Showing posts with label Anti-Abolitionists. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Anti-Abolitionists. Show all posts

Thursday, September 10, 2026

John A. Quitman to his brother, October 17, 1835

Monmouth, Oct. 17th, 1835.

To show you that I am not wasting the prime of life in ignoble ease, I may mention that I am a senator in the Legislature, President of the State Rights Association, President of the Anti-abolition Society, of the Anti-gambling Society, of the Anti-dueling Society, of the Mississippi Cotton Company, of the Railroad Company, Director of the Planters' Bank, Grand Master Mason, Captain of the Natchez Fencibles, Trustee of Jefferson College and of the Natchez Academy, besides having charge of a cotton and a sugar plantation, and 150 negroes. You may readily imagine I am not much troubled with ennui, and that time seldom lags upon my hands. I have a higher ambition to be a useful member of society than to bear a more conspicuous and sounding title.

The excitement that existed in the upper part of this state last summer, like most other excitements about negro insurrections, was more that of indignation than fear.1 Indeed, every day's experience and observation convince me that our domestic institutions are based upon a more solid foundation than those of the nonslaveholding states. Admitting the remote chance of partial insurrectionary movements here, which the moment they are known would be suppressed, yet you are in more real danger from the gradual and sapping tendency of agrarian and fanatical doctrines which, it is evident, are rapidly making way at the North. Should we ever live to see the proud institutions of our country overthrown, you may be assured the last retreat of freedom will be in the South. I may be an enthusiast on this subject, and I will not undertake, in a letter, to advance arguments upon a topic on which I have reflected much, but I think I can demonstrate that our institution of domestic slavery is in harmony with, and almost indispensable to a constitutional republic.

You refer to the politics of Mississippi. We have in the new sections of the state a recent population whose political complexion has not yet been ascertained, but, so far as I can judge, the people of this state are one third for Van Buren, one third Nullifiers, and one third Whigs. The two latter parties will vote for Judge White for President. No man believes that Van Buren has the least chance of getting the vote of Mississippi. His party is losing ground daily. Our elections come on in a fortnight.

There is war in Texas. Were I without family, I would repair there immediately. Freemen who are struggling for their violated rights should not be left to struggle unaided.2
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1 In allusion to what was called the Murrell excitement, growing out of the revelations of one Virgil A. Stuart, a notorious scamp. An organized band, very much like John Brown's, was said to have been formed, and a general insurrection was to occur on a certain day. In the central counties martial law was declared; committees of safety and armed patrols were established; many suspected persons were arrested and hung. Stuart was made the guest of the state, and received every where with manifestations of public gratitude. Large sums of money and costly presents were given to him. He is now known to have been an impostor. The whole story was a fabrication. Murrell was simply a thief and counterfeiter, and Stuart was his subordinate, who, having quarreled with him, devised this plan to avenge and enrich himself. The whole "plot," and its tragical consequences, may now be regarded as one of the most extraordinary and lamentable hallucinations of our times.

2 See Major General Sam Houston to General John A. Quitman, February 12, 1836

SOURCE: John F. H. Claiborne, Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, Vol. 1, pp. 138-9

Saturday, May 5, 2018

Gerrit Smith’s Resolutions Presented at the Convention of the New York Liberty Party, July 3, 1849

Cazenovia, July 3, 1849

1. Resolved, That we recognize the broadest principles of democracy and the right, irrespective of sex, or color, or character, to participate in the selection of civil rulers.

Passed unanimously.

2. Resolved, That when we admit that our hope of the establishment of righteous civil governments on the earth is in the prevalence of Christianity, we, of course, do not mean that spurious, or that mistaken Christianity, which upholds unrighteous civil governments, and which votes civil offices into the hands of anti-abolitionists, and land-monopolists, and other enemies of human rights.

Passed unanimously.

3. Resolved, That by our love of righteous civil government, of God and of man, we are bound to frown upon the public missionary associations of the world; — nearly all their politically voting members voting on the side of the diabolical conspiracies which have, in all nations, usurped the place and name of civil government—and such conspiracies being the preeminent hindrance to the establishment of righteous civil government, and to the spread of human salvation and blessedness.

Passed with but one dissenting voice.

4. Resolved, That the government which will not, or cannot, protect the lives and property of its subjects from the traffic in intoxicating drinks, is utterly unworthy of the name of civil government.

Passed unanimously.

5. Resolved, That it may be better to resort to revolution, than to submit to a government which compels its subjects to pay the debts of their ancestors.

Passed unanimously.

6. Resolved, That while we allow government to draw on posterity for the expense of wars, it is idle to hope that there will not be wars.

Passed unanimously.

7. Resolved, That no just nation need lay its account with being ever involved in war; and, hence, that no just nation can have any excuse or plea, whatever, for wasting the earnings of its subjects upon fortifications and standing armies and navies.

Passed unanimously.

8. Resolved, That the Federal Constitution clearly requires the abolition of every part of American slavery; and that the Phillipses, and Quinceys, and Garrisons, and Douglasses, who throw away this staff of anti-slavery accomplishment, and chime in with the popular cry, that the constitution is pro-slavery, do, thereby, notwithstanding their anti-slavery hearts, make themselves practically and effectively pro-slavery.

Passed unanimously.

9. Resolved, That law is for the protection, not for the destruction of rights; and that slavery, therefore, inasmuch as it is the preeminent destroyer of right, is (constitutions, statutes, and judicial decisions to the contrary notwithstanding) utterly incapable of legalization.

10. Resolved, That whether men cry “no political union with slaveholders,” or “no political union with gamblers,” or “no political union with drunkards,” they do, in each case, proceed upon the absurd supposition, that, instead of being necessarily identified with the whole body politic in which their lot is cast, they are at liberty to choose their partners in it, and to dissolve their national or state tie with this slaveholder in Massachusetts, or that gambler in Pennsylvania, or that drunkard in Virginia.

Passed unanimously.

11. Resolved, That land-monopoly is to be warred against, not only because it is the most wide-spread of all oppressions, but because it is preeminently fruitful of other forms of oppression.

Passed unanimously.

12. Resolved, That the governments which deny to their subjects the liberty to buy and sell freely in all the markets of the world, are guilty of invading a natural and a precious right.

Passed unanimously.

13. Resolved, That government will never be administered honestly and economically, until its expenses are defrayed by direct taxes; and that said taxes, to be justly assessed, must be assessed according to the ability of the payers, rather than according to their property.

Passed unanimously.

14. Resolved, That not only is it true, that the member of a proslavery church is untrusty on the subject of slavery, but that, (considering how, with rare exceptions, sectarians yield to their strong temptations to sacrifice truth and humanity on the altar of sect) it is also true, that the member of a sectarian church is not to be fully relied on for unswerving fidelity to the cause of righteousness.

Passed unanimously.

15. Resolved, That the genius both of Republicanism and Christianity forbids concealment, and that secret societies, therefore, do not only not promote either, but do hinder and endanger both.

Passed unanimously.

16. Resolved, That our only hope of the Whig and Democratic parties — parties so long wedded to slavery and other stupendous wrongs — is in their breaking up and ruin.

Passed unanimously.

17. Resolved, That, whilst we rejoice in the faithful testimonies and efficient labors of the Free Soil Party, against the extension of slavery, it must, nevertheless, be a poor, unnatural, absurd, inhuman, anti-republican, unchristian party, until it array itself against the existence as well as against the extension of slavery.

Passed unanimously.

18. Resolved, That the Liberty Party, though reduced in numbers, is not reduced in principles or usefulness — nor in the confidence, that its honest and earnest endeavors for a righteous civil government, will yet be crowned with triumph.

Passed unanimously.

19. Resolved, That, whilst we respect the motives of those who propose to supply the slaves with the Bible, we, nevertheless, can have no sympathy with an undertaking which, inasmuch as it implies the pernicious falsehood that the slave enjoys the right of property and the right to read, goes to relieve slavery, in the public mind, of more than half its horrors and more than half its odium.

Passed, but not unanimously.

20. Resolved, That, instead of sending Bibles among the slaves, we had infinitely better adopt the suggestion in the memorable Liberty-Party Address to the slaves, and supply them with pocket-compasses, and, moreover, if individual or private self-defence be ever justifiable, and on their part ever expedient, with pocket-pistols also — to the end, that, by such helps, they may reach a land where they can both own the Bible and learn to read it.

Passed, but not unanimously.

21. Resolved, That we welcome the appearance of the book, entitled, “The Democracy of Christianity;” and that we should rejoice to see every member of the Liberty Party supplying himself with a copy of it.

Whereas, Lysander Spooner, of Massachusetts, that man of honest heart and acute and profound intellect, has published a perfectly conclusive legal argument against the constitutionality of slavery:

22. Resolved, therefore, that we warmly recommend to the friends of freedom, in this and other States, to supply, within the coming six months, each lawyer in their respective counties with a copy of said argument.

Passed unanimously.

23. Resolved, That we recommend that a National Liberty Party Convention be held in the city of Syracuse, on the 3d and 4th days of July, 1850, for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice President, and of adopting other measures in behalf of the cause of righteous civil government.

Passed unanimously.

24. Resolved, That a State Liberty Party Convention be held in the village of Cortland, on the first Wednesday of next September, for nominating State officers, and for other business.

Passed unanimously.

25. Resolved, That, not only with our Irish brother and our Italian brother, under their heavy and galling loads of civil and ecclesiastical despotism, do we sympathize, but, also, with our fellow-men everywhere — for, everywhere, in our priest, and demagogue, and despot ridden world, are our fellow-men suffering under civil or ecclesiastical despotism, or both; and nowhere in it is enjoyed the priceless and two-fold blessing of Christian democracy in the State, and Democratic Christianity in the Church.

Passed unanimously.

26. Resolved, That unwillingness to use the products of slave labor is a beautiful and effective testimony against slavery.

Passed unanimously.

Whereas, we rejoice to see the first number of the “Liberty Party Paper”—a paper which, we doubt not, will faithfully represent, and ably inculcate the principles of the Liberty Party:

27. Resolved, therefore, that we call on all the members of the Liberty Party to regard it as their first duty to that party, to subscribe for, and endeavor to induce others to subscribe for, this paper.

Passed unanimously.

28. Resolved, That we hear with profound sorrow, of the very severe, if not indeed entirely hopeless, sickness of our honored and beloved James G. Birney — a man who, for his wisdom, integrity, high and heroic bearing, deserves a distinguished place in the regards of his fellow-men.

Passed by a unanimous standing vote.

29. Resolved, That we honor the memory of Alvan Stewart, who, for so many years employed his remarkably original and vigorous powers in promoting the cause of liberty and the cause of temperance.

Passed unanimously by a standing vote.

Samuel Wells, Pres.



A. KINGSBURY
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} V. Pres.


J. C. HARRINGTON
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S. R. Ward
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} Sec’s


W. W. Chapman
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SOURCES: Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith: A Biography, p. 187-91

Monday, March 26, 2018

Diary of Gerrit Smith: September 2, 1835

We returned to Utica in time to attend  a great anti-abolition meeting. My friend J. A. S made a good speech in it — in the main very good. The proceedings, aside from this speech, were not agreeable to my feelings. Christian morality did not characterize them.

SOURCE: Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith: A Biography, p. 164