CLAY, JR.

BEN. FITZPAtRICK.

A. IVERSON.

JOHN Slidell.

J. P. BENJAMIN.

HON. IsAAc W. HAYNE.

SOURCE: John Bassett Moore, Editor, Works of James Buchanan, Volume 11, p. 127-8

Isaac W. Hayne to Louis T. Wigfall et al, January 17, 1861

WASHINGTON, January 17, 1861.

GENTLEMEN: I have received your communication dated the I5th instant. You say you represent States which have already seceded from the United States, or will have done so before the first of February next, and which will meet South Carolina in convention on or before the 15th of that month; that your people feel they have a common destiny with our people, and expect to form with them in that convention a new confederacy and provisional government; that you must and will share our fortunes, suffering with us the evils of war, if it cannot be avoided, and enjoying with us the blessings of peace, if it can be preserved.

I feel, gentlemen, the force of this appeal, and, so far as my authority extends, most cheerfully comply with your request. I am not clothed with power to make the arrangement you suggest, but, provided you can get assurances with which you are entirely satisfied that no re-enforcements will be sent to Fort Sumter in the interval, and that public peace will not be disturbed by any act of hostility towards South Carolina, I will refer your communication to the authorities of South Carolina, and, withholding the communication with which I am at present charged, will await further instructions.

Major Anderson and his command, let me assure you, do now obtain all necessary supplies, including fresh meat and vegetables, and I believe fuel and water, from the city of Charleston, and do now enjoy communication, by post and special messenger, with the President, and will continue to do so, certainly until the door to negotiation has been closed.

If your proposition is acceded to, you may assure the President that no attack will be made on Fort Sumter until a response from the governor of South Carolina has been received and communicated to him.

I am, with high consideration and profound esteem, your obedient servant,

ISAAC W. HAYNE.

HON. LOUIS T. WIGFALL, JOHN HEMPHILL, D. L. YULEE, S. R. MALLORY, JEFFERSON DAVIS, C. C. CLAY, JR., BENJAMIN FITZPATRICK, A. IVERSON, JOHN SLIDELL, J. P. BENJAMIN.

SOURCE: John Bassett Moore, Editor, Works of James Buchanan, Volume 11, p. 128-9

Isaac W. Hayne to Louis T. Wigfall et al, January 24, 1861

WASHINGTON, January 24, 1861.

GENTLEMEN: I have received your letter of the 23d instant, enclosing a communication, dated the 22d instant, addressed to Messrs. Fitzpatrick, Mallory, and Slidell, from the Secretary of War ad interim. This communication from the Secretary is far from being satisfactory to me. But inasmuch as you state that “we (you) have no hesitation in expressing an entire confidence that no re—enforcement will be sent to Fort Sumter, nor will the public peace be disturbed, within the period requisite for full communication between yourself (myself) and your (my) government,” in compliance with our previous understanding I withhold the communication with which I am at present charged, and refer the whole matter to the authorities of South Carolina, and will await their reply.

Mr. Gourdin, of South Carolina, now in this city, will leave here by the evening’s train, and will lay before the governor of South Carolina and his council the whole correspondence between yourselves and myself, and between you and the government of the United States, with a communication from me asking further instructions.

I cannot, in closing, but express my deep regret that the President should deem it necessary to keep a garrison of troops at Fort Sumter for the protection of the “property” of the United States. South Carolina scorns the idea of appropriating to herself the property of another, whether of a government or an individual, without accounting to the last dollar for everything which, for the protection of her citizens or in vindication of her own honor and dignity, she may deem it necessary to take into her own possession. As property, Fort Sumter is in far greater jeopardy occupied by a garrison of United States troops than it would be if delivered over to the State authorities, with the pledge that, in regard to that and all other property within her jurisdiction claimed by the United States, South Carolina would fully account on a fair adjustment.

Upon the other point, of the preservation of peace and the avoidance of bloodshed, is it supposed that the occupation of a fort by armed men, in the midst of a harbor, with guns bearing on every part of it, under the orders of a government no longer acknowledged, can be other than the occasion of constant irritation, excitement, and indignation? It creates a condition of things which I fear is but little calculated to advance the observance of the “high Christian and moral duty, to keep the peace and to avoid all causes of mutual irritation,” recommended by the Secretary of War in his communication.

In my judgment, to continue to hold Fort Sumter by the United States troops is the worst possible means of securing its protection and preservation as property, as it certainly is the worst possible means of effecting a peaceful solution of existing difficulties short of war itself.

I beg leave, in conclusion, to say that it is in deference to the unanimous opinion expressed by the senators present in Washington “representing States which have already seceded from the United States, or will have done so before the 1st of February next,” that I comply with your suggestions; and I feel assured that suggestions from such a quarter will be considered with profound respect by the authorities of South Carolina, and will have great weight in determining their action.

With high consideration, I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

IsAAc W. HAYNE.

HONS. Louis T. WIGFALL, D. L. YULEE, J. P. BENJAMIN, A. IVERSON, JOHN HEMPHILL, JOHN SLIDELL, and C. C. CLAY, JR.

SOURCE: John Bassett Moore, Editor, Works of James Buchanan, Volume 11, p. 131-2