[February 15, 1865.]
I am glad of your
assurance, in harmony with Mr. Cobden's, that intervention is played out. I am
glad also of your speech. It amuses me to read the criticisms, which I can
appreciate at their value, as I have been exposed to the same. For years it was
said I was governed by hatred for the slave-masters, and did not care at all
for the slaves. Oh, no! not at all.
You will read the
report of the conferences.1 It appears that the President was drawn
into them by the assurances of General Grant, who was led to expect something.2
Perhaps the country sees now more clearly than ever that the war must be pushed
to the entire overthrow of the rebel armies. The interview was pleasant. Seward
sent the commissioners on their arrival three bottles of choice whiskey, which
it was reported they drank thirstily. As they were leaving, he gave them a
couple of bottles of champagne for their dinner. Hunter, who is a very
experienced politician, and had been all his life down to the rebellion, in
Washington, said, after the discussions were closed, “Governor, how is the
Capitol? Is it finished?” This gave Seward an opportunity of
picturing the present admired state of the works, with the dome completed, and
the whole constituting one of the most magnificent edifices of the world.
Campbell, formerly of the Supreme Court of the United States, and reputed the
ablest lawyer in the slave States, began the conference by suggesting peace on
the basis of a Zollverein, and continued free-trade between the two sections,
which he thought might pave the way to something hereafter; but he could not
promise anything. This was also the theory of the French minister here, M.
Mercier, now at Madrid, who insisted that the war must end in that way. It was
remarked that the men had nothing of the haughty and defiant way which they had
in Washington formerly. Mr. Blair, who visited Richmond, still insists that
peace is near. He says that the war cannot go on another month on their side
unless they have help from Louis Napoleon. But here the question of a
monarchical government may arise. Jefferson Davis, whom he describes as so
emaciated and altered as not to be recognized, sets his face against it. He
said to Mr. Blair that “there was a Brutus who would brook the eternal devil as
easily as a king in Rome;” and he was that Brutus in Richmond.
Meanwhile the war
goes on with converging forces. Mr. Stanton was with me yesterday, and gave me
fully his expectations. He thinks that peace can be had only when Lee's army is
beaten, captured, or dispersed , and there I agree with him. To that end all
our military energies are now directed. Lee’s army is sixty-five thousand men.
Against him is Grant at Petersburg, a corps now demonstrating at Wilmington,
and Sherman marching from Georgia. The latter will not turn aside for Augusta
or Charleston, or any fortified place, but will traverse the Carolinas until he
is able to co-operate with Grant. You will see from this statement something of
the nature of the campaign. Mr. Stanton thinks it ought to be finished before
May. I have for a long time been sanguine that after Lee’s army is out of the
way the whole rebellion will disappear. While that is in a fighting condition
there is still a hope for the rebels, and the Unionist of the South are afraid
to show themselves.
I am sorry that so
great and good a man as Goldwin Smith, who has done so much for us, should fall
into what Mr. Canning would call “cantanker.” He rushed too swiftly to his
conclusion;3 but I hope that we shall not lose his powerful support
for the good cause. I have felt it my duty to say to the British charge here
that nothing could be done to provide for British claims on our government
arising out of the war, which are very numerous, until Lord Russell took a
different course with regard to ours. He tosses ours aside haughtily. I am
sorry, for my system is peace and good-will, which I shall try in my sphere to
cultivate, but there must be reciprocity.
P. S. Did I
mention, as showing the good nature of the peace conferences, that after the serious
discussions were over, including allusions on the part of the rebels to what
was gently called “the continental question.” Mr. Stephens asked the President
to send back a nephew of his, a young lieutenant, who was a prisoner in the
North! The President said at once, “Stephens, I’ll do it, if you will send back
one of our young lieutenants.” It was agreed; and Mr. Stephens handed the
President on a slip of paper the name of his nephew, and the President handed
Mr. Stephens the name of an officer of corresponding rank. This was the only
stipulation on that occasion; and the President tells me it has been carried
out on each side. Mr. Schleiden, the new minister of the Hanse Towns to London,
has been long in Washington, and knows us well. Few foreigners have ever
studied us more. I commend him to you and Mr. Cobden.
_______________
1 At Hampton Roads, February 3, between Mr.
Lincoln and Mr. Seward on the one side, and Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell on
the other.
2 Nicolay and Hay's “Life of Lincoln,” vol.
x. p. 127.
3 Reply of Goldwin Smith in Boston “
Advertiser," January 28, to his critics, — Theophilus Parsons and George
Bemis.
SOURCE: Edward Lillie Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Volume 4, p. 205-6
