Washington Aug. 13, 1850.
MY Dear Sumner:
I heard of the death of your brother with real sorrow and with a true sympathy
for you. It was a sad aggravation of the calamity that he perished so
near the end of his voyage, just as he was about to step on threshold of his
home. I have been taught the great lesson of sympathy in the school of
bereavement. Often and often has the blow fallen upon me — so often indeed that
now, at length, I live like Damocles, with a visible sword suspended over my
head. It is not two weeks since my youngest child, of one single year,
co-changed mortality for immortality, and the health of Mrs. Chase is so
precarious that I have no respite from intense solicitude. You may well suppose
that under the circumstances public life is irksome to me. Gladly would I
retire and leave its duties and distinctions — the latter as worthless as the
former are august and important — to others. But I seem to myself to have no
choice. So few are faithful to Freedom — so few seem to have any real
heartiness in the service of the country — that I feel as if it would be
criminal in me to think of retiring so long as those who have the power have
the will also to keep me at my post. This piece of egotism is but a
preface to somewhat I have to say further. I see you have been nominated for
Congress by the Free Democracy of the Suffolk District. I know your innate
aversion to an election contest and I can well understand how this aversion
must be enhanced by your present circumstances. But, my dear friend, you must
not decline, nor even show any repugnance to acceptance. It is a time of trial
for the Friends of Freedom. The short-lived zeal of many has waxed cold.
Hunkerism everywhere rallies its forces, and joins them to those of slavery.
Our side needs encouragement — inspiriting. You are looked to as a leader. You
know it though your modesty would fain disclaim the title and shun the
position. Your face must now be set as a flint and your voice sound like a
clarion. You must not say “Go”! but “Follow”! Take the position assigned to
you; and if Websterism must prevail in the Capital of Massachusetts — if Boston
is to be yoked in with Slavehunters and their apologists, let no part of the
sin lie at your door.
Here we are getting on as usual. We have ordered the Bill
for the admission of California to be engrossed for a third reading to-day
and should have passed it but for the yielding of Douglas, who, as chairman of
the Committee on Territories has charge of the bill, to a motion for
adjournment. It will probably pass before this reaches Boston. This is some
compensation for the disgraceful surrender to Texas sealed by the passage of Pearce's
bill which gives ten millions of dollars and half of New Mexico for a relinquishment
by Texas of her “claim” —that is the word in the bill — to the other half. This
is the first fruit of the Compromise Administration. This is their first
measure.
Poor Chaplin.1 You have seen the story of his
arrest and imprisonment. I am very sorry for him, for he is a brave and true
man, though I cannot approve of his course of action. Write me soon and believe
me, faithfully and cordially your friend
[SALMON P. CHASE.]
_______________
1 William L. Chaplin, while in Washington as the
correspondent of his paper, The Albany Patriot, had been arrested for assisting
two slaves, the property of Robert Toombs and A. H. Stephens, respectively, to
escape. Later, on the advice and with the help of his friends, he forfeited his
bail and escaped trial. W. H. Siebert, The Underground Railroad, 175-176; H.
Wilson, The Slave Power, II, 80-82.
SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual
Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol.
2, p. 214-6
