BOYDTON, [VA.],
March 29, 1850.
DEAR HUNTER: I write
to impose a little labour upon you, or rather I should say, trouble, but not
more, than under a change of circumstances, I would cheerfully encounter for
you. You know, I file and preserve in the form of a Book, Speeches, which well
discuss, great political topics before Congress. I have procured a pamphlet
copy of your very fine speech on the Austrian question. I thank you for
delivering that speech. I wish you would send me, pamphlet copies of the
speeches of Mr. Berrien and Mr. Webster, on the Slavery Question. And I should
like to have a copy of Sewards Speech, if you think you can send it, without
violating the Law against the circulation of incendiary publications; and even
if you dread to encounter such a penalty, I promise not to inform against you,
as I really want the speech, to enable me to contemplate the whole extent of
this fearful subject.
If I were in
Washington at this time, I would do what I never have done. I would call on
Daniel Webster to pay him my respects. I know very well, he would regard it as
a matter of the utmost insignificance even if he thought of it at all, but I
would do so for my own gratification. I feel for him now, a higher respect than
I ever did before, and more than I thought I could cherish for the greatest,
the ablest, the most dangerous advocate, of the broadest construction of our
Federative Compact—the Con[stitution] of U[nited] S[tates]—a Compact, which he
calls Government, Government, invested with the highest attributes of
Sovereignty, and for which, he challenges my highest allegiance. But it appears
to me that this Slavery Speech, has established a claim to my gratitude. It
could only have originated in a patriotic heart. It could only have been
expressed by a generous mind. If we except, every thing which refers to California,
and the allusion to the appropriation of Federal Money, to the deportation of
Free Blacks (which he designed as a liberal concession) I should be happy to
have carried out, the eloquent suggestions, of his eloquent discourse.
I sincerely hope,
there may be speedily evinced at the North, a determined purpose of adopting
and acting out these suggestions. Such a manifestation would be hailed with
general joy at the South. So far as I have been able to observe and to form a
conjecture of public sentiment, there is an obvious reluctance to take the
initiative, but yet a firm, determined fixed purpose, to defend and maintain
our social rights, and our political equality. It would be a fatal error on the
part of the North, to mistake prudence and caution, for doubt and timidity.
They may rely upon it, the subject has been painfully considered, and the decision
unalterably made. If the North shall fail to exhibit a spirit of Moderation and
pacification, before the Nashville Convention shall be holden, no human
sagacity can foresee the consequences. That body will consist of men, for the
most part anxious to preserve the Union, but firmly resolved to save the South.
The safety of the South is the leading, the prevailing object, and the
predominant idea. In the examination of their perils, and the consideration of
their wrongs, the most temperate debate will glow with animation, and
moderation itself, will kindle into rage. Who shall control their conclusions,
or give law to their acts? Whatever their action may be, unless marked by
tameness, it will be sustained by the Southern mind. In the beginning, there
may be some diversity, but it will soon come to pass, that, contending Parties
will vie with each other, and contest the supremacy of acrimony against the
North. We will turn from the contemplation of this melancholy condition of
things. With a heart all Southern, and a mind, painfully impressed, by the
cruel wrong already suffered, and the flagilous outrage held in reserve; with a
resolution immutably fixed, I yet pray the Genius of Webster may prevail, to
save the Union, and give peace and harmony to the Land.
I must rely on your
generosity to protect me against the charge of presumption, in venturing to
allude to such a topic.
Present me
affectionately to Mason. I thank him for the many public documents which he has
sent me. Tell him, I claim as a matter of right, a copy of every speech, made
by you or himself, in the Senate, and which shall reach the pamphlet edition.
I pray you to offer
to Mr. Calhoun, assurances of my highest respect and kindest regard. I devoured
his late Speech and thank him for the copy he sent me. I called a few days
since on an old friend, a cankered Hunker, who, in dispite of the kindest
relations between us, has perversely persecuted me through life, as a Nullifier
Disunionist and Worshiper of John C. Calhoun. He met me with the exclamation
"I acknowledge Mr. Calhoun is the greatest man now living. He has made it
all as plain as day, why did we not see it before?"
This cankered Hunker
is prepared to rush to any extreme. What is the madness of the North. I beg
your pardon, Hunter. I know you rarely read more than one paragraph in a
letter. You note that a bore if it contain three lines. You will read the last
of this as it mentions our illustrious friend.
[P. S.] Can you
spare time to write me, what you all wish us all to do. Snow 5 Inches on 28
March.
* A State rights
Democrat and a Representative from Virginia in Congress, 1841-1843, 1853-1859.
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