Hippolyte P. Brothers

H. P. BROTHERS, merchant at Grand River, was born in Canada, in 1834, son of Hippolyte and Pauline Brothers, of French descent. He was brought up in a cotton factory. In 1864 he enlisted in the First Massachusetts as a musician. At the close of the war he came West and settled in Decatur County, when he commenced teaching band music, in 1868, and continued that occupation until 1882. He is a composer of considerable note. He is at present engaged in the mercantile business, under the firm name of Brothers & Fear. They keep a well selected stock of dry goods, notions, hats and caps, boots and shoes, groceries, flour, hardware, and Gliddon's barb wire. He was married in Massachusetts, in 1855, to Elizabeth Rice, born in that State in 1832. They have five children — Eugene G., Hattie P., Henry E., James C. and Alice F. Mr. Brothers is a member of the Masonic fraternity, and politically is a Republican. He is well known in business circles as a man of integrity, and socially is a gentleman.

SOURCE: “Biographical and Historical Record of Ringgold and Decatur Counties, Iowa,” p. 558-9

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw Lowell, October 15, 1864

Cedar Creek, Oct. 15, 1864.

I've only ten minutes to write to you; I was out all this morning visiting, junketing at the various headquarters, and only came home to dinner at two o'clock. Since that, has come an order to get in light marching order, and be in readiness to move. I conjecture a raid is on foot for our Division, — perhaps to Charlottesville, — if so, you will not hear from me again for a week or even ten days.

I think Sheridan will have to fight one more battle here, probably while we are gone, — I am sorry to miss it, but perhaps we shall be of more use where we are going. You will know that I am safe, at any rate, — so safe do I feel to-night that I shall be riding Berold; I rode him this morning, too, in making my calls. I heard for the first time that poor Colonel Wells of the Thirty-Fourth Massachusetts was killed in the attack the Rebs made on our camps day before yesterday, —  he was considered an excellent officer.¹

What a letter this for the last one for ten days, but you know how I am when I have anything on foot, I'm all distracted.

_______________

¹ George Duncan Wells, a faithful and gallant Massachusetts soldier. He graduated at Williams College, 1846, and at the Harvard Law School, 1848, and practised law until the outbreak of the war. As Lieutenant-Colonel of the First Massachusetts Infantry, he served at Bull Run and in the Peninsular Campaign. In July, 1862, he was commissioned Colonel of the Thirty-Fourth Massachusetts Regiment, and served in Western Virginia. In July, 1863, he commanded a brigade with General Naglee, with credit. Next year, in the Shenandoah Campaign, he commanded the First Brigade, in General Crook's First Division, and did good service in many fights in the Valley. He received the personal congratulations of General Sheridan, on the field of battle at Winchester (Opequan). On October 12, 1864, he was mortally wounded, and died next day, in the hands of the enemy. His commission as Brevet Brigadier-General dated from the day of his last fight.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 360-1, 473-4

John Lothrop Motley to Mary Benjamin Motley, June 20, 1861

Washington,

June 20th, 1861.

My Dearest Mary, — I told you that I went with Seward in the evening of Monday to see the President. He looks younger than I expected — less haggard than the pictures — and on the whole, except for his height, which is two or three inches above six feet, would not be remarked in any way as ill- or well-looking. His conversation was commonplace enough, and I can hardly remember a single word that he said, except when we were talking — all three — about the military plans in progress, he observed, not meaning anything like an epigram, “Scott will not let us outsiders know anything of his plans.” He seemed sincere and honest, however, and steady, but of course it is quite out of the question for me to hazard an opinion on so short an acquaintance as to his moral or intellectual qualities.

Seward impresses me as being decidedly a man of intellect, but seems an egotist. . . . There is no doubt whatever that the early impressions of the Foreign Ministers here were favourable to the success of the rebellion, and that these impressions were conveyed to their Governments. Mercier, the French Minister, was most decided in his views and his sympathies, while Lord Lyons, calm and quiet as you know him to be, as well as sagacious and right-minded, had also little doubt, I suspect, six or seven weeks ago that the secession or revolution was an accomplished fact. Hence the anxiety of their Governments to be on good terms with the rebels, particularly after the astounding misrepresentations of the Southern commissioners. It amuses Americans very much when I tell them that the recognition of Mr. Adams was remonstrated against by those individuals.

I dined with Lord Lyons yesterday, and M. Mercier was there. Of course we spoke of little else but American affairs. There is no need of quoting the conversation, but it is sufficient to say that little doubt seems now to exist in the minds of either that the United States Government is sure to put down this rebellion and remain a great power—greater than ever before.

The encouragement which the rebels have derived from their premature recognition which they have received as belligerents, and still more by the exclusion of our ships of war as well as their pirates from the English ports all over the world, for the purpose of bringing in prizes, while on the contrary France does not exclude our ships of war, but only privateers, has already given the rebellion a new lease of life. Still more pernicious is the hope which is now entertained by the rebels, that so soon as the new cotton crop is ready to come forward — say in October — England will break up our blockade, and of course become instantly involved in war with us. I refuse to contemplate such a possibility. It would be madness on the part of England, for at the very moment when it would ally itself with the South against the United States, for the sake of supplying the English manufacturers with their cotton, there would be a cry of twenty millions as from one mouth for the instant emancipation of all the slaves.

Nothing could resist that cry. The sentiment of the Free States would be more overwhelming even than its manifestation so lately, which has surprised the world by the rising as it were out of the earth in the brief space of six weeks, of a well equipped and disciplined army of 250,000 men. The alliance of England with the South for the sake of re-opening the cotton ports would have for its instant result the total destruction of the cotton interest. An invading army at half a dozen different ports would proclaim the instant abolition of slavery.

There is not the slightest exaggeration in this. No logic can be more inexorable, and the opinion is avowed on all sides.

To break our blockade for the sake of getting cotton for Manchester, would lead to the total extermination of the cotton crop for many a long year. No English statesman can be blind to this, and therefore I do not fear any interference on the part of England. The South, however, does expect such interference, and will in consequence prolong its struggle a little.

I passed the whole of the day before yesterday on the other side of the Potomac — the “sacred soil of Virginia.” We hired a carriage and took it on board a small steamer plying to Alexandria. The sail for about half a dozen miles along the broad, magnificent Potomac, under a cloudless sky, but protected by an awning, was very pleasant. The heat is not excessive yet, and there is usually a good air stirring. The expanse of hill and dale and the wooded heights which surround the margin of the beautiful river make a delightful passage of scenery. Alexandria, but lately a bustling tobacco port, is now like a city of the dead so far as anything like traffic is concerned. It is the head-quarters of General McDowell, an experienced army officer, who commands all the Union troops (some 25,000) in this part of Virginia.

We went to the Marshall House, the principal hotel of the place, where, as I suppose you read in the papers, Colonel Ellsworth of the New York Zouaves was killed. He had gone in person to the top of the house to cut down a Secession flag, and was coming down the stairs with it, when he was shot by the master of the house, one Jackson, who in his turn was instantly despatched by a private in the regiment. Ellsworth is much regretted as a young officer of great courage and irreproachable character.

By the way, you should read in the Atlantic for June and July a very spirited account of the march of the New York 7th to Washington. It was written by Major Winthrop of New York, who was killed the other day in that unlucky and blundering affair of General Pierce at Great Bethel. These outpost skirmishes are of little consequence to their ultimate results, but they serve to encourage the enemy a little. On the other hand, they read a useful lesson to Government upon the folly of appointing militia officers to high command when there is no lack of able and experienced army officers. Of these there are plenty, and no idea is more ridiculous than that the South has got all the officers and all the military material. The bone and sinew of the Free States are probably the best raw material for troops in the world. General Scott told me last night that the Massachusetts volunteers in a few months would be equal to the best regulars. To an unsophisticated eye they are nearly so already.

A regiment marched into Washington yesterday morning— the Massachusetts 1st—and with their steady march, stout frames, good equipments, and long train of baggage waggons, drawn by admirable teams of horses, following them, they looked very business-like, I assure you. And this regiment is but a tenth part of the men whom Massachusetts has already contributed. As for New York, I am afraid to say how many are already here, and they are wonderfully well-drilled — at least 20,000 — and they can send on as many more as can possibly be required. The contention now among the States is to get the largest proportion of their regiments accepted. The manner in which these great armies have been so suddenly improvised is astounding to foreigners. “C'est le pays des improvisations” said Mr. Mercier to me yesterday. From Alexandria we went on to Shuter's Hill, one of the heights commanding Washington, where, under guidance of Colonel Wright, the engineer who built the works, we examined the very considerable fortifications which have been erected here.

It is very interesting to see the volunteers working with pick and spade under the broiling sun of Virginia, without complaint or inconvenience. They are men who have never doubted that labour was honourable.

We afterwards went to Arlington House, formerly the seat of Washington Custis, and now the property of General Lee. He is an excellent officer, and was, before his defection, a favourite of General Scott. The place has great natural beauties of hill and dale, lawn and forest, and commands a magnificent view of Washington and the whole valley of the Potomac; but the house is mean. It is now the head-quarters of General McDowell (I was wrong in saying further back that these were at Alexandria). Colonel Heintzelmann commands there, and there are some New York regiments encamped in the grounds. I observed one alley through the tents had been christened Fifth Avenue. The property is thoroughly respected, and the soldiers have even amused their leisure in planting little gardens about their tents instead of destroying or defacing anything.

Thus we passed the day in going about the lines from one point to another, receiving explanations of everything from most intelligent officers — generally of the regular army. The works at the Tete du Pont, to defend the mile-long bridge which crosses the Potomac from the Virginia side to Washington, are very thorough, and the attempt upon Washington, if made, must, I think, result in a total defeat. I passed an hour with General Scott last night at his house in Washington. He tells me still that he expects an attack daily along the whole line, says that the rebels are perhaps in greater number than those which he has in the immediate neighbourhood, but that his are much better troops. I could not make out that he had any reasons to expect an attack, except upon the logical ground that they must do it, or come to grief by remaining inactive. They are poorly provisioned, impatient, and in danger of disbanding. Meantime, Scott has secured Harper's Ferry, a most important strategical position, without striking a blow. They were forced to evacuate the place to escape being surrounded. “Eeate d savoir” how it will be at Manassas Junction. The General pleases me exceedingly. He is in manner quiet, but hale, vigorous, and full of energy, and has no doubt whatever of bringing the whole matter to a happy issue within a reasonable time. But the things which annoy him most are the lying telegrams of the newspapers and the general impatience of outsiders. I spent an hour and a half with Seward last evening, and afterwards called at the White House on Mrs. Lincoln. She is rather nice-looking, youngish, with very round white arms, well dressed, chatty enough, and if she would not, like all the South and West, say “Sir” to you every instant, as if you were a royal personage, she would be quite agreeable.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Volume 1, p. 382-7

Charles Eliot Norton to James Russell Lowell, July 21, 1861

Newport, 21 July, 1861.

Dearest James, —  . . . Newport is very pleasant, or perhaps I should better say, would be very pleasant were it not so far from you! It is quieter than usual this year, and the gay people are less extravagant in their display. As for the sea and the sky nothing new is to be said of them, — they are the same as ever. The hearts of the town's people are in the war. Nearly two hundred Newporters have gone to it, and Colonel Burnside is a Newport man. To-day everyone is anxious about the expected battle, — for the Newport troops are in the advance. I heard a story of the departure of the company which pleased me. It may not be literally correct, but this is what was told me. When Governor Sprague received from Washington the answer that his offer of a regiment was accepted, he at once sent out his requisitions to the captains of the various companies to assemble with their commands at Providence. The requisition reached Newport at six in the morning. Captain Tew, a fisherman, sent word to Providence that he would be there at two o'clock with fifty men. The news ran through the town, and when the company marched down to the boat there were not fifty but one hundred and fifty men in the ranks. Mr. Thayer of the Orthodox Church made a prayer upon the wharf; the whole town was there, silent and uncovered, but when the boat started the cheers broke out one after another. The company went without a flag, and it was resolved to send one to them. In a day or two it was made and sent to Providence, and presented with a speech and the usual formalities. When Captain Tew took it he said, “I thank you for this flag. I don't know how to make a speech. Let us pray.” So he made a prayer ending with words like these, “If we are successful, give us, O Lord, the spirit of moderation; if we be beaten, help us to stand firm unto death.”

And these are the men who are called names by the Southerners; who are supposed to be marching with Booty and Beauty on their banners; whom “la jeunesse doree” of Virginia and South Carolina would hardly touch with the points of their swords!

How well our Massachusetts First have done! It is a fine thing that Massachusetts men should again be foremost in the post of danger, and that Massachusetts blood should be the first shed in the advance of this great army of Freedom. Can we be too glad to belong to New England, to be her children, and to be living in these days?

Surely you will write some poem to give expression to the feeling and thought which is in the souls of the people. You wrote “Italy — 1859”! do write “America — 1861.” . . .

SOURCE: Sara Norton and  M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Letters of Charles Eliot Norton, Volume 1, p. 235-7

Diary of Josephine Shaw Lowell: June 6, 1862

Letter from Rob giving a description of a cavalry charge on two of their companies, before he reached Winchester, and then of their march through Winchester. Short but graphic, and Father thinks of having it printed as being interesting. All the account of brave deeds, bayonet charges, calmly receiving the fire of the enemy and withholding their own, and all the stirring accounts of courageous men, make one so long to be with them. I should of all things enjoy a forlorn hope (I think). Well put in, I suppose, but still I really do think so, for I'm not an atom afraid of death and the enthusiasm of the moment would be sublime. An immense body of brave men is grand and I would give anything to be one of them. I cannot express what a sense of admiration and delight fills my soul when I think of the noble fellows advancing, retreating, charging and dying, just how, when and where they are ordered. God bless them! Mother says she hates to hear me talk so, but I think one loses sight of the wounds and suffering, both of the enemy and one's own force, in thinking of the sublime whole, the grand forward movement of thousands of men marching “into the jaws of death,” calmly and coolly. God bless them! I say again. I saw today the report of a Lieutenant in the First Massachusetts expelled for cowardice in the face of the enemy. Such a thing I cannot understand. I should think a man would be afraid to be a coward in front of his men, all looking to him for example. I should think he'd go and shoot himself. I remember hearing it said that . . . would never have been taken prisoner if he had behaved well. And then, think of a man, with consciousness of such conduct, daring to come home and show his face in Boston! Bah! Perhaps he did behave well after all, though.

SOURCE: William Rhinelander Stewart, The Philanthropic Work of Josephine Shaw Lowell, p. 28-9

Official Reports of the Battle of Williamsburg: No. 6. Report of Brig. Gen. Joseph Hooker, U. S. Army, commanding Second Division.

No. 6.

Report of Brig. Gen. Joseph Hooker, U. S. Army, commanding Second Division.

HEADQUARTERS HOOKER'S DIVISION,

Third Army Corps, Williamsburg, Va., May 10, 1862.

CAPTAIN: I have the honor to report that under the instructions received through the headquarters Third Army Corps, dated May 4, to support Stoneman and aid him in cutting off the retreat of the enemy, my division marched from its camp before Yorktown about noon that day. We marched toward Williamsburg. After advancing 5 or 6 miles on this road I learned that Brigadier-General Stoneman had fallen upon the rear of the enemy's retreating column, and was then awaiting the arrival of an infantry force to attack him. This was 5 or 6 miles in advance of me, and immediately I left my command and galloped to the front in order to see what disposition it would be necessary to make of my force on its arrival. While here I was informed that Brigadier-General Smith's division had filed into the road in advance of my command, and that in consequence my division would be compelled to halt until after Smith's had passed. I immediately returned to the head of my column, where I found my division halted, and as Smith's was extended, it was between three and four hours in passing. As soon as this was ascertained, and feeling that Stoneman would require no additional support, I applied to Brigadier-General Heintzelman, the senior officer charged with the advance on the Yorktown road, for authority to throw my command on to the Hampton road, which intersected that on which Brigadier-General Stoneman had halted at the identical point his enemy occupied. The angle formed by the two roads is a little less than a right angle. Obtaining this permission the head of my division left the Brick Church about dark, and it pressed forward, in order, if practicable, to come up with the enemy before morning. This, however, I soon found would be impossible, for the roads were frightful, the night intensely dark and rainy, and many of my men exhausted from loss of sleep and from labor the night before in the trenches. The troops were halted in the middle of the road between 10 and 11 o'clock p.m., resolved to stop until daylight, when we started again, and came in sight of the enemy's works before Williamsburg about 5.30 o'clock in the morning.

Before emerging from the forest the column was halted, while I rode to the front to find what could be learned of the position of the enemy. The first work that presented itself was Fort Magruder, and this was standing at the junction of the Yorktown and Hampton roads, and on each side of it was a cordon of redoubts, extending as far as could be seen. Subsequently I found their number to be thirteen, and extending entirely across the Peninsula, the right and left of them resting on the waters of the York and James Rivers. Approaching them from the south they are concealed by heavy forest until the observer is within less than a mile of their locality. Where the forest trees had been standing nearer than this distance the trees had been felled, in order that the occupants of the redoubts might have timely notice of the approach of an enemy and early strike him with artillery. The trees had been felled in this manner on both sides of the road on which we had advanced for a breadth of almost half a mile, and the same was the case on the Yorktown road. Between the edge of the felled timber and the fort was a belt of clear arable land 600 or 700 yards in width. This was dotted all over with rifle pits. In connection with the redoubts themselves I may be permitted to state that I found them standing near the eastern and southern verge of a slightly-elevated plain, the slopes of which were furrowed with winding ravines, with an almost boundless, gently-undulating plain reaching across the Peninsula, and extending to the north and west as far as the eye could reach. The landscape is picturesque, and not a little heightened by the large trees and venerable spires of Williamsburg, 2 miles distant. Fort Magruder appears to be the largest of the redoubts, its crest measuring nearly half a mile, with substantial parapets, ditches, magazines, &c. This was located to command the Yorktown and Hampton roads, and the redoubts in its vicinity to command the ravines which the guns of Fort Magruder could not sweep.

Being in pursuit of a retreating army, I deemed it my duty to lose no time in making the disposition of my forces to attack, regardless of their number and position, except to accomplish the result with the least possible sacrifice of life. By so doing my division, if it did not capture the army before me, would at least hold them, in order that some others might. Besides, I knew of the presence of more than 30,000 troops not 2 miles distant from me, and that within 12 miles – four hours' march – was the bulk of the Army of the Potomac. My own position was tenable for double that length of time against three times my number.

At 7.30 o'clock Brigadier-General Grover was directed to commence the attack by sending the First Massachusetts Regiment as skirmishers into the felled timber to the left of the road on which they were standing, the Second New Hampshire to the right, both with directions to skirmish up to the edge of the felled timber, and there, under cover, to turn their attention to the occupants of the rifle pits and the enemy's sharpshooters and gunners in Fort Magruder. The Eleventh Massachusetts and the Twenty-sixth Pennsylvania Regiments were then directed to form on the right of the Second New Hampshire, and to advance as skirmishers until they had reached the Yorktown road, and when that was gained to have word sent me.

Under my chief of artillery, Web’s battery was thrown forward in advance of the felled timber and brought into action in a cleared field on the right of the road and distant from Fort Magruder about 700 yards. No sooner had it emerged from the forest on its way to its position than four guns from Fort, Magruder opened on it, and after it was still farther up the road they received the fire from two additional guns from a redoubt on the left. However, it was pushed on, and before it was brought into action two officers and two privates had been shot down, and before a single piece of the battery had been discharged its cannoneers had been driven from it despite the skill and activity of my sharpshooters in picking off the rebel gunners. Volunteers were now called for by my gallant chief of artillery, Major Wainwright, to man the battery now in position, when the officers and men of Osborn's battery sprang forward, and in the time I am writing had those pieces well at work. Captain Bramhall's battery was now brought into action under that excellent officer on the right of Webber's, and before 9 o'clock every gun in Fort Magruder was silenced and all the troops in sight on the plain dispersed.

Between my sharpshooters and the two batteries the enemy's guns in this fort were not heard from again until late in the afternoon. One of the regiments of Brigadier-General Patterson's brigade, the Fifth New Jersey, was charged with the especial care of these batteries, and was posted a little to the rear of them. The remaining regiments of Patterson's brigade, under their intrepid commander, were sent to the left of the road from where they were standing, in anticipation of an attack from that quarter. Heavy forest trees cover this ground and conceal from view the enemy's earthworks about a mile distant. The forest itself has a depth of about three-fourths of that distance. It was through this that Patterson led the Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth New Jersey Regiments. Bodies of the enemy's infantry were seen drifting in that direction, and the increased musketry fire proved that many others were flocking thither whom we could not see. Prior to this moment Brigadier-General Emory had reached my position with a light battery and a body of cavalry, which were promptly placed at my disposal by that experienced and gifted soldier; but as I had no duty on which I could employ those arms of service, and as I was confined for room in the exercise of my own command, I requested that he would dispatch a party to reconnoiter and observe the movements of the rebels to the rear of my left. This was executed to my satisfaction.

It was now reported to me that the skirmishers to the right had reached the Yorktown road, when word was sent to Colonel Blaisdell to proceed with the Eleventh Massachusetts and Twenty-sixth Pennsylvania Regiments cautiously down that road to destroy any rebel force he might find, and break down any barrier the enemy might have thrown up to check the advance of our forces in that direction, and when this was executed to report the fact to the senior officer with the troops there, and on his return to send me word of the result of his mission. This was done, and word sent me through Adjutant Currier, of the Eleventh Regiment.

Up to this moment there had been a brisk musketry fire kept up on every part of the field, but its swelling volumes in the direction of Patterson satisfied me from the beginning of the engagement that the enemy had accumulated a heavy force in his front. Grover had already anticipated it, and had moved the main portion of the First Massachusetts Regiment to receive it, while, first, the Seventy-second New York Regiment of Taylor's brigade, and soon after the Seventieth New York Regiment of the same brigade, were ordered to strengthen Paterson.

Colonel Averred, of the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, had with great kindness and gallantry tendered me his services and executed for me with great promptness several important services; while Lieutenant McAlester, of the Engineers, volunteered to make a reconnaissance of such of the enemy's works as were hidden from view, preparatory to carrying them by assault should a suitable opportunity present itself for that object. For this service I am under many obligations to that accomplished officer.

From the earliest moment of the attack it was an object of deep solicitude to establish a connection with the troops in my immediate neighborhood on the Yorktown road, and as that had been accomplished, and as I saw no signs of their advance, at 11.20 a.m. I addressed the subjoined note to the assistant adjutant-general Third Corps, under the impression that his chief was still there. It is as follows:

I have had a hard contest all the morning, but do not despair of success. My men are hard at work, but a good deal exhausted. It is reported to me that my communication with you by the Yorktown road is clear of the enemy. Batteries, cavalry, and infantry can take post by the side of mine to whip the enemy.

This found General Heintzelman absent; but it was returned opened, and on the envelope indorsed, "Opened and read," by the senior officer on that field. A cavalryman took over the note, and returned with it by the Yorktown road after an absence of twenty minutes.

To return. It was now after 1 o'clock, and the battle had swollen into one of gigantic proportions. The left had been re-enforced with the Seventy-third and Seventy-fourth New York Regiments – the only remaining ones of my reserve – under Colonel Taylor, and all were engaged; yet its fortunes would ebb and flow, despite the most determined courage and valor of my devoted officers and men. Three times the enemy approached within 80 yards of the road, which was the center of my operations, and as often were they thrown back with violence and slaughter. Every time his advance was made with fresh troops, and each succeeding one seemed to be in greater force and determination.

The Eleventh Massachusetts Regiment and the Twenty-sixth Pennsylvania were ordered to the left. The support of the batteries and the Second New Hampshire Regiment were withdrawn from their advanced position in front to take post where they could look after the front and left at the same time. The orders to the Twenty-sixth Pennsylvania Regiment did not reach it, and it remained on the right.

At this juncture word was received from Colonel Taylor that the regiments of his command longest engaged were falling short of ammunition, and when he was informed that the supply train was not yet up a portion of his command presented an obstinate front to the advance of the enemy with no other cartridges than were gathered from the boxes of the fallen.

Again the enemy were re-enforced by the arrival of Longstreet's division. His troops had passed through Williamsburg on their retreat from Yorktown and were recalled to strengthen the rebel forces before Williamsburg. No sooner had they joined than it was known that they were again moving to drive in our left. After a violent and protracted struggle they were again repulsed with great loss. Simultaneous  with this movement an attempt was made to drive in our front and seize the batteries by the troops from Fort Magruder, aided by re-enforcements from the redoubts on the left. The withdrawal of the supports invited this attack, and it was at this time that four of our guns were captured. They could have been saved, but only at the risk of losing the day. Whatever of dishonor, if any, is attached to their loss belongs to the brigadier-general commanding the division, and not to his chief of artillery or to the officers or men serving with the batteries, for truer men never stepped upon the field of battle.

While this was going on in front Captain Smith, by a skillful disposition of his battery, held complete command of the road, which subsequently, by a few well-directed shots, was turned to good account.

The foregoing furnishes a faithful narrative of the disposition of my command throughout this eventful day. Between 4 and 5 o'clock Brigadier-general Kearny, with all his characteristic gallantry, arrived on the ground at the head of his division, and after having secured their positions my division was withdrawn from the contest and held as a reserve until dark, when the battle ended, after a prolonged and severe conflict against three times my number, directed by the most accomplished general of the rebel army, Maj. Gen. J. E. Johnston, assisted by Generals Longstreet, Pryor, Gholson, and Pickett, with commands selected from the best troops in their army.

The lists of the killed and wounded attest the character of the contest. The killed of the enemy must have been double my own. Of the wounded we cannot estimate. Eight hundred were left in hospitals at Williamsburg, and others were distributed among the private houses of this city, while all the available tenements in the vicinity of the field of battle are filled with them. Three hundred prisoners were taken.

I have omitted to mention the arrival early in the afternoon of Brigadier-General Heintzelman, commanding the Third Army Corps, with his staff, and to express my very grateful acknowledgments for the encouragement inspired by his presence and for the aid and support he gave me by his counsel and conduct.

As soon as darkness concealed their movements the rebels retreated in a state of utter demoralization, leaving behind artillery, wagons, &c.

History will not be believed when it is told that the noble officers and men of my division were permitted to carry on this unequal struggle from morning until night unaided in the presence of more than 30,000 of their comrades with arms in their hands; nevertheless it is true. If we failed to capture the rebel army on the plains of Williamsburg it surely will not be ascribed to the want of conduct and courage in my command.

The field was marked by an unusual number of instances of conspicuous courage and daring, which I shall seek an early opportunity to bring to the notice of the commander of the Third Corps.

At this time I can speak but in general terms of the regiments and batteries engaged in the battle of Williamsburg. Their list of the killed and wounded from among their number will forever determine the extent of their participation in this hard-fought and dearly-contested field.* Their constancy and courage are deserving all praise. My profound and grateful acknowledgments are rendered to them.

I am under great obligations to the officers of my staff for eminent serves, and especially to Capt. Joseph Dickinson, my assistant adjutant-general, and my aides-de-camp, Lieuts. William H. Lawrence and Joseph Abbott, who were with me throughout the day.

JOSEPH HOOKER,

Brigadier-General, Commanding Division.

__________

* Casualties embodied in return on p. 450.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 11, Part 1 (Serial No. 12), p. 464-9

New Use For Graves

Our troops dismantled the rebel batteries and Cockpit and Shipping Points, on the Potomac, the soldiers of the Massachusetts First came across numbers of graves.  These were laid out, says a correspondent of the Boston Traveler, in the streets, carefully labeled, and contained pathetic remonstrances against disturbing the repose of the dead, and violating the sanctity of the tomb, and that suspicions were engendered that the sacred dead might be brought to life again, and made to see a little more service under the sun.  Spades and shovels were accordingly brought into requisition, and speedily were exhumed, not the bodies of the departed confederates, but numbers of nice new tents, packages of clothing, mess chests furnished with all the appliances of modern cookery, trunks of various articles, tools, &c., &c.  The grave diggers were complimented for the success of their sacrilegious experiment, and recommended to try again.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, April 4, 1862, p. 2

From Yorktown

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC,
April 26, 1862.

To Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War.

Early this morning an advance lunette of the rebels this side of Warwick, was carried by assault, by Co. H, 1st Massachusetts Regiment. the work had a ditch six feet with a strong parapet manned by two companies of infantry, but no artillery. The rebels broke and ran. Our loss is three killed, one mortally and twelve otherwise wounded. We took 14 prisoners, destroyed the work, and retired, in spite of the rain. Our work progresses well.

(Signed) GEO. B. McCLELLAN.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, April 29, 1862, p. 1