Diary of Gideon Welles, Tuesday, August 7, 1866

The President submitted two long telegrams, one from himself to General Sheridan inquiring as to the difficulties at New Orleans and Sheridan's reply, which was no answer.

Seward and Stanbery had much to say. The latter was very earnest to have the President send immediately to Sheridan, telling him the police must be dismissed. There was, he said, great excitement in the country and the President must at once respond.

I inquired to what he was to respond. On Friday he had directed Sheridan to keep the peace and pursue his investigations. Since that inquiries had been made which had procured a feeble and confused response, concluding with a request or suggestion that the Governor of the State and the Mayor of New Orleans be displaced. Sheridan might be told that the President had no authority to displace these officers; but I expressed a hope that he would not at this distance undertake to give detailed instructions to his generals or agents.

I asked who General Baird was that he should be charged with this responsibility, and how it came about that such a man as was now described happened to be at such a place at this juncture. As for Sheridan, I considered him an honest, bold, impulsive officer, without much knowledge of civil government or administrative ability, who obeyed orders, but I apprehended him badly prompted after his first telegram, and regretted that we had not men of different calibre there at this time.

Seward said my estimate of Sheridan he thought correct. As for Baird, he knew nothing of him. The President expressed dissatisfaction with what he heard of Baird. Stanton kept silent.

Stanbery was persistent that the President should instruct Sheridan in regard to the police of the city.

Stanton said application had been made to him for bunting for the building at Philadelphia where the convention was to meet, but he had none for them, and said, with a sneer, he would turn them over to the Navy. I told him that my bunting had always been promptly shown and it would be well were he now to let us have a sight of his.

Stanton, who has skulked, was taken aback, colored, and remarked he had no bunting for them. "Oh," said I, "show your flag."

"You mean the convention," said he. "I am against it." "I am sorry to hear, but glad to know, your opinion," said I.

"Yes, I am opposed to the convention," he continued. "I didn't know it. You did not answer the inquiry like the rest of us."

"No," said he; "I did not choose to have Doolittle or any other little fellow draw an answer from me."

The conversation amused the others, as it did me. Seward looked troubled. Whether he knew Stanton's position, I am in doubt. It is, I am satisfied, very recent that he has concluded to avow himself, although I have never doubted that he was as much opposed as any Radical to the Union movement. I think he would rather have the Government overthrown than that the real Unionists should come in power. He seems to have personal apprehensions.

I called on the President this evening to advise caution in his communications with New Orleans. Expressed my regret that he had not better officers for the business required at this time in that quarter. He concurred with me and said Baird, so far as he could learn, had caused the trouble or might have prevented it.

"Who," inquired I, "placed Baird there? Was it not part of the Radical scheme to bring this difficulty upon us? It certainly is unfortunate that we have these men there." He said he believed Baird was attached to the Freedmen's Bureau. I said this might have been ordered otherwise and should have been; that the Administration could not get along intelligently and well without faithful and reliable agents. I inquired if he noticed the remarks of Stanton to-day respecting the convention, "though probably you knew his opinions previously." The President said he had not known them before, that it was the first intimation he had received, and he noticed the remark. "This is wrong," said I; "we cannot get along in this way." "No," replied he, "it will be pretty difficult."

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 572-4

Diary of Gideon Welles, Friday, August 10, 1866

Seward was not at Cabinet, having had a sudden call to Auburn. It was a dodge to avoid an open committal with the Philadelphia Convention. Attorney-General Stanbery had charge of his portfolio, Assistant Secretary Fred Seward being also absent. There was a little meaning in this. Whether Stanton was a party to it in order to avoid being in any way committed, or is slighted, I know not. If the last, I think it was unintentional, but Seward is paying hard court to Stanbery. I perceive it every day.

A dispatch from Vice-Consul-General Savage at Cuba in relation to the steamers Harriet Lane and Pelican was read, with Seward's reply. I thought Seward conceded too much and so stated. The threat from some person who is in charge, that he would sell them if not paid his charges, is simply ridiculous. Any proper charges the Government would pay ere this, as on any other government vessel, but the idea of an individual selling a public ship is absurd. Still Seward concedes it.

Queen Emma of the Sandwich Islands is to visit Washington as the guest of the Government on invitation of Secretary Seward, who is conveniently absent. As Stanbery is delegated by Seward in other matters, Stanton thought he should do the honors to the young dowager.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 575-6

Diary of Gideon Welles, Tuesday, August 14, 1866

Seward has run off to Auburn and left Stanbery to attend upon the Hawaiian dowager, Queen Emma. He finds it awkward and embarrassing, but does very well. The President expressed a wish that the Cabinet, and such of their families as could, might be at the reception this evening. McCulloch and myself were the only ones present except Stanbery, who escorted her. She is a good-looking, well-developed woman of about thirty, with a complexion a shade darker perhaps than a brunette, a full, round eye, a good form, of graceful deportment, etc.

We hear that the convention at Philadelphia is full and harmonious and all is progressing satisfactorily. The effect must be salutary on the whole country and will, I trust, contribute to overcome that intense sectional hate and party rancor which it is the aim and purpose of the Radicals to inculcate towards the South. These Radical leaders, and to a great extent their followers, are vindictive and have apparently no wish or intention to reëstablish the Union or recognize the political equality of the States.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 577-8

Diary of Gideon Welles, Friday, July 20, 1866

I learn that the President to-day sent in the nomination of Mr. Stanbery for Attorney-General. He made no mention of it in Cabinet. There is a reticence on the part of the President — an apparent want of confidence in his friends — which is unfortunate, and prevents him from having intimate and warm personal friends who would relieve him in a measure. Doolittle spoke of this to me last evening as we came from the President's, with whom he wanted some frank and friendly conversation, and he felt a little hurt that he was not met in the same spirit. It is a mistake, an infirmity, a habit fixed before he was President, to keep his own counsel. I find no want of confidence or frankness in him when I introduce a topic, or make an inquiry, but it is unpleasant to seek information which should, in friendly courtesy, be communicated or invited by him.

Professor Davies comes to see me. Wants his nephew, General Davies, to be made Naval Officer at New York. Says Smythe, the Collector, is doing nothing to sustain the President, or the Philadelphia movement. I am inclined to believe there is truth in it and that Smythe is a very indifferent officer, as well as a useless politician, or party man, and that the President has been deceived in him. I have heretofore expressed my doubts of his fitness to the President, McCulloch, and Doolittle, and they, neither of them, controverted my opinion. He is a weight, no aid.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 558

Diary of Gideon Welles, Tuesday, July 24, 1866

Busy through the day until dark on the subject of promotions, except for a short time at the Cabinet. The promotions will, unavoidably, give pain to many worthy men, but the principle which I have adopted will cause immensely less dissatisfaction than the original recommendations of the boards convened under the previous law. My action has been based on their recommendations, only deviating in a few cases when I was convinced injustice had been done by partiality or prejudice.

Many would be glad to dispense these promotions, but it has been to me a labor of sadness in many respects, and, though as glad as anyone to assist in rewarding merit, yet, when accompanied with the knowledge that a lifelong sorrow is to be inflicted on others, necessarily, because extra promotion cannot be made without overriding others, some of them estimable men though not proved heroic officers, I am grieved.

Mr. Stanbery, the new Attorney-General, took his seat to-day in the Cabinet. He seems to have encountered no opposition in the Senate.

Seward presented a letter which he had prepared to our Minister to Japan. I did not like it, nor have I been favorable to the course which our Government and authority have in some respects pursued towards the Japanese. We Americans had found favor in their eyes above any Christian nation. To us they had opened ports and permitted trade. The English and French sought the same privilege; ultimately these countries and the Japanese became involved in hostilities, and the two powers had their fleets there. They intrigued to get us to unite with them. But the Japanese wanted no quarrel with us. Yet Mr. Pruyn, our then Minister, persuaded or directed Captain McDougal, commanding the Jamestown, to furnish a small detachment to go on board a small steamer which was chartered and entered, with the American flag, into the fight. Although performing little or no service, the two powers were delighted, extolled our men, who were mere spectators, gave honors to our officers, who rendered no service, and when the Japanese came to terms and agreed to pay three millions, it was insisted the Americans, with their little chartered steamer and with no expectation, should receive the same as the other powers with their large fleets and great expense. Of this money, called indemnity, three hundred thousand dollars have been received. The Japanese have now requested delay in the payment of the other installments. Seward's letter was very arrogant, dictatorial, and mandatory. This Government would consent to no delay; immediate and full payment must be promptly made, unless the two other powers decided on a different course, when our hostile policy would yield and conform to theirs. I was disgusted and said so.

There was, moreover, a by-transaction in which Thurlow Weed and Lansing of Albany, a brother-in-law of the Minister, were interested to the amount of several hundred thousand dollars in gold, which had been intrusted to their hands under the advisement of the Minister for building ships years ago. When the war came on in Japan these two gentlemen with Japanese money in their pockets desired our Government to take the vessel which they had then built. President Lincoln, when I declined the purchase, was appealed to. He had one or two interviews with me, and as I considered the proceeding improper he put his name to a paper expressing a wish that she might be taken into our service. But I was finally successful, though with much difficulty, in resisting the scheme. Difficulties between our Government and Japan on other subjects relieved Weed and company in their matters.

When, therefore, Seward read his letter to-day, I expressed a wish that if a refusal were to be sent, it might be less harsh. I preferred, if he so shaped our relations that we must be tied to England and France, they should take the initiative, and we, acting independently, should consent to a reasonable delay even if they did not assent. This, I thought, sufficiently humiliating. Seward was not pleased. Stanton saw the point of my suggestion and doubted whether we should complicate ourselves with the other powers. No other one made a remark or asked a question to draw me out. They saw, which indeed was very perceptible, that Seward was nettled, and they knew not the preceding history.

I took occasion, immediately after the adjournment, to inform the President of the main points and also McCulloch. On learning the facts, both declared themselves against Seward's letter. The President said he recollected former remarks of mine in Cabinet when the notice of the first installment was announced and Seward took great credit to himself for the money. I said it cost the nation dear.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 559-62

Diary of Gideon Welles, Friday, July 27, 1866

The naval nominations were confirmed as submitted. I have labored hard to have as little wrong committed as possible, and yet I fear injustice may have been done to some worthy officers.

Randall, appointed Postmaster-General in place of Dennison, this day attended the Cabinet-meeting, and Harlan sent in his resignation. He was at the meeting of the Cabinet, but made no mention of it at that time.

Mr. Stanbery, the Attorney-General, read the rough notes, as he called them, of an embryo report on the subject of filling vacancies. The paper possesses ability.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 563

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, April 18, 1866

The President was to have sent me word when he would see Captain McKinstry, but, having failed to do so, I called on him to-day and he appointed this evening or any hour to-morrow.

Some conversation took place on the subject of New York appointments. I congratulated him that he had got the Collector and Attorney off his hands, and though I had personally but slight knowledge of either, it seemed to me they were as good as any of the candidates named. The President said he found New York broken up into cliques; that he could satisfy neither without dissatisfying all others. That all had selfish objects of their own to gratify and wished to use him for their own personal ends.

The conduct of Morgan had, he said, been very extraordinary. In all his conversations he had expressed himself in accord with the Administration on the question of the Civil Rights Bill and the veto. But he wanted the nomination of Collector should be sent in before the vote was taken, was particularly urgent on Monday morning, and from what had since transpired there was, he thinks, a sinister design. Results had shown that it was well he did not comply with Morgan's urgent request.

In nominating Stanbery to the Supreme Court, he had a desire to get a sound man on the bench, one who was right on fundamental constitutional questions. Stanbery, he says, is with us thoroughly, earnestly.

Alluding to certain persons in the Cabinet, he expressed himself with much feeling and said a proper sense of decency should prompt them to leave, provided they were not earnestly and sincerely with the Administration.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 487